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exploitation. Under the concept of extraterritoriality, British people and posses-
sions were exempted from native laws and authority (much as foreign diplomats
and embassies still are today). Therefore, British merchants and missionaries could
do what they wanted. The treaties also forced the Chinese to hand over parts of
several key ports, while British warships and troops could move at will throughout
China to defend British citizens and interests. In the next few years, the other West-
ern great powers bullied the Chinese into handing over these same privileges, one
by one. Westerners out to make a profit attacked and undermined Chinese society.
By 1900, the United States feared that other Western states might start to carve
up the weakened Chinese Empire into distinct economic and political zones. To
keep access to markets as free as possible, the United States advocated an ‘‘open
door’’ policy throughout China: promising mutual cooperation and no trade barri-
ers between Western imperialists. The open door policy merely meant that China
was open to being bought and sold in little bits by westerners rather than all at
once. The Chinese imperial government lacked the ability to resist.
Instead, a nativist movement sparked what the westerners called the Boxer
Rebellion (1900). The name ‘‘Boxer’’ came from an anti-Western society whose
symbol was the raised fist. The insurgents attacked foreigners all over China and
laid siege to hundreds of diplomats, soldiers, missionaries, and merchants in the
foreigners’ quarter of the capital city of Peking (today called Beijing). After only
fifty-five days, Western armies smashed the revolt and imposed more humiliating
treaties on China. Shortly after, in 1903, the incompetent empress who had man-
aged Chinese affairs for decades died, leaving only a child to inherit the crumbling
mechanisms of power. Without leadership, the empire fell to a republican revolt
in 1911. Western imperialists stayed and provoked terrible consequences in the
developing twentieth century, as explained in later chapters.
In Southeast Asi a between India and China, Siam (modern-day Thailand)
managed to negot iate for itself a spher e of in fluence ra ther than a more seriou s
takeover. The Br itish had conquer ed Burma to the west, as t he French sei zed
Indochina (what would become Viet nam, Laos, and Cambodia ) to the east. Yet
neither side was sure how to dominate the pow erfu l little state of S iam, which
was likely t o put up a fight. Inste ad, Siam became a b uffe r betwee n French a nd
British col onie s. It learned f rom both , althoug h the weste rn izin g influence of the
governess Anna Leono wens on ki ngs Mong kut (r. 1851–1 868) and Chulalongkor n
(r. 1868–19 10) has been exaggerat ed by modern musicals and films. Siam’s for-
ward-looki ng kings slowl y brough t Western ways into the co untry.
Meanwhile, Europeans confidently predicted that their humanitarian burden of
looking after the less-advanced peoples of the world would last far into the future.
This ‘‘caretaking,’’ however, was two-sided. On the one hand, Europeans could
point with pride to the construction of railroads, roads, harbors, large colonial
administration buildings, schools, hospitals, and military bases. Their laws and eco-
nomics brought a Western vision of order and growth to places once considered by
Europeans to be violent, barbaric, and stagnant. Christian missionaries were win-
ning converts. And to its everlasting credit, the West ended the international trade
in African slaves and did much to stop most other slavery. All humans became more
connected, for good or ill, than they ever had been before in history. The Europeans
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