Danver Steven L. (Edited). Revolts, Protests, Demonstrations, and Rebellions in American History: An Encyclopedia (ENG)

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These are therefore in his Majesty’s name, to command you forthwith to seize the

persons above mentioned as traitors to the king and country, and them to bring to

Middle Plantation, and there to secure them, till further order, and in case of

opposition, if you want any other assistance, you are forthwith to demand it in the

name of the people of all the counties of Virginia.

[signed] Nath Bacon, Gen’l.

By the Consent of the People.

Source: Nathaniel Bacon, “Manifesto Concerning the Troubles in Virginia,” Virginia Maga-

zine of History and Biography 1 (1894): 56–61.

Nathaniel Bacon’s “Declaration of the People

of Virginia” (1676)

In July 1676, rebel planter Nathaniel Bacon and his supporters issued the following declaration

criticizing the administration of Virginia’s royal governor, Sir William Berkeley. In the document,

Bacon accuses Berkeley of governing on behalf of a privileged minority whose members control

political office and economic power in the colony. Depicting himself as acting with the will and

consent of the people, Bacon denounces the governor for levying unjust taxes, promoting unwor-

thy favorites, and failing to defend the people from Indian raids. After issuing this Declaration,

Bacon and his rebels attacked the heretofore friendly Pamunkey Indians and, in September,

seized and burned Jamestown. Bacon ’s sudden de ath in October led to th e rapid colla pse of

the rebellion.

1. For having, upon specious pretenses of public works, raised great unjust taxes

upon the commonalty for the advancement of private favorites and other sinister

ends, but no visible effects in any measure adequate; for not having, during this long

time of his government, in any measure advanced this hopeful colony either by for-

tiﬁcations, towns, or trade.

2. For having abused and rendered contemptible the magistrates of justice by advanc-

ing to places of judicature scandalous and ignorant favorites.

3. For having wronged his Majesty’s prerogative and interest by assuming monopoly

of the beaver trade and for having in it unjust gain betrayed and sold his Majesty’s

country and the lives of his loyal subjects to the barbarous heathen.

4. For having protected, favored, and emboldened the Indians against his Majesty’s

loyal subjects, never contriving, requiring, or appointing any due or proper

24 Bacon’s Rebellion (1675–1676)

means of satisfaction for their many invasions, robberies, and murders committed

upon us.

5. For having, wh en the army of English was just upon the track of those I ndians,

who now in all places burn, s poil, murder and when we might with ease have

destroyed them who then were in open hostility, for then having expressly coun-

termanded and sent back our army by p assing h is word for the peaceable

demeanor of the said Indians, who immediately prosecuted their evil intentions,

committing horrid murders and robberies in all places, being protected by the

said engagement and word past of him the said Sir William Berkeley, having

ruined and laid desolate a great part of his Majesty’s country, and have now

drawn themselves into such obscure and remote places and are by their success

so emboldened and conﬁrmed by their confederacy so strengthened that the

cries of blood are in all places, and the terror and consternation of the people

so great, are now become not only difﬁcult but a very formidable enemy who

might at ﬁrst with ease have been destroyed.

6. And lately, when, upon the loud outcries of blood, the assembly had, with all care,

raised an d framed an army for the preventing of furt her mischi ef and safeguard of

this his Majesty’s colony.

7. For having, with only the privacy of some few favorites without acquainting the

people, only by the alteration of a ﬁgure, forged a commission, by we know n ot

what hand, not only without but even against the consent of the people, for the

raising and effecting civil war and destruction, wh ich being happily and wit hout

bloodshed prevented; for having the secon d time attempted the same, thereby

calling down our forces from the defense of the frontiers and most weakly

exposed places.

8. For the prevention of civil mischief a nd ruin amongst ou rselve s while the ba rba-

rous enemy in all places did invade, murder, and spoil us, his Majesty’s most faithful

subjects.

Of this and the aforesaid articles we accuse Sir William Berkel ey as guilty of each and

every one of the same, and as one who has traitorously attempted, violated, and injured

his Majesty’s interest here by a loss of a great part of this his colony and many of his faithful

loyal subjects by him betrayed and in a barbarous a nd shameful manner exp osed to t he

incursions and murder of the heathen. And we do further declare these the ensuing persons

in this list to have been his wicked and pernicious councilors, confederates, aiders, and assis-

ters against the commonalty in these our civil commotions.

Sir Henry Chichley William Claiburne Junior

Lieut. Coll. Christopher Wormeley Thomas Hawkins

William Sherwood Phillip Ludwell

Bacon’s Rebellion (1675–1676) 25

John Page Clerke Robert Beverley

John Cluffe Clerke Richard Lee

John West Thomas Ballard

Hubert Farrell William Cole

Thomas Reade Richard Whitacre

Matthew Kempe Nicholas Spencer

Joseph Bridger

John West, Hubert Farrell, Thomas Reade,

Math. Kempe

And we do further demand that the said Sir William Berkeley with all the persons in this

list be forthwith delivered up or surrender themselves within four days after the notice

hereof, or otherwise we declare as follows.

That in whatsoever place, house, or ship, any of the said persons shall reside, be hid,

or protected, we declare the o wners, mas ters, or inha bitants of the said places to be

confederates and traitors to the people and the estates of them is also of all the aforesaid

persons to be conﬁscated. And this we, the commons of Virginia, do declare, desiring a

ﬁrm union amongst ourselves that we may jointly and with one accord defend ourselves

against the common enemy. And let not the faults of the guilty be the reproach of the

innocent, or the faults or crimes of the oppressors divide and separate us who have suf-

fered by their oppressions.

These are, therefore, in his Majesty’s name , to command you forthwith to seize the

persons above mentioned as traitors to the King and country and them to bring to

Middle Plantation and there to secure them until further order, and, in case of

opposition, if you want any further assistance you are forthwith to demand it in the name

of the people in all the counties of Virginia.

Nathaniel Bacon

General by Consent of the people.

William Sherwood

Source: “Declaration of Nathaniel Bacon in the Na me of the People of Virginia, July 30,

1676.”Massachusetts Historical Society Collections, 4th series, vol. 9 (1871): 184–87.

26 Bacon’s Rebellion (1675–1676)

Pueblo Revolt (1680)

After eighty years of submissive resentment, the Pueblos had ﬁnally gone for

the jugular.

—Kessell, Kiva, Cross, and Crown, 1987, 228

Pueblo Indians of New Mexico had liv ed under Spanish rule since 1598 when Gov-

ernor Juan de On

ate won the contract to settle Ne w Mexico for the Spanish crown, to

expand political and religious control beyond the conﬁnes of Mexico City and the

Zac atecas mine. La Bufa, the Zaca teca s silver mine, had effectively stopped the

northward progression of Spanish interest in the late 1540s. But renewed interest to

the far north resurfaced after a few illegal expeditions had meandered into New

Mexico ov er 40 years after Francisco Vasquez de Coronado’s exploratory expedition

in 1540–1542 failed to ﬁnd immediate wealth in the desert and mountainous regions

of New Mexico. So in 1598, Governor On

ate led 129 soldier-colonists and their fam-

ilies, hired by him to join him on a settlement expedition to expand Spanish control

and religion into what was called La Nueva Me

xico (short for La Nueva Ciudad de

xico, as they hoped to ﬁnd the same wealth of Mexico City to the north). With

them they brought 10,000 head of livestock, including horses, cattle, sheep, pigs,

goats, and fowl, all with the intention of supporting the new colony amidst a Pueblo

Indian po pulation t opping 50,00 0 (and unt old numbers of nomadic peop les).

Located some 1,500 miles north of Mexico City, through hostile Chichimeca Indian

territory, and through a 90-mile stretch of desert referred to as La Jornada del

Muerto (“Journey of the Dead Man,” not journey of death as is so oftentimes incor-

rectly reported). The Spanish colonists, their Indian allies, and their livestock sepa-

rated into several groups, miles between them, spreading out for days along what

would later be known as El Camino Real de Tierra Adentro (the Royal Road to the

Interior). They learned that through the jornada, which held precious little water,

for their animals to get enough water, they would have to allow time for the springs

to regenerate. This in turn made their band vulnerable to nomadic Indian attacks

(which resulted from early illegal slave raiding expeditions by Nun

odeGuzma

nin

the early 1500s near Arizona).

As they entered the Rio Grande Valley north of the jornada, they noticed the

absence of Ind ians living in the v illages that they encountered. They conﬁscated

corn from one village, renaming it Soco rro (meaning assistance or help in

Spanish), for they needed the sustenance. Pueblo Indians witnessed this theft, and

word spread to the north that the invaders would take at will what they wanted.

Pueblo Indians ﬂed their villages to the hillsides to watch the Spanish trudge north.

According to oral history, the people of Ohkay Owingeh (renamed San Juan

Pueblo by the Spanish) took pity on the Spanish settlers, even to the point of giving

up one of their villages for the families who had brought their children with them.

The Spanish renamed the village San Gabriel de Yungue, and this interaction

would be the beginning of an over-200-year, nearly constant association between

the Pueblo Indians and the Spanish, who would continue to dominate their home-

lands until 1821.

Once at Ohkay Owingeh, the Spanish built an altar and thanked their Christian

God, then immediately began enlisting Pueblo Indians to help them build an irri-

gation d itch so they could prepare ﬁelds to plant crops for the upcoming year.

No doubt these ﬁelds, laying near the Rı

o Chama and the Rı

o Grande’s conﬂuence,

lay on Pueblo Indian lands, but they could do little to convince the Spanish to

leave. Perhaps they thought they were merely traveling through, without the inten-

tion of remaining; or perhaps they believed that they would stay for a short while.

Pueblo Indians had a tradition of sharing resources with their neighbors in times of

need, understanding that reciprocal sharing would occur if necessary. But the

Spanish did not seem to be leaving; in fact, they became more entrenched as the

years passed. Equally as frustrating involved demands made b y one group of

men who wore long dresses, referred to as friars, or fathers, by the Spanish people.

ate had a contract with the king and queen of Spain, required of all Spaniards

interested with expanding into territories. His contract explicitly stated that he

would ﬁnance the settlement expedition with private funds in the name of the

Spanish Crown. He would pay the salaries a nd bring supplies for his settlers, as

well as bring Franciscan missionaries to Christianize the Indians that they encoun-

tered. In repayment, he would become chief executive (governor), adjudicate cases

that might aris e, protect both Spanish and Pueblo Indian populations from poten-

tial enemies, and reap the ﬁnancial rewards of the kingdom, am ong other things.

He could also grant encomiendas (grants of Indian tribute, oftentimes incorrectly

identiﬁed as grants of Indian labor—those were repartimientos—or Indian land) .

In other words, if he chose to reward his soldiers, they could get a w ritten docu-

ment that granted him (or her) permission to go to a particular pueblo and collect

tribute biennially from a speciﬁed number of heads of households. Oftentimes, this

involved a bushel of corn and a blanket per home twice a year; sometimes the

grant included only half a pueblo, sometimes two pueblos. In return, the encomen-

dero (grant holder) had to protect the pueblo from enemies and provide for their

Christianiza tion. It was colonial control divvied out among soldier-colonists, and

the encomienda would lay at the heart of much Pueblo Indian anger.

28 Pueblo Revolt (1680)

Pueblo Indians already had their own religion, a very extensive and all-inclusive

spiritua lism that encompassed far more than just going to mass once a week (s ee

the e ntry “Pueblo Religion”). Therefore, when the friar s began to show up and

demand Indian labor in building the missions, they balked. Unfortunately, they

had little choice but to build the friar’s missions, tend to his ﬁelds (if he happened

to live among them in the cloister), and kiss his ring in submission. Luckily for the

pueblo people, On

ate only brought a dozen friars, and far more Indian villages

existed throughout New Mexico (which included everything north of El Paso del

Norte until other borders became more deﬁned). They likely appreciated Spanish

protection against the Apache (Lipan Apache to the southeast and Western Apache

groups to t heir south and west), but grew frustrated at t he new body of Spanish

laws to which they had to acquiesce, including prohibitions on Pueblo Indians put-

ting together military responses, owning and using weaponry and horses, or even

leaving their villages without permission. The Spanish had conﬁned them to their

villages, making traditional trips to the salt lakes, to the Plains for trading, and to

the west along the Zun

i Trail, in essence, illegal.

ate failed in his attempt to, as John L. Kessell put it, “[m]ake New Mexi co

pay.” In 1607, he resigned, declaring New Mexico a loss. While he and the major-

ity of colonis ts suggested abandoning New Mexico, the Franciscans argued that

they had converted 7,000 souls (likely an inﬂated number and based on baptisms,

not actual conversions). So the crown decided to make New Mexico a royal

colony, for they could not turn their backs on neophytes. On

ate remained in New

Mexico until his replacement Pedro de Peralta arrived, but Peralta arrived with

new problems. Friars believed that they had saved New Mexico from abandon-

ment and wielded authority as if they had acquired the governorship of the region.

Throughout the “Missionary Era” (1610 –1680), a continu ous clash occurre d

between civil and religious authorities in New Mexico, forcing Pueblo Indians

and Spaniards to chose sides, and suffering the consequences of their choice

(excommunication or lack of governmental support in terms of jobs, la nd grants,

assistance with subsistence, and more).

But most frustrating to the Pueblo Indians was not just the increased pressure on

them to convert to Christianity, but a new pressure to give up traditional ways. In

the past, friars had their hands full, attempting to convert Indians to Christianity

who had never before been exposed to these odd, nonnative belief systems. Indian

pueblos far outnumbered friars, so some freedom to continue traditional spiritual-

ism occurred due to the friar’s absences as they visited other pueblos. By mid-

century, the number of friars grew and the ir resolve bec ame stronger; as a res ult,

they began to clamp down on Pueblo Indian religions and moved throughout

New Mexico, destroying kivas and cer emonial accouterments, and outlawing

Pueblo Indian ceremonials. The mixed messages they received from the governor

Pueblo Revolt (1680) 29

in 1661, who rather enjoyed Indian ceremonial dances, frustrated the Pueblo Indi-

ans even further.

By the 1660s, a drought intensiﬁed, causing Spanish and Pueblo Indian crops to

fail. Raiding by nomadic tribes seemed to intensify, for they felt the impact of the

drought on their ability to hunt and gather enough to sustain their families, too.

The nomadic tribes also had acquired horses through raiding, becoming far more

capable of running off with more booty, not just in grains, but in sheep and even

human captives as well. The Spanish redoubled their efforts to control the Rio

Grande corridor as the encomenderos traveled throughout their designated pueblo

villages collecting more than their share of tribute. In fact, by the 1670s, stories

circulated of Spanish encomenderos coming into Pueblo Indian villages and taking

the last of the seed co rn that the Indians had saved for the upcoming four or ﬁve

years. The Pueblo women followed the Spanish wagons for miles, picking up

and saving individual pieces of corn that had fallen through the slats of the

wagons.

A few Pueblo Indians hatched plots to overthrow the Spanish authorities, most

of which were discovered before the plan ca me to fruit ion, including Esteban

Clemente, a much trusted governor of the Salinas P ueblos (Abo

,Quarai,and

Tavibo), villages located in the Manzano Mountains. He had served as a military

lieutenant (atypical for an Indian), spoke Spanish, dressed as a Spaniard, and even

professed to have converted to Christianity. In the 1660s, however, the Spanish

uncovered his plot to drive all of t he Spanish horses into the hills, then kill off

all of the Spaniards until the last was dead. Apparently, he held wide authority

across New Mexico among his fellow oppressed pueblo peoples. Summarily

executed, Clemente’s message would not die. The drought intensiﬁed and Pueblo

Indians once began to realize that the Spanish god could not save them from the

drought, nor the ensuing food shortage s and illnesses that followed the drought.

In some pueblos, over 450 died of hunger and disease, for epidemics circulated

among New Mexico’s residents who were more prone to succumb to illnesses

due to stress, malnutrition, and increased demands on them for labor. Apache raids

stepped up as well. By 1672, the Salinas pueblos were abandoned due to increased

nomadic Indian attacks. Shortly thereafter, Governor Juan Francisco Trevin

o out-

lawed Pueblo congregations at kivas and ordered the remainder of kivas destroyed.

Pueblo Indian identity centered on their spiritualism, however, so their reaction is

not surprising. A growing movement rejected Christianity and joined their fellow

tribal members who had always remained true to their traditional spiritualism.

Their gods had never allowed them to suffer as the Christian god had. So secretly,

they retreated to their kivas that had not been destroyed, continued with their

ceremoni al dances, and returned to beating their drums, singing their songs, and

trying to restore the balance that had been lost.

30 Pueblo Revolt (1680)

But the Spanish had lived in their world for more than 80 years and established

relationships with Hispanized Indians among them, and soon the Trevin

o learned

that Fray Andre

s Dura

n and several of his relatives believed that Indian sorcerers

had bewitched him. Trevin

o, angered that Pueblo religious leaders had refused to

turn their back on traditionalism, in 167 5 rounded up 47 people that the friars

and their allies identiﬁed as “sorcerers.” Brought to Santa Fe

, these Pueblo Indians

found themselves belittled, ridiculed, and charged with sorcery. Trevin

o sentenced

four to death by hanging (one committed suicide before the sentence could be car-

ried out), which incensed the pueblo community. Seventy warrior s forced their

way into his abode and threatened to kill him and his dependents and incite a broad

rebellion if the rest were not set free. The rest had been publicly beaten and

wh ipped, but in the end Trevin

o acquiesced and sent them home as an example

that the Spanish government would not tolerate sorcery. He had unwittingly

averted a major rebellion, for Pueblo Indian warriors had scattered about the hills

above Santa Fe

, awaiting orders.

One of those “sorcerers,” an Ohkay Owingeh (San Juan) spiritual elder,

returned home to his village to plot revenge. The Spanish minister of government

and war under Trevin

o and the new governor, Antonio de Otermı

n, however, found

out about his brooding and plotting. Pohe

-yemo astutely moved north to Taos, far

from the tentacles of Spanish authority. He retreated into a kiva and, according to

oral history, word spread among the pueblos that while in the kiva, he encountered

and was counseled by three key deities of pueblo cosmology. They told him that he

needed to lead a rebellion that would eliminate the Spanish from their homelands,

but that they must return to traditional ways—destroying all that the Spanish had

brought with them: buildings, livestock, missions, and even seeds. For the “God

of the Spaniards was worth nothing and theirs was very strong, the Spaniard’s

God being rotten wood.” (Knaut 1995, 168). With the assistance of numerous

other tribal war and r eligious leaders from San Ildefonso, Picurı

s, San Lorenzo,

Taos, Jemez, Pecos, Tesuque, Santa Clara, and Santo Domingo, Pohe

-yemo (more

commonly known as Pope

), began orchestrating a plan to remove the Spanish and

destroy all that they had brought. The revolt would begin on August 12, 1680. To

keep the S panish from ﬁnding o ut, Pope

and the others observed the strictest

secrecy. When it came time to notify other pueblos of the plot, he sent runners

out under the pain of death to keep the secret if they were apprehended by Spanish

authorities. Moreover, the quipo, or knotted cord that indicated which day

the revolt should occur (b y untying a knot every day), and instructions were to

be accepted and the rebellion agreed to by each village on pain of death. When

he held meetings, he held them only during feast days at pueblo villages that he

believed to be sympathetic, that no one would question a gathering of so many

Pueblo men. At one point, Pohe

-yemo learned that his own son-in-law, governor

Pueblo Revolt (1680) 31

of Ohkay Owingeh Pueblo, had found out about the plot, and Pohe

-yemo had him

assassinated.

When two of the runners were apprehended and told all they knew, conﬁrmed

by the governors of la Cie

nega, San Marcos, and San Cristoba

l (who refused to

participate in the rebellion), the Span ish recognized immediately that a rebellion

could occur at any moment. When Pohe

-yemo learned of the leak, he moved the

rebellion up to August 10, 1680. With the killing of Padre Juan Pı

o at Tesuque vil-

lage, the Pueblo Revolt began. Pueblos rose u p all over the Rı

o Grande corridor,

cutting down individual S paniards where they found them. Whol e families were

slaughtered out of anger and frustration and travelers were cut down, but the friars

suffered the most humiliating and excruciatingly painful deaths. Not all pueblos

supported the killing of their friars, h owever. At San Felipe Pueblo, downriver

from Cochitı

, Pueblos encountered a padre ﬂeeing downriver from the violence.

They took him in, and hid him. Realizing that he was not safe in their village, they

took him to a mesatop, where they sequestered him from the violence in the valley

below. Going without water for days, oral history reports that he performed a

miracle by causing water to gush forth from a rock. Therefore, examples of Indi-

ans protecting the lives of friars do exist.

As news began to spread of the atrocities committed against the Spanish set-

tlers, those who could gathered up what they could and rushed to Santa Fe

the nor th or Isleta Pueblo in t he south. For jurisdictional purposes, the g overnor

had divided New Mexico into two districts, the Rı

o Arriba (the upper river, above

Cochitı

Pueblo) and the Rı

o Abajo (lower river, including all south to El Paso del

Norte) which had a he adquarters in Isleta P ueblo. They ho ped that t heir sheer

numbers would protect them against the brutality and wrath of the pueblo people.

On their journeys, they encountered horriﬁc scenes of death (animals and humans)

and destruction of homes, orchards, and ﬁelds. Upon arriving in Santa Fe

,they

began to understand t he extent of the revolt. The governor quickly realized the

gravity of the situation and attempted to get word to Isleta Pueblo and the other

Spaniards to the south. The Pueblo Indians quickly surrounded Santa Fe

and began

hollering threats, taunting the Spanish by shouting that God and Santa Marı

a were

dead, and that their god whom they had always obeyed had never died. They had

clearly turned their backs on the Christian god who let them down, and they

quickly diverted the water to Santa Fe

Pueblo Indians continued arriving at Santa Fe

, setting ﬁre to buildings and inﬁl-

trating the outskirts of town. On August 20, confronted by his colonists who were

in mourning for the friends and family they had lost and the desperate situation in

which they found themselves without food and water, and under constant threat of

attack, Governor Otermı

n broke out of the city walls and broke the siege. He

received wounds on his face and chest from arrows and gunshots, but when the

32 Pueblo Revolt (1680)

Spanish had once again retreated behind the gates, they had captured 4 7 Pueblo

men. Interrogating them at length, th e governor fully understood that he had lost

New Mexico. He began to plan for retreat to El Paso del Norte, to recuperate,

request more troops, and rebuild his forces to return and take New Mexico mili-

tarily. In the meantime, his charges suffered, and th ey began to plan for t he long

and difﬁcult journey so uth—not knowing if the Pueblos would harass them the

entire way or if they would be allowed to leave unencumbered. They had lost most

of their horses and oxen, they had few wagons, and those who had made it to Santa

barely had enough clothing for the cold desert nights, but they h ad no other

choice. Two days later, Otermı

n led his people from Santa Fe

, hoping to gather

themselves up with the rest of the survivors in Isleta Pueblo in the Rı

o Abajo.

In Isleta, however, the southern survivors had also heard rumors of the brutality

throughout the province, especially in the north, and within just over a week, heard

that all of the Spaniards to the north had been killed. Realizing the futility of

remaining, they gathered up what they could and began the long trek south along

the Camino Real de la Tierra Adentro that had brought Juan de On

ate and the ﬁrst

settlers north nearly 100 years before. Little did they know that a motley crew of

ragged survivors were slowly making their way south, along the northern reaches

of the Camino Real. Along the way, they witnessed the carnage: whole families

lay dead, naked, and beaten, some at the doorways to their homes.

Four hundred of their fellow Spaniards had perished in the ﬁrst few days of the

revolt, including 21 of the 32 friars in the province. It was a devastating blow to a

far-ﬂung province of New Spain. At Sandı

a Pueblo, just north of wh at would

become la Villa Real de Alburquerque (1706), the mission had been destroyed

and the vestments scattered about. Piles of excrement lay on the altar, deﬁling

the sanctity of the m ission. Spaniards saw bodies strewn about at ranches, men

and women beaten and stripped naked, homes and barns and ﬁelds on ﬁre. Rela-

tives they had to leave behind, hoping that the Pueblo Indians watching them from

the mesa tops as they left chose to remain in waiting, and not swoop down on them

for one ﬁnal blow. But the Pueblo Indians were not interested in killing more

Spaniards; instead, they wanted them gone from their province so they cou ld

return to their traditional ways.

When the Spanish arrived at Isleta Pueblo, they were dismayed to learn that the

survivors had already left for El Paso del Norte, the southernmost outpost of New

Mexico. Otermı

n sent messengers ahead to ask the other survivors to await them

before entering into the Jornada del Muerto. Gathering together, they headed south

for El Paso, where they would establish camp until such time as they could

reconquer the apostate province. As they arrived, they encountered Father Ayeta,

who had come too late with reinforcements (mostly convicts) to assist the colony.

Disheartened by the prospects of reporting to the viceroy, Otermı

n quickly

Pueblo Revolt (1680) 33