Schenken Suzanne O’Dea. From Suffrage to the Senate: An Encyclopedia of American Women in Politics (2 Volumes)

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campaign becomes truly effective when those who believe in their candidate pull

out all the stops.

One of the other most difficult problems I faced was that many of my won-

derful women’s movement supporters did not understand that I both wanted and

needed to talk about issues other than equal rights, abortion and child care. As

you know, I am a strong supporter of all of these issues but in a campaign, there

is a great deal of other ground to cover. Senior citizens don’t really give a hang

about abortion and homosexuals are more concerned with their own situation

than the status of the Equal Rights Amendment.

Further, and this is critical to the discussion we will enter into at this con-

vention, different women view different segments of the women’s movement

agenda as priority items.

The movement has, for the most part, been led by educated white middle-

class women. There is nothing unusual about this. Reform as movements are usu-

ally led by the better educated and better off. But, if the women’s movement is to

be successful you must recognize the broad variety of women there are and the

depth and range of their interests and concerns. To black and Chicano women,

picketing a restricted club or insisting on the title Ms. are not burning issues.

They are more concerned about bread-and-butter items such as the extension of

minimum wage, welfare reform and day care.

Further, they are not only women but women of color and thus are subject

to additional and sometimes different pressures.

For example, the black experience in America has not been one of unbridled

success for black men. Indeed, there have been times when discrimination and

the economic situation were such that it was easier for a black woman to get a job

than her husband. Because of this, anything that might be construed as anti-male

will be viewed skeptically by a black woman.

Indeed this is a problem not only for black women but most women.

If this caucus is to have a real impact, we must have a broad base and appeal

to the average woman.

Unfortunately, the movement is currently perceived as anti-male, anti-child,

and anti-family.

Part of this is bad press. The media does not concentrate on the blue-haired

lady in pearls testifying on behalf of the equal employment opportunities bill. It

trains its eyes on the young girl shaking her fist and screaming obscenities at an

abortion rally.

Part of it is that many of the leaders of the movement have down-graded

traditional roles in their attempts to show abuses and to affirm the right of a

woman to have a choice of roles to play.

Finally, there have been excesses. Not all sexual advances are sexist. Children

are more than a pile of dirty diapers, and families while they have often restricted

women, have also provided warmth, security, and love.

If we are to succeed in uniting ourselves and in attracting the typical woman

who is likely to be a housewife and mother who likes living in suburbia, we are

going to have to make a concerted effort to articulate issues so that everyone will

want to be identified with and active in the movement.

Address delivered before the National Women’s Political Caucus Convention,

Houston, February 9, 1973. Reprinted by permission.

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Exploratory Committee Announcement Speech, Elizabeth Dole, 1999

Hello. Thank you for tuning in.

I know your life is busy: so many things you need to do and not enough

time for what you want to do, so, thanks for choosing to spend a few minutes with

me. I promise to be brief. But I have some thoughts I’m eager to share with you

about the future of our country. And I’d like to talk a little about my own sense

of obligation as a citizen of the freest land on earth.

As you know, I have been thinking about running for President.

Since I left the American Red Cross, January 15th, I’ve been traveling

around the country, and I’ve been humbled by the response. It’s been inspiring to

appear before overflow crowds in such places as New Hampshire, Iowa, Colorado,

Florida, and Texas. It’s been that way everywhere, but I don’t think I’m the cause.

I think the crowds and the enthusiasm are evidence of a great American yearning

to make our nation a better place.

Yes, I’ve seen many Presidential campaigns up close. I know what they en-

tail. And I know a run for the Presidency should be undertaken only if you believe

in something so strongly that its accomplishment makes everything worthwhile.

And if I run, this will be why: I believe our people are looking for leaders

who will call America to her better nature. Yes, we’ve been let down—and by peo-

ple we should have been able to look up to. But it’s not just that. Politics and the

politics of governing have become so negative, so paralyzed by special interests,

that as a people we’re beginning to lose faith in our own institutions. It’s only a

short step to losing faith in ourselves, and then we would be lost.

When I entered public service as a young woman, it was considered a noble

thing to do. Today, too many of our young men and women can’t see the won-

drous possibilities of public life for the ugliness of politics. And they turn away

from public service.

We must rekindle a spirit in our hearts—something very American, something

still alive but buried beneath a thickening layer of skepticism and doubt. We must re-

new faith in the goodness of our nation, and a sense in ourselves that each one of us

can make a difference—no matter how large the challenge. For both are true.

Restoring a national belief in the power of the individual and the need for

acceptance of personal responsibility is, I believe, at the center of our challenge

today as a nation.

What does a woman like me have to offer the country? I’m not a politician,

and frankly today I think that may be a plus. But I have spent a lifetime as a ser-

vant of the public. I have served in the administrations of five Presidents. Some

of those jobs have included Federal Trade Commissioner, Ronald Reagan’s White

House staff, and the Reagan and Bush cabinets as Secretary of Transportation and

Secretary of Labor. Working with committed teams of public servants and vol-

unteers, I oversaw the largest privatization in government history when we sold

the government freight railroad, Conrail; I led the massive safety overhaul of our

nation’s airline inspection system and placed special emphasis on ensuring pas-

senger safety in the age of deregulation; worked to untangle years of suspicion

and mistrust in ending a crippling coal strike while at the Department of Labor;

and, as President of the Red Cross, a $2.2 billion dollar corporation—trans-

formed the manner in which half our nation’s blood supply is collected, tested

and distributed, creating a new gold standard for safety and reliability.

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I mention all this to point out that if there is an overriding theme to my

thirty-plus years in public life—and I think there is—it lies in placing service over

politics, consensus over confrontation and a constant recognition of the desire of

my fellow countrymen to do what is right.

If today’s politics seem irrelevant, it falls to us—all of us—to make them

more relevant. If public life is lacking in civility, then it is our common task to

help civilize it.

But what are the issues we want our leaders to address? I’m proud to have

served as a lieutenant in Ronald Reagan’s army. He was sure of his mission and

his policies revolutionized our economy.

And I can well remember when President Reagan asked the telling question:

“Are you better off today than you were four years ago?” Perhaps the question we

should be asking today is: Are we better? Are our families stronger? Are our pub-

lic schools committed first to excellence? Are our children safe from drugs? Do we

assume responsibility for our culture and our choices? And have we shouldered

the burden incumbent on each generation of Americans to man and maintain a

national defense with the wherewithal to keep us free?

Today our taxes have reached the highest percentage of gross domestic

product in 50 years. The average American family spends 40 percent of its income

just paying the tax bill. According to the Tax Foundation, that means the family

spent more than 5 months in 1998 working for the government—in federal, state

and local taxes combined.

And today, defense spending has reached its lowest percentage of gross do-

mestic product in 50 years.

The readiness of our troops is in question and a whole generation of out-

dated military equipment is waiting to be replaced. The military has been down-

sized so far, many of our best people are leaving, and all this at a time when North

Korea is building nuclear bombs that could be ready to strike us within a year ac-

cording to the Secretary of Defense, and Iraq is manufacturing biological

weapons that could terrorize the world.

Today the United States reigns as the world’s only superpower. But rogue

nations and terrorists still threaten our people, our freedom and our way of life.

I believe there is an urgent need to refurbish our military and resolve to develop

and deploy a strategic missile defense system at the earliest possible date.

Another menace to our way of life lurks within our borders: the cancer of

drug abuse. It was recently reported that the head of the Drug Enforcement Agency

said, “The nation has neither the will nor the resources to win the drug war” and

“Curbing drug use is not a high enough priority with the American people.”

People tell me the polls show that drug abuse is not a priority issue. I believe

we should make it one. My passion doesn’t come from polling. I have a vision of

an America free of drugs. Like you, I’m appalled that marijuana and cocaine use

by teenagers tripled in recent years. . . . And together I know we can change that.

But first we have to recognize that it’s not enough to urge foreign countries to re-

duce the supply. Let’s be honest. There wouldn’t be a supply if there wasn’t a de-

mand. Can we stand by and allow the great United States of America to be con-

sumed by an insatiable appetite for this devastating addiction?

Of course not. America needs a President who will use the bully pulpit, and

from it speak out loudly and clearly and often about the dangers of drugs with

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the unmistakable message that drugs are not cool. They kill. The Federal Gov-

ernment must do a better job of supporting the hundreds of local anti-drug

coalitions. And, yes, we must strengthen our interdiction efforts to stop illegal

drugs before they reach our borders. At this moment when the number of Amer-

icans behind bars—most on drug-related charges—has never been greater, we

must make absolutely clear that drugs are a personal and national evil that

threatens us all.

But the challenges today to public education pose perhaps the greatest test

of our citizenship. I regard public education as one of the glories of American

democracy. Which is precisely why the number one priority of any education re-

form must be this: To restore our public schools to greatness.

I count as one of the most rewarding experiences of my life, teaching in a

public school near Boston while I was earning a graduate degree in education. I

learned in the classroom what a noble profession teaching really is.

And ever since then, I have refused to join those who often find it expedient

to turn teachers into rhetorical punching bags. Yes, we should expect the best out

of our teachers. Yes, we should reward outstanding performance. No, we should

not be expected to put up with incompetence. But let us never forget that the true

heroes of our society are not to be found on a movie screen or a football field—

they are to be found in our classrooms.

I doubt any of us remembers which federal official had primary responsi-

bility for education when we graduated from high school. But I bet each and

every one of us can remember the teacher who awakened in us a love of history

or a fascination with words.

It was at the Department of Labor when education truly became more than

an interest for me—it became a passion. Improving the skills of America’s current

and future workforce was for me a top priority.

Across the board, employers were insisting—and are insisting—on higher

skills and a better educated workforce.

And, I was hearing from employers that the preparation students were re-

ceiving in our classrooms was inadequate to meet the needs of our workplace.

From one corporate leader, I learned that four out of every five job applicants in

his company had recently flunked entry level employment exams requiring sev-

enth grade English skills, and fifth grade math.

We are the richest nation in the world. We can afford safer, newer classrooms

with smaller classes. Places where real knowledge is transferred by better-trained,

more accountable teachers. Where orderly, disciplined students stay in class more

hours during more days. If we take up this challenge across America, our public

schools will become again places where America’s separating classes can melt to-

gether, because rich and poor alike will freely choose them for their children.

There are many ideas to restore to local school districts, funds taken in taxes

by the Federal Government. We should do this, because local districts know best

what their schools need. Maybe it’s hiring more teachers, or raising their salaries

or fixing up falling down buildings. But the ultimate test of our resolve is not how

much money Washington gives to school districts. It’s how much control Wash-

ington gives back to parents and teachers.

By all means, let’s put a computer in every classroom. But let’s make sure to

put parents in every classroom as well. Parents will do what the government has

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not: ensure a zero tolerance for incompetence. We should test and track and act on

the results, holding teachers and principals and schools accountable for the success

of the children in their care. But if a child is trapped in an unsafe, failing school, we

must provide other answers, like a voucher to help parents select another school.

And I believe we must return teaching to the heart of the educational

enterprise.

Teaching needs to be supported, not only by rewarding excellence in teach-

ing, but by placing the training of teachers at the center of our higher education

system. I will be revealing nothing by saying that some of our schools of educa-

tion have not demanded nearly enough of their students, nor have they been ac-

corded the attention and support they would have in a properly constituted edu-

cational order. If teaching is to become a prestigious profession, teachers must

undergo rigorous training and hold prestigious degrees.

As we raise the regard for teachers, perhaps we can also reinstate regard for

public service. Because service to others—be it in the classroom, in government,

or at the local Red Cross—can and does bring out the best in ourselves.

In my eight years at the American Red Cross, I saw things that will haunt me

the rest of my life—the dim eyes of starving children in Somalia, the paralyzing

grief of parents in Oklahoma City, the despair of those family members who lost

loved ones and everything they owned to a tornado’s 260-mile-per-hour, terrify-

ing violence.

But I also saw the power of the human heart—of America’s heart: neighbors

helping neighbors after hurricanes, earthquakes and floods; Americans willing to

go to the other side of the globe to help those they didn’t know, and would never

see again—the victims of war and natural disaster.

As I travel this country, I am buoyed by the goodness of our citizens, the

clarity of your vision and the strength of your values. Which is why I am ready to

take the next step. This week, I have filed papers to form an exploratory commit-

tee. I will be reaching out to you. I want to listen, to hear your hopes and under-

stand your concerns—people to people. And I would like to ask for your support

and the support of people all across our country, as I explore a Presidential can-

didacy. I hope to see you soon on one of my next visits. You may also contact me

through my exploratory committee website, www.edole2000.org.

Like you, I love my country. And like you, I want to do whatever I can to

make it better. I believe the road ahead beckons to every American, for whom the

untraveled world is a place of limitless possibility. God willing, we will travel it to-

gether, with courage, confidence, and conviction, leaving no one behind, know-

ing that the future is our friend.

Thank you. God bless you. And may God bless America.

Reprinted with permission from the Elizabeth Dole campaign.

A New Beginning: A New Dedication, Rep. Barbara Jordan, 1976

One hundred and forty-four years ago, members of the Democratic party first

met in convention to select a presidential candidate. Since that time, Democrats

have continued to convene once every four years and draft a party platform and

nominate a presidential candidate. And our meeting this week is a continuation

of that tradition.

But there is something different about tonight. There is something special

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about tonight. What is different? What is special? I, Barbara Jordan, am a keynote

speaker.

A lot of years passed since 1832, and during that time it would have been

most unusual for any national political party to ask that a Barbara Jordan deliver

a keynote address...but tonight here I am.And I feel that notwithstanding the

past that my presence here is one additional bit of evidence that the American

Dream need not forever be deferred.

Now that I have this grand distinction what in the world am I supposed to

say?

I could easily spend this time praising the accomplishments of this party

and attacking the Republicans but I don’t choose to do that.

I could list the many problems which Americans have. I could list the prob-

lems which cause people to feel cynical, angry, frustrated: problems which include

lack of integrity in government; the feeling that the individual no longer counts;

the reality of material and spiritual poverty; the feeling that the grand American

experiment is failing or has failed. I could recite these problems and then I could

sit down and offer no solutions. But I don’t choose to do that either.

The citizens of America expect more. They deserve and they want more

than a recital of problems.

We are a people in a quandary about the present. We are a people in search

of our future. We are a people in search of a national community.

We are a people trying not only to solve the problems of the present: un-

employment, inflation . . . but we are attempting on a larger scale to fulfill the

promise of America. We are attempting to fulfill our national purpose; to create

and sustain a society in which all of us are equal.

Throughout our history, when people have looked for new ways to solve

their problems, and to uphold the principles of this nation, many times they have

turned to political parties. They have often turned to the Democratic party.

What is it, what is it about the Democratic party that makes it the instru-

ment that people use when they search for ways to shape their future? Well I be-

lieve the answer to that question lies in our concept of governing. Our concept of

governing is derived from our view of people. It is a concept deeply rooted in a

set of beliefs firmly etched in the national conscience, of all of us.

Now what are these beliefs?

First, we believe in equality for all and privileges for none. This is a belief

that each American regardless of background has equal standing in the public fo-

rum, all of us. Because we believe this idea so firmly, we are an inclusive rather

than an exclusive party. Let everybody come.

I think it no accident that most of those emigrating to America in the nine-

teenth century identified with the Democratic party. We are a heterogeneous

party made up of Americans of diverse backgrounds.

We believe that the people are the source of all governmental power; that

the authority of the people is to be extended, not restricted. This can be accom-

plished only by providing each citizen with every opportunity to participate in

the management of the government. They must have that.

We believe that the government which represents the authority of all the

people, not just one interest group, but all the people, has an obligation to actively

underscore, actively seek to remove those obstacles which would block individual

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achievement... obstacles emanating from race, sex, economic condition. The

government must seek to remove them.

We are a party of innovation. We do not reject our traditions, but we are

willing to adapt to changing circumstances, when change we must. We are willing

to suffer the discomfort of change in order to achieve a better future.

We have a positive vision of the future founded on the belief that the gap

between the promise and reality of America can one day be finally closed. We be-

lieve that.

This, my friends, is the bedrock of our concept of governing. This is a part

of the reason why Americans have turned to the Democratic party. These are the

foundations upon which a national community can be built.

Let’s all understand that these guiding principles cannot be discarded for

short-term political gains. They represent what this country is all about. They

are indigenous to the American idea. And these are principles which are not

negotiable.

In other times, I could stand here and give this kind of exposition on the be-

liefs of the Democratic party and that would be enough. But today that is not

enough. People want more. That is not sufficient reason for the majority of the

people of this country to vote Democratic. We have made mistakes. In our haste

to do all things for all people, we did not foresee the full consequences of our ac-

tions. And when the people raised their voices, we didn’t hear. But our deafness

was only a temporary condition, and not an irreversible condition.

Even as I stand here and admit that we have made mistakes I still believe

that as the people of America sit in judgment on each party, they will recognize

that our mistakes were mistakes of the heart. They’ll recognize that.

And now we must look to the future. Let us heed the voice of the people and

recognize their common sense. If we do not, we not only blaspheme our political

heritage, we ignore the common ties that bind all Americans.

Many fear the future. Many are distrustful of their leaders, and believe that

their voices are never heard. Many seek only to satisfy their private work wants.

To satisfy private interests.

But this is the great danger America faces. That we will cease to be one na-

tion and become instead a collection of interest groups; city against suburb, re-

gion against region, individual against individual. Each seeking to satisfy private

wants.

If that happens, who then will speak for America?

Who then will speak for the common good?

This is the question which must be answered in 1976.

Are we to be one people bound together by common spirit sharing in a

common endeavor or will we become a divided nation?

For all of its uncertainty, we cannot flee the future. We must not become the

new puritans and reject our society. We must address and master the future to-

gether. It can be done if we restore the belief that we share a sense of national

community, that we share a common national endeavor. It can be done.

There is no executive order; there is no law that can require the American

people to form a national community. This we must do as individuals and if we

do it as individuals, there is no President of the United States who can veto that

decision.

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As a first step, we must restore our belief in ourselves. We are a generous

people so why can’t we be generous with each other? We need to take to heart the

words spoken by Thomas Jefferson: “Let us restore to social intercourse that har-

mony and that affection without which liberty and even life are but dreary

things.”

A nation is formed by the willingness of each of us to share in the respon-

sibility for upholding the common good.

A government is invigorated when each of us is willing to participate in

shaping the future of this nation.

In this election year we must define the common good and begin again to

shape a common good and begin again to shape a common future. Let each per-

son do his or her part. If one citizen is unwilling to participate, all of us are going

to suffer. For the American idea, though it is shared by all of us, is realized in each

one of us.

And now, what are those of us who are elected public officials supposed to

do? We call ourselves public servants but I’ll tell you this: we as public servants

must set an example for the rest of the nation. It is hypocritical for the public of-

ficial to admonish and exhort the people to uphold the common good if we are

derelict in upholding the common good. More is required of public officials than

slogans and handshakes and press releases. More is required. We must hold our-

selves strictly accountable. We must provide the people with a vision of the future.

If we promise as public officials, we must deliver. If we as public officials

propose, we must produce. If we say to the American people it is time for you to

be sacrificial; sacrifice. If the public official says that, we (public officials) must be

the first to give. We must be. And again, if we make mistakes, we must be willing

to admit them. We have to do that. What we have to do is strike a balance between

the idea that government should do everything and the idea, the belief, that gov-

ernment ought to do nothing. Strike a balance.

Let there be no illusions about the difficulty of forming this kind of a na-

tional community. It’s tough, difficult, not easy. But a spirit of harmony will sur-

vive in America only if each of us remembers that we share a common destiny. If

each of us remembers when self-interest and bitterness seem to prevail, that we

share a common destiny.

I have confidence that we can form this kind of national community.

I have confidence that the Democratic party can lead the way. I have that

confidence. We cannot improve on the system of government handed down to us

by the founders of the Republic, there is no way to improve upon that. But what

we can do is to find new ways to implement that system and realize our destiny.

Now, I began this speech by commenting to you on the uniqueness of a

Barbara Jordan making the keynote address. Well I am going to close my speech

by quoting a Republican President and I ask you that as you listen to these words

of Abraham Lincoln, relate them to the concept of a national community in

which every last one of us participates: “As I would not be a slave, so I would not

be a master.”

This expresses my idea of Democracy. Whatever differs from this, to the ex-

tent of the difference is no democracy.

Delivered to the National Democratic Convention, July 12, 1976. Reprinted by

permission of the Barbara Jordan Archives, Texas Southern University.

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What the GOP Has Done for Women, Rep. Jennifer Dunn, 1996

When women back home in my district talk to me about what this Congress is

doing these days, I tell them that Congress is dealing with the very problems that

women are concerned about.

Well, what is it that we women care about?

We want opportunity for ourselves and our families.

We want some sense that there will be a retirement system we can count on.

We want a healthy environment.

We want a good education for our children.

We want personal safety.

We want health care security.

We want the folks who really need help in our society to get that help.

We want homemaker IRAs, because we know that the work done inside the

home is every bit as important, if not more important, as the work done outside

the home.

What has the Republican Congress done to answer these needs?

This Congress has indeed been supportive of women and the family. We

passed a $500 per child tax credit; we passed marriage penalty tax relief; we

passed tougher laws on sexual predators and stalkers; we are supporting employ-

ees having the option of selecting either time-off or cash instead of overtime

wages. For too long parents have had to choose between work and spending time

with their children. A working mother may prefer to see her daughter in a school

play rather than be paid time and a half for staying at her job. She should have

that choice.

And women care about their families. Much of what we care about concerns

the family. Don’t let the media fool you when they say this isn’t a “family friendly”

Congress. It may not seem so to those of us who spend hour after hour, day after

day, month after month fighting the battles in the Congress! But it truly is

friendly to families.

We increased day care money and child support enforcement provisions

in our welfare reform plan—$4.5 billion more dollars than the current welfare

system.

We support funding for the “Violence Against Women Act”—which will

help state and local governments to focus tax dollars on preventing crimes tar-

geted toward women, like domestic violence.

We support tax credits for couples who choose to adopt a child.

We support tax credits to help families care for elderly parents and grand-

parents in a loving home as long as they can stay there.

We passed the “Domestic Violence Insurance Protection Act”—which for-

bids insurance companies from treating domestic violence victims as having a

pre-existing condition.

We passed steps to amend Medicare regulations to include the treatment of

breast cancer with a proven cancer-stopping drug.

We support increased funding for women’s health care research—given how

hard this Congress has worked to balance the budget, an increase illustrates our

high level of commitment to women’s health issues.

And we have passed a bi-partisan “Safe Drinking Water Act” that has been

heralded by environmentalists.

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Please don’t believe the rhetoric—rather, look at our record and look at

what we’ve done.

For instance, take a look at our record on small business—the real engine

that creates new jobs and energizes the economy. Small business built this coun-

try. Today, more people are employed by women-owned small business than by

Fortune 500 companies. And according to the SBA, women are starting busi-

nesses at twice the rate of men. It is anticipated that women will own 50 percent

of the small businesses in America in the 21st Century.

What are these women small business owners and workers interested in?

Growth and prosperity, less regulation and lower taxes, common-sense

laws, and health insurance deductibility for the self-employed. Women small

business owners can be assured that their concerns are in sync with the Republi-

can Congress’ work on behalf of small business.

Look at what we’ve passed:

• regulatory relief

• paperwork reduction and elimination

• health care deductibility for the self employed

• we ensured the solvency of the principal lending programs at SBA

• we made tax compliance for “S” Corporations less complicated

• we provided small businesses the ability to quickly write-off the money

they spend on practical things like computers and office furniture

In fact, if Congress gets its way—and President Clinton keeps his veto pen

in his pocket—women business owners can expect sustained growth, more jobs

and better wages...sounds a bit like the American Dream, doesn’t it?

I’ve found that my women friends at home in Washington state care about

the very same things that this Republican Congress does: helping families keep

more of their paychecks so they can decide how to do more for their families and

their communities; saving Medicare for our parents and welfare for the folks who

are truly in need, and encouraging local answers as we solve the problems of in-

creasing crime, and declining education and protecting the environment.

Our solutions are not complicated. Our solutions do not require Congres-

sional studies, or committee hearings or “expert” testimony.

Our solution is to listen.

I’ve have found that if you listen to the American woman and respect her

advice, the answers are all right there.

According to Representative Dunn’s office this speech was given dozens of times

during the 1996 campaign on behalf of male Republican Congressional candidates.

Reprinted by permission.

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