Muthu S. Enlightenment against Empire
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324 NOTES TO PAGES 279–282
32. For accounts of the early development of the concepts of ‘race’ and ‘na-
tion’, see George W. Stocking, Jr., Race, Culture, and Evolution: Essays in the
History of Anthropology (New York: Free Press, 1968); Hugh Seton-Weston,
“Race and Nation”, in Nations and States (Boulder: Westview, 1977), 355–81;
and Hudson, “From ‘Nation’ to ‘Race’”, 247–64.
33. Cf. Istvan Hont, “The Permanent Crisis of a Divided Mankind: ‘Contem-
porary Crisis of the Nation-State’ in Historical Perspective”, in Contemporary
Crisis of the Nation-State? ed. John Dunn (Oxford: Blackwell, 1995), 166–231.
34. Pratap B. Mehta, “Liberalism, Nation, and Empire: The Case of J. S.
Mill”, paper presented at the American Political Science Association conference,
San Francisco, 1996.
35. John Stuart Mill, On Liberty and other writings, ed. Stefan Collini (Cam-
bridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989), 13.
36. Hegel, Philosophy of Right, 212–23; Karl Marx, Karl Marx on Colonialism
and Modernization, ed. Shlomo Avineri (New York: Doubleday, 1968).
37. See Alexis de Tocqueville, Writings on Empire and Slavery, ed. and trans.
Jennifer Pitts (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2001); Jennifer Pitts,
“Introduction”, ibid.; and Melvin Richter, “Tocqueville on Algeria”, Review of
Politics, 25 (1963).
38. Earlier Enlightenment denunciations of imperial injustices explicitly linked
European missionary work with brutal military conquests and the loss of political
independence for non-European peoples. Consider, for instance, Bayle’s defence
of the Japanese explusion of Christian missionaries as a rational response to the
first stage of what, in his view, would inevitably become a full-fledged imperial
assault. See Bayle’s entry for “Japan” in his Dictionnaire historique et critique
(1697); Pierre Bayle, Political Writings, ed. and trans. Sally L. Jenkinson (Cam-
bridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), 128–35.
39. It is important to note that the lack of German colonies in the non-Euro-
pean world, the success of the American colonists’ revolt against the British, and
the decline of French colonial holdings in the late eighteenth century (as a result
largely of the Seven Years’ War) did not lead Diderot, Kant, and Herder to believe
that European empires were in decline and, thus, that they represented an anti-
quated form of political rule. In fact, each of them considered European imperial-
ism to be an increasingly important factor in international relations, regardless of
the changing fortunes of particular imperial states and the fact that not all Euro-
pean societies had yet taken part in imperial rule abroad. It was precisely because
of their concerns about the growing strength of imperial politics that they saw
Europe as the chief instigator of injustices throughout the world.
40. In contrast, the development of less pejorative views of non-European
peoples and of a more inclusive moral outlook is often portrayed simply as a move
toward relativism and away from any form of universalism. See, for instance, Alan
Frost, “The perception of culture’s relativity in the second half of the eighteenth
century”, Studies in the Eighteenth Century, 5 (1983): 131.
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