Krishnamurti Bhadriraju. The Dravidian Languages

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Appendix:

Phonemic in

ventories of individual

languag

generalized and widely used processes are covered here. (1) Loss of a word-ﬁnal short

vowel, especially the ‘non-morphemic’ /u/ before another vowel either within the same

word or between words, is a rule which has validity in most languages of the family.

(2) Where there is no sandhi (or hiatus between V + V across a morph or word bound-

ary), a glide y or w is inserted, predictable in terms of the qualities of the preceding

and following vowels, e.g. Ta. pala + -v-in

→ pala-v-in-, mo

zi-in- → mo

zi-y-in-; Mdn

Ta. katti-y-¯al ‘by knife’. (3) A number of assimilative changes take place among the

consonants, e.g. Ta. k¯e

l + ttu → k¯e

tu ‘having heard’, kal + ttu → ka

ttu ‘having learnt’,

¯a

l + ntu → ¯a

tu ‘having ruled’. These changes had their origin in Proto-Dravidian.

(4) The other type is gemination of CVC to CVCC when followed by a vowel, e.g. Ta.

kal ‘stone’: kall-¯al ‘by stone’ (Lehmann 1998, Stee

ver and Annamalai 1998).

Kanna

da, old and modern, has both vowel-loss and glide-insertion rules operating,

e.g. h¯oguvudu + illa → h¯ogvudilla ‘does not go’, huli-y-inda ‘from tiger’, h¯u-v-inda

‘from ﬂower’. (For Old Kanna

da, see Ramchandra Rao 1972: 31–3.) (5) In compound

sandhi the literary language changes initial voiceless stops of the second member to

voiced stops, Ka. hosa + kanna

da → hosa-ganna

da ‘new Kanna

da’ (Ramachandra

Rao 1972: 34–6, Sridhar 1990: 284); Te. anna-dammulu ‘elder and younger brothers’

(-tammu

du ‘younger brother’, -lu pl suff.).

In Tu

lu word-ﬁnal ¨ı is lost when a vowel follows; glide insertion is also common,

e.g. mugi-y-ontu ‘ﬁnishing’, p¯o-v-arε ‘in order to go’ (D. N. S. Bhat 1998: 162–3).

In Old Telugu, word-ﬁnal u-loss is regular before another vowel; in modern Telugu

any word-ﬁnal short vowel is lost before another vowel, obligatorily across a morph

boundary, but optionally across a word boundary: amma + ekka

da → amm(a) ekka

‘where is mother?’(external sandhi), r¯ama + anna → r¯amanna ‘Ramanna’ (male name)

(internal sandhi). Where the vowel is not lost, only traditional Telugu grammarians

mentioned the insertion of a -y glide, m¯a + amma → m¯a-y-amma ‘our mother’. No

such insertion takes place in modern standard Telugu even after a long vowel. A short

vowel is lost between consonants having the same point of articulation or between two

coronal consonants with different points of articulation, n¯aku + k¯aw¯ali → n¯ak + k¯aw¯ali

‘I want it’, p¯ala + r¯ayi → p¯al-r¯ayi ‘marble (lit. milky stone)’ (Krishnamurti 1998d:

§8.2).

Appendix. Phonemic inventories of individual languages

Inventories of vowels and consonants are given by the subgroup and language, as they are repre-

sented by the cited authors and sources. Long vowels are represented by a macron, or occasionally

by // where it is cited as a separate suprasegmental phoneme. Some of the authors have not tabulated

the segments or given articulatory labels. They are arranged in tabular form. Where the authors

have not given the labels, the relative positioning of the segments has to be taken as indicative of

articulatory labels.

62 Phonolo

gy: descriptive

South Dravidian (SD I)

1a Old Tamil (Lehmann 1998: 75–99)

Consonants

Labial Dental Alveolar Retroﬂex Palatal Velar

Stops

tck

Nasals m n n

n˜n(˙n)

Laterals l

Glides v y

Taps r

Approximant

Vowels

i¯ıu¯u

e¯eo¯o

a¯a

1b Modern Tamil (Annamalai and Steever 1998: 100–28)

Consonants

Labial Dental Alveolar Retroﬂex Palatal Velar Glottal

Stops:

Voiceless p t

tck

Voiced (b) (d) (

d) (j) (g)

Tap r [

Nasal m n [n

]

n˜n˙n

Lateral l

Glide v y

Lehmann treats [˙n] as an allophone of /n/; /l/ should have been given under alveolars. Old Tamil

sandhi l + t →

t (kal ‘learn’ + tt- past → katt-) suggests that /l/ was an alveolar. Alveolars and

retroﬂexes do not begin a word, but dentals do. Even by this criterion /l/ should have been listed

in the alveolar column; ¯aytam /k

/ should have been included in the table.

Only one or two words have double velar nasal /a˙n˙n¯anam/ ‘that manner’ (Annamalai and Steever

1998: 103). In the spoken language virtually all words end in vowels (as against OTa.). Voiced/

voiceless stops contrast in spoken Tamil.

Appendix:

Phonemic in

ventories of individual

languag

Vowels and diphthongs

Front Mid Back

Short Long Short Long Short Long

High i ¯ıu¯u

Mid e ¯e  o¯o

Low (

æ) a ¯a

2 Malay¯a

lam (Asher and Kumari 1997: 405–50)

Consonants

Labial Dental Alveolar Retroﬂex Palatal Velar Glottal

Stops Voiceless p t t

tck

Voiceless asp ph th

th ch kh

Stops Voiced b d

djg

Voiced asp bh dh

dh jh gh

Fricative (f) s

s´sh

Nasal m n n

n˜n˙n

Liquid

Tap/trill r,

Lateral l

Approx.

Glide v y

Vowels

i¯ıu¯u

e¯eo¯o

(æ)

a¯a

Consonants in the native system

Labial Dental Alveolar Retroﬂex Palatal Velar

Stop p t r

tck

Nasal m n n

n˜n˙n

Liquid:

Tap/trill r,

Approx.

Lateral l

Glides v y

64 Phonolo

gy: descriptive

3Ko

dagu (Balakrishnan 1976: 1–4 ff.)

Vowels

i¨ıu

e¨eo

Consonants

pb td

dcjkg

n˜n˙n

sˇsh

Alu Kurumba (Kapp 1987: 409)

Vowels

i¨ıu

e¨eo

Length of vowels //

Consonants

pt c

bd j

mn.

r r

vsy

Nasalization / ˜ /

Appendix:

Phonemic in

ventories of individual

languag

5 Iru

la (Zvelebil 1973: §1)

Vowels

i¨ı¨uu

e¨e¨oo

Consonants

ptt

tck

bdd

dj g

6 Kota (Emeneau 1944, Kota Texts, UCPL 2: 1.5–18)

Vowels

i¯ıu¯u

e¯eo¯o

a¯a

Consonants

ptt

tˇck

bdd

dj g

n˙n

The four centralized vowels occur both short and long; ¨ı and ¨e are unrounded high and mid; ¨u

and ¨o are rounded, high and mid (Zvelebil 1973: 11).

Zvelebil writes alveolars next to labials followed by dentals! He says that d and r are historically

from

∗

t [-r-] intervocalically and -d after a nasal, e.g. pandi ‘pig’. It is not clear why they are

given as two phonemes. His lexicon of 484 items shows r/

r merger in some cases, contrast in

others.

66 Phonolo

gy: descriptive

7 Toda (Emeneau 1958: 15–66, 1984:7,11; Shalev et al. 1994: 19–56)

Vowels

Front Back

Unrounded Rounded

Central

Rounded Unrounded Rounded

High i i: ¨u¨u: ¨ı¨ı: u u:

Mid e e: ¨o¨o: o o:

Low a a:

Consonants

Alveolo-

Labial Dental Post-dental Alveolar palatal Retroﬂex Velar

Stop and p b t d c z, t d ˇcˇ

dkg

Affricate [ts dz] [tˇsdˇz]

Nasal m n

ŋ)

Fricative f ␪ χ

Trill r

Lateral  l



Sibilant s (z) s

(z)ˇsˇz

Continuant y w

8 Modern Kanna

da (Sridhar 1990: 291–313)

Vowels

Front Central Back

High i ¯ıu¯u

Mid e ¯eo¯o

Lower-mid æ

Low a ¯a

In his 1984 book Emeneau puts fricatives and alveolar and retroﬂex trills in one row; there is one

whole row for the postdental trill /r/. I have put all the trills in one row and fricatives in another.

Shalev et al. have combined the sibilants and fricatives and put them in one row. [z z

], according

to Emeneau, are used in ‘fast speech’ and he puts them on the last row in his table, implying that

they are a phonetic phenomenon; Shalev et al. have no voiced sibilants at all in their table. /y/ is

put under alveolo-palatal and /w/ under velar by both. These are called approximants by Shalev

et al. and continuants by Emeneau.

Appendix:

Phonemic in

ventories of individual

languag

Consonants

Labial Dental–alveolar Retroﬂex Palatal Velar–glottal

Stop-vl p t

tck

Stop-vd b d

djg

Fricative f s z

s´sh

Nasal m n

Lateral l

Semivowel v y

/æ f z/ occur only in loanwords. Old Kanna

da had an archaic phoneme /

z / under

retroﬂexes in early inscriptions and it maintained the contrast between two trills /

(< PD

∗

/t/ ) and /r/ from (< PD

∗

/r/ ). The trill r merged with r in Medieval and

Modern Kanna

da.

9Ba

daga

(Hockings and Pilot-Raichoor 1992: xvi)

Vowels

¯ıi u¯u

¯ee o¯o

a¯a

Consonants

tc k

dj g

s (h)

10 Tu

lu (D. N. S. Bhat 1998)

Vowels

i¯ı¨ıu¯u

e¯eo¯o

ε ¯ε a¯a

The authors have put /v l

l y/ in one row and /r/ only in the last row without any discussion of

criteria.

68 Phonolo

gy: descriptive

Consonants

Labial Dental Retroﬂex Palatal Velar

Stops :

Voiceless p t

tck

Voiced b d

djg

Sonorants:

Nasal m n

n˜n˙n

Oral v y

Lateral l

Trill r

Fricative s h

11 Koraga (D. N. S. Bhat 1971: 4)

Vowels

i¯ı¨ıu¯u

e¯eo¯o

a¯a

Consonants

tck

djg

vr y

Bhat writes the high back unrounded short

vowel as /



ı/ (barred i), represented here as /¨ı/.

South Dravidian II (South-Central Dravidian)

12 Telugu (Krishnamurti 1998d: 260)

Vowels

i¯ıu¯u

e¯eo¯o

(¯æ)

a¯a

Only modern Telugu has /æ/. The rest is shared by old as well as modern Telugu.

Appendix:

Phonemic in

ventories of individual

languag

Consonants

Labial Denti-alveolar Retroﬂex Palatal Velar

Stops:

Voiceless p ph t (th)

th c ch k kh

Voiced b bh d dh

dh j jh g gh

Fricative f s

s´sh

Nasal m n

Lateral l

Flap r

Semivowel w y

13 Gondi (overall pattern of different dialects) (Rao 1987b: 101)

Vowels

i¯ıu¯u

e¯eo¯o

a¯a

Consonants

pbtd

dcjkg

14 Ko

da/K¯ubi (Krishnamurti 1969a: 185–6)

Vowels

i¯ıu¯u

e¯eo¯o

a¯a

The aspirated stops and f

s, ´s and h mainly occur in loanwords from Indo-Aryan, Perso-Arabic

and English.

70 Phonolo

gy: descriptive

Consonants

Obstruents

Stop p b t d

dkg

Fricative s z (h)

Trill R

Sonorants

Flap r

Nasal m n

Lateral l

Semiconsonant w y

15 Kui (Winﬁeld 1928: 1–5)

Vowels

i¯ıu¯u

e¯eo¯o

a¯a

Consonants

pb td

dsjkg

In Winﬁeld’s listing there is no /y/. DEDR (in correspondences list) says

∗

y = Kui j. The Kui

vocabulary also does not show any case of /y/; where it is expected Kui shows a long vowel

with compensatory lengthening for PD

∗

cVy-, e.g. Kui k¯o-va (k¯o-t-) ‘to reap’; k¯o-eri ‘harvest’

(ʔ missing); ¯es-pa (¯es-t-) ‘to weave’; n¯o-va (n¯o-t-) ‘be painful’; p¯u-pa (p¯u-t-) ‘to ﬂower’, v¯ı-ka,

v¯ı-nja ‘to blow’; v¯e-pa (v¯e-t-) ‘to strike’, or the source of -y , i.e. source -s in some cases, mus-pa

(mus-t-); or a [g] replacing [y], e.g. r¯ag-a ‘rub’ (<

∗

ar-ay), p¯ag-a ‘to pounce upon’ (Ta. p¯ay ‘to

spring’);

∗

kay ‘hand’: Kui kaju (pl kaka) ‘hand’ is the only case of a direct correspondence of

∗

y = [j]. Palatal s and ‘sibilant s’ have the symbol !.