Krishnamurti Bhadriraju. The Dravidian Languages

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Appendix:

Phonemic in

ventories of individual

languag

16 Kuvi (Israel 1979: §1)

Vowels

Length //, Nasalization

/∼/

Consonants

Stop p t

tkʔ

Affricate c

Sibilant s

Nasal m n

n˙n

Lateral l

Flap r

Fricative v y h

17 Pengo (Burrow and Bhattacharya 1970:1)

Vowels

i¯ıu¯u

e¯eo¯o

a¯a

Consonants

pb td

dcjkg

sz h

In the dialect reported by Burrow and Bhattacharya (1963), retroﬂex and velar nasals do not

occur. Spontaneous nasalization of vowels before y is reported, kriy

a ‘bee’, kriy

u ‘ear’

(Burrow and Bhattacharya 1963: 244).

72 Phonolo

gy: descriptive

Central Dravidian

18 Kolami (Emeneau 1961: §1)

Vowels

i¯ıu¯u

e¯eo¯o

a¯a

Consonants

Labial Labio-dental Dental Post-dental Retroﬂex Palatal Velar

Stop p b t d

dkg

Affricate c j

Sibilant s z

Trill r

Lateral l

Nasal m n

Fricative v y

19 Naik

ri (Thomasiah 1986: §1)

Vowels

i¯ıu¯u

e¯eo¯o

a¯a

Consonants

Labial Dental Alveolar Retroﬂex Palatal Velar Glottal

Stop p b t d

dkg

ph bh th dh

dh kh gh

Affricate c ˇcj

Nasal m n

Fricative v s h

Lateral l

Trill r

Semivowel y

Appendix:

Phonemic in

ventories of individual

languag

20 Parji (Burrow and Bhattacharya 1953: §1)

Vowels

i¯ıu¯u

e¯eo¯o

a¯a

Consonants

pb td

dcjkg

mn ˜n

[s h]

21 Ollari (Bhattacharya 1957: part I)

Vowels

i¯ıu¯u

e¯eo¯o

a¯a

Consonants

Labial Labio-dental Dental Post-dental Retroﬂex Palatal Velar

Stop p b t d

dkg

Affricate ts dz c j

Nasal m n (˜n)

Rolled r

Flapped

Lateral l

Fricative v y

Sibilant

There are some nasalized vowels of rare occurrence.

74 Phonolo

gy: descriptive

22 Gadaba (Bhaskararao 1998: 329ff.)

Vowels

i¯ıu¯u

e¯eo¯o

a¯a

Consonants

Labial Dental Retroﬂex Palatal Velar

Stops:

Voiceless p t

tck

Voiced b d

djg

Nasal m n

Fricative s

Trill r

Lateral l

Glide v y

North Dravidian

23 Ku

rux (Grignard 1924a: 1–15. Grignard’s classiﬁcation of consonants is

given as it is.)

Vowels

i¯ıu¯u

e¯eo¯o

a¯a

Nasalized vowels

˜ı

¯ı˜u

¯u

˜e

¯e(˜o)

¯o

(˜a)

¯a

There are some nasalized vowels of rare occurrence. Grignard reports that oral and nasal vowels

vary dialectally, e.g. e

¯od¯a ‘how many?’, mu

¯ı ‘face’. Grignard does not give any examples of

nasalized short vowels. So it appears that nasalization goes with length; diphthongs are treated

asaV+ y, both oral and nasal.

Appendix:

Phonemic in

ventories of individual

languag

Consonants

Gutturals k kh, kh ggh

Palatals c ch j,y jh

Cerebrals

dh,

Dentals t th d dh

Labials p ph b bh

Liquids l m n r

Sibilants, etc. s h w

Pfeiffer (1972: 8–11), following Pinnow (1964; IIJ 8: 32–59), sets up the Ku

rux phonemes as

follows:

Vowels

/i ə u

eao/

Nasalization /∼/ occurs with all vowels except /ə/. Grignard’s auxiliary vowels are not phonemic.

Consonants

Stops:

Voiceless p t

tckʔ

Voiced b d

djg

Nasals m n (

Fricatives s x h

Lateral l

Trills r (

Semivowels w y

The transcription is not phonemic nor is it purely phonetic. Notice the following statements of

Grignard: ‘ “kh

” , though totally different in pronunciation from “kh”, is really the same letter,

as is proved by the facility with which they interchange’. [footnote: m¯okh

n¯a ‘to eat’ mokhan ‘I

ate’, n¯ekhai or n¯ekh

ai ‘of whom?’.] Apparently there is free variation between kh = [x] and kh

conﬁned to some lexical items. He says further, ‘The surest method for correctly sounding n, ˙n,

˜n,

n is to give them no thought whatever ...these three extra sounds are automatic and purely

accidental modiﬁcations of the “n” sound which alone, all the time, is intended’ (1924a: 3).

Therefore, the nasals listed in the chart above are not phonemic. Grignard speaks of a vowel

hiatus, which is a name he gave to a ‘glottal stop’. It does vary with certain consonants /p k g/.

It occurs between vowels, e.g. ci’on [ciʔon] ‘I shall give’, ban’n¯a ‘to succeed’, ba’n¯a ‘to say’.

The ‘hiatus’ is ﬁlled by ‘a very short vowel sound for the sake of euphony’ (1924a: 6). ‘This

ﬂeeting sound is always, in nature, the reproduction (or anticipation) of the vowel; ...e.g. ba’an¯a,

n¯e’en¯a, ci’in¯a, etc.’ He suggests that the ‘euphonic’ vowel need not be written (1924a: 7).

76 Phonolo

gy: descriptive

24 Malto (Mahapatra 1979: 19–20)

Vowels

i¯ıu¯u

e¯eo¯o

a¯a

Consonants

Labial Dental Alveolar Retroﬂex Palatal Velar Uvular Glottal

Stop

Voiceless p t

tckq

Voiced b d

djg

Nasal m n ˜n˙n

Fricative ð s γ h

Trill r

Lateral l

Flap

Semivowel w y

25 Brahui

(Emeneau 1962d; Elfenbein 1997: 798–800, 1998: 392)

Vowels

i¯ıu¯u

¯e¯o

a¯a

Consonant-ending words in isolation take an enunciative u (Mahapatra 1979: 360). No aspirated

stops or nasal vowels are reported.

Short eoare allophones of ¯e¯o before conjunct consonants (Elfenbein 1998: 391–2).

Appendix:

Phonemic in

ventories of individual

languag

Consonants

Stops p b t d

d kg?

Affricate ˇcj

Fricative f x γ h

Spirant s z ˇsˇz

Nasal m n

ŋ)

Lateral



Flap r

Semivowel w y

Elfenbein 1998 shows /y/ under velars, but in 1997 under dentals; the former must be a misprint;

[h] of north corresponds to glottal stop of south initially and intervocalically; before a C in

word-ﬁnal position it is lost (1998: 393). Non-phonemic glottal stop before word-initial vowels,

e.g. hust (N),

ust (S) ‘heart’; [ ] and [l] freely vary in many cases; contrast is limited to two

or three items. Conditions for the emergence of [ ] are not clear. Bray transcribes the voiceless

[]aslh

.[ŋ] is not phonemic. [

r] does not occur word-initially. The consonants [p t k] freely

alternate with aspirated counterparts in the northeast. r →

r before t d s z in northern Brahui

(Elfenbein 1998: 394), e.g. x¯urt → x¯u

rt ‘tiny’. Aspirated stops word-initially occur in loanwords

in the south, where they freely vary with unaspirated stops.

The writing systems of the major

literary languages

3.1 Origins

The A´sokan Br¯ahm¯ı of the third century BCE is the mother of all major Indian scripts,

both Indo-Aryan and Dravidian. It was an alpha-syllabic script with diacritics used for

vowels occurring in postconsonantal position. It has separate symbols for the ﬁve primary

vowels a i u e o, twenty-ﬁve occlusives and eight sonorants and fricatives. The Br¯ahm¯ı

script was used in the rock edicts set up by the Mauryan Emperor A´soka to spread the

Buddhist faith in different parts of the country. The languages represented were Pali

and certain early regional varieties of Middle Indic. The origin of the Br¯ahm¯ı script is

controversial; nearly half of the characters are said to bear similarity to the consonant

symbols employed in the South Semitic script, eventually traceable to Aramaic script of

2000 BCE (Daniels and Bright 1996: §30, 373–83).

The writing was based on the concept of ak

sara or the ‘graphic syllable’, which has a

vowel as the

ﬁnal constituent, i.e. V, CV,

CCV, CCCV etc. Word-initial V

is written in its

primary form; in the postconsonantal position, the vowel is represented by a diacritic.

Similarly the ﬁrst consonant of a syllable has the primary consonant and all other con-

sonants following the ﬁrst one are represented by their secondary (diacritic) forms, e.g

<i> =

ç , <k> = ; but <ki> = ; <kt> = as opposed to <kata> . The A´sokan

script got diversiﬁed into regional

scripts over the next two thousand years. ‘Most of the

modern Indic scripts achieved their distinct forms between the tenth and ﬁfteenth cen-

turies.’ It originally developed into three major branches, western, northern and southern.

The southern branch led to two parent scripts, the Telugu–Kanna

da script on the one

hand, and the Tamil–Malay¯a

lam script, on the other (Daniels and Bright 1996: 373–9).

3.2 Telugu–Kanna

da script

A variety of Southern Br¯ahm¯ı script was earlier employed in Prakrit inscriptions and later

developed into Proto-Telugu–Kanna

da script by the sixth century AD, when the Telugu

and Kanna

da inscriptions begin to appear. This variety continued up to the ﬁfteenth

3.2 T

elugu–Kanna

da script 79

able 3.1a.

Evolution

of the

Telugu–Kanna

script from the

third century

BC to the

sixteenth century AD [a–

century AD with shared changes, after which Telugu and Kanna

da scripts diverged

and developed independently. The Chalukyan script of the last quarter of the eleventh

century represented the transitional phase which was used both for Kanna

da and Telugu

records. By the fourteenth century the Old Telugu and the Ha

laganna

da scripts had

distinct differences. Aspirated stops

had a vertical stroke underneath the letter in Telugu

which was absent in Kanna

da. The serif developed into a talaka

tu (check mark) in

Telugu and the bottom portions of all letters have developed circularity. New symbols

were attested in the inscriptions for <

r> = à , and <

z> = peculiar to the Dravidian

languages, from the ﬁfth century CE (T. Ramchandra 1993: chart opp. p.144). The

phoneme /

z/ was gradually replaced in speech by /

d r/ in Telugu and by /

l r/ in Kanna

in complementary environments even by the eleventh century, but the old symbol <

continued in the writing system for a long time even after the merger with the other

phonemes was completed. It was gradually discontinued after the thirteenth century.

Burnell says ‘these additional signs were the inventions of the people from the North’

(1968: 28). Distinct symbols for /r

r/ have continued into the modern period in Telugu

80 The writing

systems of

the literary langua

ges

able 3.1b.

Evolution

of the

Telugu

–Kanna

script from the

third century

BC to the

sixteenth century AD [

dh–

although the phonological difference between the two was lost nearly ten centuries ago.

The introduction of the printing mode has standardized the differences between the

Telugu and Kanna

da writing systems.

The following observations relate to modern scripts of Telugu and Kanna

da:

1. The vowels are written in their primary form when they

occur at the beginning of

a word. In all postconsonantal positions only the secondary forms or diacritics are

used, e.g. <a ¯a> Te./Ka.

@A/@A, but <ka k¯a> N

NØ /OÚ OÛ.

2. The ﬁrst member of a consonant cluster occurs in its primary form, all other conso-

nants that follow it occur in their secondary (diacritic) form. The vowel which ends

the orthographic syllable is added to the ﬁrst member of the cluster, e.g. Te./Ka.

<ty>

»R ù /}ÚÀ .

Exception: in Kanna

da consonant clusters beginning with r- show this as a diacritic

at the end of the cluster, e.g. <karta> Te.

RN L R ò , Ka. OÚ }Ú%.

3. Kanna

da and Telugu differ in their diacritics for long vowels, mainly in the case of

high and mid vowels, e.g. <k¯ı, k¯u, k¯e, k¯o> = Te.

NUNRWlN[N ¡; Ka. PÞ OÚà OæÞ OæàÞ.

4. When the consonant

is intended to be represented in its pure form, the check is

replaced by

% inTe.asin

and Ka.