
YIPPIESENCYCLOPEDIA OF POPULAR CULTURE
215
a demonstration which Rubin claimed as the birth of Yippie politics.
Frequently reviled by other New Left activist groupings for the
countercultural spirit and the carnival ethic which infused their
activism, the Yippies were renowned for a surreal style of political
dissent whose principle weapon was the public (and publicity-driven)
mockery of institutional authority of any kind. The Yippies’ departure
from an earlier generation of 1960s radicalism which had been seen
through the Civil Rights Act of 1964, and the first mass demonstration
against the Vietnam War the following year, is one way into the story
of what happened to the American New Left. Yippie activism
captured perfectly the chaotic final years of the ‘‘movement,’’ as the
New Left subsided into a factionalism and confusion over political
objectives which replaced the relatively focused thinking of the first
generation of 1960s radicals.
The politics which Hoffman and Rubin brought to Yippie
activism had its roots in the broad coalition of dissent which grew out
of the Civil Rights struggles of the early 1960s, and which, outside of
the southern states, grouped itself initially around Students for a
Democratic Society (SDS). Hoffman had worked for a northern
support group of the civil rights organization Student Nonviolent
Coordinating Committee (SNCC) before the group abandoned its
integrationist stance in 1966 and purged the organization of white
members. Rubin had enjoyed a high profile in the Free Speech
Movement (FSM) founded at Berkeley in 1964. But the presence of
poets (Allen Ginsberg) and musicians (Country Joe and the Fish, Phil
Ochs, the Fugs) in the founding ranks of the party is one way of
highlighting how far Yippie politics had travelled from the relatively
orthodox activist strategies of the first generation New Left. In the
place of politics, as such, Yippie activism preached the political
dimension of culture, stressing the subversive potential inherent in
spontaneous acts of individual dissent exercised through the free play
of imagination and the integration of an erotic theatricality into daily
life. SDS itself may never have adhered to a coherent political agenda,
but with Rubin and Hoffman, any attempt at sustaining a structured
theoretical programme was abandoned altogether. Separating itself
abruptly from the early New Left emphasis on community organizing
and relatively directed acts of protest, whilst retaining the New Left’s
pursuit of individual liberation, Yippie politics thus arrived as an
untheorised synthesis of 1950s ‘‘Beat’’ thinking, Dadaism, and
various positions taken within Marxist criticism from the 1930s
onwards (notably the thinking of Bertolt Brecht and Herbert Marcuse).
Summarized by Ochs as ‘‘merely an attack of mental disobedi-
ence on an obediently insane society,’’ the ‘‘cultural politics’’ of
Yippie took American state capitalism, the Vietnam War, and the
University as its principal targets, with Rubin and Hoffman staging a
range of theatrical street events in which the moral bankruptcy of ‘‘the
system’’ was exposed, or (ideally) was forced into exposing itself. As
early as 1965, Rubin could be found rehearsing the Yippie ethos
following his subpoena to appear before the House Un-American
Activities Committee (HUAC). Summoned before the Committee
alongside a group of radicals drawn mainly from the Maoist Progres-
sive Labor Party (PL), Rubin arrived in full American Revolutionary
War costume and stood stoned, blowing giant gum bubbles, while his
co-witnesses taunted the committee with Nazi salutes. In 1967,
Hoffman was among a group who scattered dollar bills from the
balcony of the New York stock exchange, whilst newspaper photog-
raphers captured the ensuing scramble for banknotes among the
stockbrokers on the floor below. In October of the same year,
Hoffman led a mass ‘‘exorcism of demons’’ during the March on
the Pentagon.
But it was in Chicago, during the Democratic Convention of
August 1968, that Yippie tactics were to find their defining moment.
With the war in Vietnam dragging on, and frustration mounting
among the various different groupings of the New Left, a series of
mass demonstrations were planned to coincide with the Convention.
From the very beginning, the lack of a coordinating voice or coherent
agenda threatened to collapse the demonstration from within and
bring violence to the streets of Chicago. All of the significant
dissenting groups apart from SDS agreed on the need for a large scale
protest of some kind, but each grouping had its own agenda. Dave
Dellinger of National Mobilization to end the War in Vietnam
(MOBE) argued for a combination of routine speeches, marches, and
picketing against the War, while the old guard of SDS made plans of
their own, independently of the reluctant SDS leadership. While
representatives of PL, the Black Panther Party (BBP), and New York
anarchist group the Motherfuckers also planned to attend in some
capacity, young Democrats sought to tie a more restrained demonstra-
tion to the proceedings of the Convention itself.
The confusion was compounded by local Chicago residents,
who turned out to stage a Poor People’s March, and by a late change
of heart by SDS who urged its members to attend. Against this
backdrop, Mayor Daley announced that he would turn Chicago into
an armed camp, and laid plans to call in the National Guard and the
United States Army. It was the perfect scenario for the Yippies’ own
brand of chaotic theatrical dissent. With Hoffman and Rubin at the
Yippie helm, the group embarked on a campaign of maximum
publicity and misinformation, first announcing that it would leave
town for $200,000, and then spreading the word that the City’s water
supply was to be contaminated with LSD. In Lincoln Park, the
Yippies staged a free-wheeling carnival, a ‘‘Festival of Life’’ in
opposition to the Convention’s ‘‘Festival of Death,’’ the high point of
which saw the nomination of a 150 pound pig named ‘‘Pigasus’’ as
the Yippie’s own presidential candidate (a direct reference to the
International Dada Fair of 1920, in which the figure of ‘‘Pigasus’’ had
made its first appearance). As had always seemed likely, the ‘‘Festi-
val of Life’’ was broken up by violent police action which escalated
over the following two days into a full blown riot, many officers
notoriously removing their identification badges before wading into
the crowds. Hoffmann and Rubin were arrested and charged with
conspiracy to commit violence, alongside representatives from SDS,
MOBE, and the BPP.
Before being given prison terms, Hoffman and Rubin used their
bail conditions to good effect, hounding the judge from table to table
while he lunched at a private members club, and then introduced
Yippie politics to the judicial process itself, appearing in court
dressed in judge’s clothes and the white shirt of a Chicago policeman.
Having summoned Ginsberg to appear before the court, the prosecu-
tion again drew attention to the cultural dimension of Yippie politics
by cross-examining the poet on the seditious (meaning homosexual)
content of his writings. The Yippies achieved massive press coverage
during and after the trial, and by the time that Hoffman and Rubin
were jailed in 1970, the pair had become international celebrities.
Rubin’s book Do It!, and Hoffman’s Revolution for the Hell of It
subsequently became international bestsellers. Although an organiza-
tion calling itself the Yippies continued to publish protest literature
into the 1980s, the party was more or less finished as an activist
political movement soon after the trial.
—David Holloway