Danver Steven L. (Edited). Revolts, Protests, Demonstrations, and Rebellions in American History: An Encyclopedia (ENG)
Подождите немного. Документ загружается.
get as far from the t entacles of Spanish authority as possible. For the next five
years, Pohe
´
-yemo plotted revenge. Overcautious in his deliberations, fearful that
the Spanish would uncover this plot too, Pohe
´
-yemo kep t his deliberations secret
in one of the Taos kivas—purportedly meeting with three key dieties from Pueblo
cosmology who helped him plot revenge. Other Pueblo leaders joined him, includ-
ing men from the pueblos of San I ldefonso, Picurı
´
s, San Lorenzo, Taos, Jemez,
Pecos, Tesuque, Santa Clara, and Santo Domingo. Pope
´
feared the discovery of
hisplotsomuchthathecalledfortheassassination of his own son-in-law, who
had learned about the plans for a region-wide rebellion.
According to reports, after the Spanish left and before 1682, Luis Tupatu
´
deposed Pope
´
.Pope
´
disappeared from the record until 1688, when he deposed
Tupatu
´
. Many of the pueblos rejected his authority, and a general uprising
44 Pueblo Revolt (1680)
Statue of Pope
, Tewa spiritual leader and
organizer of the Pueblo Revolt in 1680. No
image or written description of Pope
is
known to exist. This depiction, by New
Mexico artist Cliff Fragua, shows him
holding the knotted cord that was used to
determine when the revolt would begin.
(Architect of the Capitol)
occurred during which Pope
´
was likely killed. Pohe
´
-yemo, or Pope
´
, led the Pueblo
Indians on the greatest rebellion in the Americas, and the only successful rebellion
by indigenous people s that ended in the complete eviction of their colonial
oppressors.
—Sandra K. Mathews
Further Reading
Cha
´
vez, Frey Ange
´
lico. “Pohe
´
-yemo’s Representative and the Pueblo Revolt of 1680.”
New Mexico Historical Review 42, no. 2 (1967) : 85–126.
Hackett, Charles Wilson, and Charmion C. Shelby, eds. and trans. Revolt of the Pueblo
Indians of New Mexico and Otermı
´
n’s Attempted Reconquest, 1680–1682.2vols.
Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1942.
Kessell, John L. Sp ain in the Southwest: A Na rrative History of Co lonial New Mexico,
Arizona, Texas, and California. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2002.
Knaut, Andrew L. The Pueblo Revolt of 1680: Conquest and R es i sta nce in Seventeenth-
Century New Mexico. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1995.
Weber, David J. The Spanish Frontier in North America. New Haven, CT: Yale University
Press, 1992.
Weber, David J., ed. What Caused the Pueblo R evolt of 1680: Readings. Selected and
Introduced by David J. Weber. Historians at Work Series. Boston: Bedford/St. Martins,
1999.
Pueblo Religions
Pueblo Indian spiritualism is very different than the Western notion of “religion”;
rather, it is all inclusive that requires observance 24 hours a day and seven days a
week. There is no single “Pueblo Religi on” that encompasses all of the 19 New
Mexico Pueblos, or the Hopi Pueblo in Arizona, yet several key similarities can
be gleaned. Primarily, Pueblo Indians have a universal belief that all things created
by the creator, or as Joe Sando (Jemez Pueblo) writes, “the Great One,” have a spi-
rit. This Great One is omnipresent, yet this omnipresence does not carry the same
connotation as the Christian god. In fact, Sando writes that in no pueblo tongue is
there a word for “religion.”
A general belief among pueblos, indeed among many native tribes, involves the
belief in the spiritualism that emanates throughout the earth, sky, water, all plants
and animals, and all things. They do not believe they have dominion over the Great
One’s creations, but rather that they are merely a part of a balance that exists as a
result of the respect and deference tha t they show the earth and all creation. This
included periods in which Indian people needed to utilize the resources of the land.
Pueblo Revolt (1680) 45
Therefore, when a Pueblo Indian needed to hunt, he would first a sk permission
from the animal to offer up its life for the sustenance of the human. That animal
would be treated with the utmost respect according to long-standing spiritual tradi-
tions before, during, and in its preparations after the kill. Every time a hunt, or ill-
nesses, drought, battl e, or other abnormal event oc curred, balance had to be
restored. Prayer, ceremony, song, or offering helped provide this balance. They
also believed that plants had spiritual components as well. Tree branches, in par-
ticular fir trees, played a key role in ceremonial dances, held at various intervals
throughout the year. Any part of the natural world taken and not used would be
returned to the land in some fashion (branches burned, placed in fields, or given
to the river, all of which allowed the branch to return to the earth from whence it
came). In fac t, traditionalis t native peoples maintain a rather rigorous spiritual
and ceremonial schedule, to preserve their spiritual connection to Mother Earth
and Father Sky (for ceremonies that outsiders may a ttend, see the I ndian Pueblo
Cultural Center at http://www.indianpueblo.org).
Songs (in particular drumming and singing), stories, and dances played an inte-
gral role in the ceremonial dances ritualized in the numerous pueblo communities.
These had been passed down for innumerable generations, sometimes by gender,
famil y, or clan. Social and spiritual organization therefore also p layed a key role
in their spiritualism. Traditionally a matrilineal people, Pueblo Indians passed
their clan “totem” (corn, turkey, cloud, gopher, to name a few) through the moth-
er’s family, and with clan came a host of stories and obligations that were shared
orally from mother to child. Because one could not marry within their own clan,
obligations crossed family lines and bonded the community together. Furthermore,
clans served important functions within the spiritual system of obligation within a
community, and provided the basis for the moiety (a grouping of specific clans). In
some pueblos, moieties were divided celestially by the solstices: the winter or
northern moiety took over leadership of the tribe and ceremonial functions during
the win ter months, and the summer or southern moiety took their turn during the
summer period.
Pueblo spiritualism was confronted by the Spanish, Mexicans, and Americans,
and, up until the 1970s, continued to survive despite these outsiders’ best efforts
to destroy it. For a complete understanding of the Pueblo spiritualism, the impor-
tance of clans, spacial organization of spiritualism and ceremony, and more, the
best source is Elsie Clews Parsons’s two-volume Pueblo Religion.
—Sandra K. Mathews
Further Reading
Hodge, Frederick Webb. “Pueblo Indian Clans.” The American Anthropologist 9
(October 1896): 345–353.
46 Pueblo Revolt (1680)
Ortiz, Alfonso. The Tewa World: Space, Time, Being, and Becoming in a Pueblo Society.
Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1969.
Parson, Elsie Clews. Pueblo Religion. 2 vols. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1996.
Sando, Joe S. Pueblo Nations: Eight Centuries of Pueblo Indian History.SantaFe
´
,NM:
Clear Light Publishers, 1992.
Santa Fe
´
Established in 1609 officially, Santa Fe
´
saw its first permanent Spanish inhabitants
perhaps as early as 1608, when Juan de On
˜
ate began moving some of his colonists
south from San Gabriel del Yungue, in an atte mpt to fi nd a more defensible and
certainly less crowded community. When colonial proprietor and son of a silver
miner Juan de On
˜
ate won the c ontract to settle this northern p rovince of New
Spain in 1598, he brought with him 129 soldier-colonists and their families as well
as Indian allies as auxiliaries, over 10,000 head of livestock, and seed provisions to
start farming im media tely. He found relatively receptive Pueblo Indians at Okay
Owinge (San Juan Pueblo), where they established the first Spanish community
in New Mexico. By 1607, New Mexico had failed to yield profitable resources,
so On
˜
ate gave up his term as governor and began reshifting the remaining colo-
nists further south to what would become the first formal villa under the Spanish
legal system.
Gover no r On
˜
ate’s replacement, Pedro de Peralta, declared the community
La Villa Real de Santa Fe
´
de San Francisco de Asisi by viceregal orders in 1610.
Moving the capital officially from San Gabriel to Santa Fe
´
, Peralta hoped to
provide his constituencies with the same that On
˜
ate hoped to provide, a more defen-
sible position, but also a more central one to the numerous pueblos that
surrounded the Spanish settlers. Santa Fe
´
’s location, along the river and at the base
of the beaut iful Sangre de Cristos, was an excell ent location for a community.
The valleys provided farmland that had not already been claimed by Pueblo Indian
people, and also had enough space for the Indian auxiliaries, the Tlaxcalans, to also
have homes and farm sites. Therefore, at Santa Fe
´
, the longest-established U.S.
capital continued to operate into the 21st century from v ery humble beginnings.
Built around a center square or plaza, Santa Fe
´
emanated out from its official
buildings on the plaza to neighborhoods divided by narrow streets. On the plaza,
one would typically find the governor’s mansion (now part of the Museum of
New Mexico), a mission or cathedral, a military i nstallation, and perhaps other
official homes or headquarters. Santa Fe
´
, h owever, is the “city differe nt,” and
Pueblo Revolt (1680) 47
instead located San Miguel Mission off the main plaza. The Spanis h military did
eventually have a presidio at Santa Fe
´
, but it did not occur in 1610. The plaza pro-
vided the focal point for the community, and the stream became its lifeblood.
Because of the constant raids and counterraids by Apache and Navajo, w ho had
historically raided Pueblo Indian communities for stores of grain but now found
that the Spanish had even better selections of goods (horses, sheep, crops, and even
human captives for the taking), the Spanish turned Santa Fe
´
into a walled city.
The walls could not keep out the Pueblo Revolt of 1680, however, and many of
the Spanish outside those walls suffered death at the hands of angry Pueblo Indi-
ans, incensed at demands made by their colonial oppressors (see the entry “Pueblo
Revolt”). When the Pueblo Indian s arrived at Santa Fe
´
, inside was huddled just
over half of the remaining 2,500 Spanish colonists and their allies. When the Spanish
refused to leave the city, the rebels div erted the river of life and forced the Spanish to
vacate Santa Fe
´
andfleesouthtoElPasodelNorte,wheretheywaitedmorethana
dozen years to retake their capital. In the meantime, Pueblo Indians occupied the
buildings of Santa Fe
´
, turning the governor’s mansion into a multistoried,
pueblo-styled building. When the Spanish returned in 1692 under the leadership of
Governor Diego de Vargas, he walked boldly inside the walls of Santa Fe
´
to parlay
with the Pueblo Indians at the plaza—with no weapons and only a friar at his side.
His sho w of bravado and promises of protection against the nomadic raiders caused
the pueblos, one by one, to acquiesce to the return of Spanish control.
When the Spanish returned to Santa Fe
´
the following year, however, the Pueblo
occupiers refused to give up the home s they had occupied for over half a genera-
tion. The Spanish laid siege and took back the capital, which served as the capital
of Spanish New Mexico until 1821. That year, Mexico declared its independence
from Spain, and Santa Fe
´
became a Mexican capital . Within 25 years, Sant a Fe
´
would fall under U.S. aut hority when Ge neral Stephen Watts Kearney and the
Army of the West conquered New Mexico without encountering any resistance .
Santa Fe
´
, “The City Different,” has since bec ome a mecca for touri sts from all
over the world. Its downtown plaza retains its cha rm as a quiet small town, but
just outside of the old Spanish district, Santa Fe
´
bustles like any town of the
21st-century American West.
—Sandra K. Mathews
Further Reading
Kes sell, John L. Spain in th e S outhwes t: A Narrative His tory of Colo nial New Mexico,
Arizona, Texas, and California. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2002.
Knaut, Andrew L. The Pueblo Revolt of 1680: Conquest and Resistance in Seventeenth-
Century New Mexico. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1995.
Simmons, Marc. New Mexico: An Interpretive History. New York: Norton , 1977.
48 Pueblo Revolt (1680)
Weber, David J. The Spanish Frontier in North America. New Haven, CT: Yale University
Press, 1992.
Weber, David J., ed. What Caused the Pueblo R evolt of 1680: Readings. Selected and
Introduced by David J. Weber. Historians at Work Series. Boston: Bedford/St. Martins,
1999.
Declaration of Pedro Naranjo, December 19, 1681
Taking the form of testimony given, this document presents the views of Pedro Naranjo, of San
Felipe Pueblo, as to the course of events that led to the Pueblo Revolt of 1680. In it, Naranjo
explains the role that religion played in the revolt, although the transcription of the testimony is
clearly from the Spanish point of view.
Declaration of Pedro Naranjo of the Queres Nation
[Place of the Rio del Norte, December 19, 1681.]
In the said plaza de armas on th e said day, month, and year, for the prosecution of the
judicial proceedings of this case his lordship caused to appear before him an Indian pris-
oner named Pedro Naranjo, a native of the pu eblo of San Felip e, of the Queres nation,
who was captured in the advance and attack upon the pueblo of La Isleta. He makes him-
self understood very well in the Castilian language and speaks his mother tongue and the
Tegua. He took the oath in due legal form in the name of God, our Lord, and a sign of the
cross, under charge of which he promised to tell the tru th concerning what he knows
and as he might be questioned, and having understood the seri ousness of the oath
and so signified through the interpreters, he spoke as indicated by the contents of
the autos.
Asked whether he knows the reason or motives which the Indians of this kingdom
had for rebelling, forsaking the law of God and obedience to his Majesty, and committing
such grave and atrocious crimes, and who were the leaders and principal movers, and by
whom and how it was ordered; and why they burned the images, temples, crosses, rosa-
ries, and things of divine worship, committing such atrocities as killing priests, Spaniards,
women, and children, and the rest that he might know touching the question, he said that
since the government of Sen
˜
or General Hernando Ugarte y la Concha they have planned
to rebel on various occasions through conspiracies of the Indian sorcerers, and that
although in some pueblos the messages were accepted, in other parts they would not
agree to it; and that it is true that during the government of the said senor general seven
or eight Indians were hanged for this same cause, whereupon the unrest subsided. Some
time thereafter they [the conspirators] sent from the pueblo of Los Taos through the
pueblos of the custodia two deerskins with some pictures on them signifying conspiracy
after their manner, in order to convoke the people to a new rebellion, and the said deer-
skins passed to the province of Moqui, where th ey refused to accept them. T he pact
which they had been forming ceased for the time being, but they always kept i n their
hearts the desire to carry it out, so as to live as they are living today. Finally, in the past
Pueblo Revolt (1680) 49
years, at the summons of an Indian named Pope
´
who is said to have communication with
the devil, it happened that in an estufa of the pueblo of Los Taos there appeared to the
said Pop e
´
three figures of Indians who never came out of the estufa. They gav e the said
Pope
´
to understand that they were going underground to the lake of Copala. He s aw
these figures emit fire fr om all the extremitiesoftheirbodies,andthatoneofthem
was c alled Caudi, another Tilini, and the other Tleume; and these three beings spoke
to the said Pope
´
, who was in hiding from the secretary, Francisco Xavier, who wished
to punish him as a sorcerer. They told him to make a cord of maguey fiber and tie some
knots in it which would signify the number of days that they must wait before the rebel-
lion. He said that the cord was passed through all the pueblos of the kingdom so that the
ones which agreed to it [the rebellion] might untie one knot in sign of obedience, and by
the other knots they would know the days which were lacking; and this was to be done
on pain of death to those who refused to agree to it. As a sign of agreement and notice
of having concurred in the treason and perfidy they were to send up smoke signals to
that effect in each one of the pueblos singly. The said cord was taken from pueblo to
pueblo by the swiftest youths under the penalty of death if they revealed the secret.
Everything being thus arranged, two days before the time set for its execu tion, because
his lordship had learned of it and had imprisoned two Indian accomplices from the pueblo
of Tesuque, it was carried out prematurely that night, because it seemed to them that
they were now discovered; and they killed religious, Spaniards, w omen, and children.
This being done, i t was proclaimed in all the pueblos that everyone in common should
obey the commands of their father whom they did not know, which would be g iven
through El Caydi or El Pope
´
. This was heard by Alonso Catitı
´
, who came to the pueblo
of this dec lara nt to say that everyone must un ite to g o to the villa to kill the governor
and the Spaniards w ho had remained with him, and that he who did not obey would,
on their return, be beheaded; and in fear of this they agreed to it. Finally the senor gov-
ernor and those who were wi th him e scaped from the siege, and later thi s declarant
saw that as s oon as the Spaniards had left the kingdom an order came from the s aid
Indian, Pope
´
, in which he commanded all the Indians to break the lands and enlarge their
cultivated fields, saying that now they were as they had been in ancient times, free from
the labor they had p erformed for the religious and the Spani ards, who could not now
be alive. He said that this is the legitimate cause and the reason they had for rebelling,
because they had always desired to live as they had when they cam e out of the lake of
Copala. Thus he replies to the question.
Asked for what reason they so blindly burned the images, temples, crosses, and other
things of divine worship, he stated that the said Indian, Pope
´
, came down in person, and
with him El Saca and El Chato from the pueblo of Los Taos, and other captains and leaders
and many people who were in his train, and he ordered in all the pueblos through which he
passed that they instantly break up and burn the images of the holy Christ, the Virgin Mary
and the other saints, the crosses, and everything pertaining to Christianity, and that they
burn the temples, break up the bells, and separate from the wives whom God had given
them in marriage and take those whom they desired. In order to take away their baptismal
names,thewater,andtheholyoils,theyweretoplungeintotheriversandwash
50 Pueblo Revolt (1680)
themselves with amole, which is a root native to the country, washing even their clothing,
with the understanding that there would thus be taken from them the character of the holy
sacraments. They did this, and also many other things which he does not recall, given to
understand that this mandate had come from the Caydi and the other two who emitted
fire from their extremities in the said estufa of Taos, and that they thereby returned to
the state of their antiquity, as when they came from the lake of Copala; that this was the
better life and the one they desired, because the God of the Spaniards was worth nothing
and theirs was very strong, the Spaniard’s God being rotten wood. These things were
observed and obeyed by all except some who, moved by the zeal of Christians, opposed
it, and such persons the said Pope
´
caused to be killed immediately. He saw to it that they
at once erected and rebuilt their houses of idolatry which they call estufas, and made very
ugly masks in imitation of the devil in order to dance the dance of the cacina; and he said
likewise that the devil had given them to understand that living thus in accordance with
the law of their ancestors, they would harvest a great deal of maize, many beans, a great
abundance of cotton, calabashes, and very large watermelons and cantaloupes; and that
they could erect their houses and enjoy abundant health and leisure. As he has said, the
people were very much pleased, l iving at their ease in this life of their antiquity, which
was the chief cause of their falling into such laxity. Following what has already been stated,
in order to terrorize them further and cause them to observe the diabolical commands,
there came to them a pronouncement from the three demons already described, and from
El Pope
´
, to the effect that he who might still keep in his heart a regard for the priests, the
governor, and the Spaniards would be known from his unclean face and clothes, and would
be punished. And he stated that the said four persons stopped at nothing to have their
commands obeyed. Thus he replies to the question.
Asked what arrangements and plans t hey had made for the cont ingency of the
Spaniards’ return, he said that what he knows concerning the question is that they were
always saying they would have to fight to the death, for they do not wish to live in any other
way than they are living at present; and the demons in the estufa of Taos had given them to
understand that as soon as the Spaniards began to move toward this kingdom they would
warn them so that they might unite, and none of them would be caught. He having been
questioned further and repeatedly touching the case, he said that he has nothing more to
say except that they should be always on the alert, because the said Indians were continu-
ally planning to follow the Spaniards and fight with them by night, in order to drive off the
horses and catch them afoot, although they might have to follow them for many leagues.
What he has said is the truth, and what happened, on the word of a Christian who con-
fesses his guilt. He said that he has come to the pueblos through fear to lead in idolatrous
dances, in which he greatly fears in his heart that he may have offended God, and that
now having been absolved and returned to the fold of the church, he has spoken the truth
in everything he has been asked. His declaration being read to him, he affirmed and ratified
all of it. He declared himself to be eighty years of age, and he signed it with his lordship and
the interpreters and assisting witnesses, before me, the secretary. ANTONIO DE OTER-
MI
´
N (rubric); PEDRO NARANJO; NICOLA
´
S RODRIGUEZ REY (rubric); JUAN LUCERO
DE GODOY (rubric); JUAN Ruiz DE CASARES (rubric); PEDRO DE LEIVA (rubric);
Pueblo Revolt (1680) 51
SEBASTI
´
AN DE HERRERA (rubric); JUAN DE NORIEGA GARCI
´
A (rubric); Luis DE GRA-
NILLO (rubric); JUAN DE LUNA Y PADILLA (rubric). Before me, FRANCISCO XAVIER,
secretary of government and war (rubric).
Source: Char les Wilson Hackett, Revol t of the Pueblo Indians of New Me xico and Otermin’s
Attempted Reconquest, 1680–1682, vol. 2 (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico,
1942), 245–249.
52 Pueblo Revolt (1680)
Leisler’s Rebellion (1689–1691)
Leisler’s Rebellion was a New York–based uprising against the Dominion of New
England that last ed from May 31, 1689, to March 20, 1691. Jacob Leisler’s brief
regime was characterized by virulent anti-Catholicism and suppression of dissent,
but it also made important strides toward intercolonial cooperation and
representative government.
In the 1680s, New York witnessed the clash of conflicting impulses toward
absolutism and representa tive government. In the au tumn of 1683, New York’s
first legislature drafted the Charter of Liberties and Privileges, a liberal
constitution that provided for individual liberties and triennial meetings of the
colonial assembly. The colonists’ timing was poor: Charles II was considering a
massive reorganization of imperial administration t o strengthen the Crown’s
authority over the British dominions in North America. Afte r Charles’s death in
1685, his brother Jame s II d isallowed New York’s charter and, in 1688, ordered
that the c olony be incorporated into the highly centraliz ed Dominion o f New
England. James’s administrative reforms were widely unpopular. They fanned
his subjects’ fears that James, a Catholic, might have a penchant for absolutism.
Anxiety escalated when James’s young wife gave birth to a son on June 10,
1688. The new baby, by virtue of his sex, would displace his older, Protestant sis-
ters in the line of succession. His very existence raised the specter of an enduring
Catholic dynasty in England.
In the spring of 1689, word reached America that James II’s Dutch son-in-law,
William of Orange, had invaded England at the behest of Parliament and estab-
lished a Protestant monarchy. On April 18, 2,000 militiamen staged a coup d’e
´
tat
in Boston, arresting the Dominion’s governor, Sir Edmund Andros. The four
New England colonies then reinstated elected governments under their old
charters. I n N ew York, the Dominion’s lieutenant governor, Francis Nicholson,
nervously expanded his council in an a ttempt to ward off a similar uprising or a
foreign invasion.
He did so in vain. On May 31, the New York militia seized Fort James. Nicholson
fled to England. His absence created a vacuum of power in the colony, especially as
Nicholson’s councilors hesitated to swear loyalty to W illiam III. On June 8, a provin-
cial committee of safety declared a prominent militia officer , Jacob Leisler , captain
of Fort James, and on June 22, Leisler’s government proclaimed William and Mary’s
53