Wang Q.E. Inventing China Through History: The May Fourth Approach to Historiography
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138. Chen, Chen Yinke xiansheng quanji, II, 1437.
139. See Jiang Tainshu, “Shimen wangshi zalu” (Some recollections of
my study with Chen Yinke), Jinian Chen Yinke xiansheng dancheng
bainian xueshu lunwenji (Studies in honor of Prof. Chen Yin-que), eds. Ji
Xianlin et al. (Beijing: Beijing Daxue chubanshe, 1989), 15.
140. Chen Zhesan recalled that one day he and his classmates visited
Chen and had some foreign wine in Chen’s place. Chen told them the origin
of the wine by telling a detailed story of the wine, which greatly impressed
them. In Jiang Tianshu, Chen Yinke, 62. Tang Zhenchang told me on April
12, 1992, that he deemed Chen’s death the end of a whole generation of
Chinese scholars.
141. In the article, Chen gives two examples. One is found in the trans-
lation of Lotus Sutra where “Siddhanta” was first translated into “Xitan”
according to the pronunciation. But later scholars gave another meaning to
“Xitan.” Another example is that Xuanzhuang, the great Tang Buddhist
who actually visited India and learned Sanskrit, tried to translate some
Buddhist terms by using words with similar sounds, because he found that
many of terms translated earlier had caused some confusion. “Dacheng
yizhang shuhou” (A study of Mahayana principles), Chen Yinke xiansheng
quanji, II, 1387–1389.
142. Ibid., II, 1389–1390.
143. Chen, “Xiyouji Xuanzhuang dizi gushi zhi yanbian” (Evolutions of
stories about Xuanzhuang and his disciples in The Journey to the West) and
“Sanguozhi Cao Chong Hua Tuo zhuan yu fojiao gushi” (Biographies of Can
Chong and Hua Tuo in The Three Kingdoms and Buddhist stories), ibid.,
II, 1113–1122.
144. Chen, Suitang zhidu suyuan luelungao (Manuscript of the origins
of institutions in the Sui and Tang Dynasties), 1939, and Tangdai
zhengzhishi sulungao (Manuscript of a political history of the Tang
Dynasty), 1941.
145. During his stay in Hong Kong, Chen and his family suffered a great
deal economically. In his letters to Fu Sinian, he described that his family
often had meatless meals for over a month. Wu Han also wrote to Fu, asking
him to offer help for Chen’s escape from Hong Kong. After his escape, Chen
thanked Fu and decided to stay in Guangxi for a brief rest. See “Fu Sinian
dangan” (Fu Sinian’s archive), I-1693, I-1688, I-1689, III-63.
146. In my talk with Tang Zhenchang, Chen’s student, on April 12, 1992,
Tang recalled that Chen once discussed in the classroom the question of
whether Yang Guifei, Tang Xuanzong’s famous concubine, was a virgin
when she entered the palace. Through the discussion of this seemingly
unimportant issue, Chen helped students to understand the marital system
in the Tang Dynasty. Tang Zhenchang believed that this was a good
example of Chen’s historical method.
268 NOTES
147. See Chen, Tangdai zhengzhishi sulungao (Manuscript of Tang
political history), Chen Yinke xiansheng quanji, I, 151–199. About the origin
of Li clan, Chen wrote three essays in 1931, 1933, and 1935. Ibid., I,
341–364, 475–480. Some of Chen’s interpretations were challenged by some
Chinese and Western scholars, see Wang Rongzu, Shijia Chen Yinke zhuan,
124–150.
148. Chen, Tangdai zhengzhishi sulungao (Manuscript of Tang political
history), Chen Yinke xiansheng quanji, I, 200–273. Chen’s geopolitical inter-
pretation of Tang history was challenged by Howard Wechsler who pointed
out that the Guanlong bloc was not based on a geographical connection.
See his “Factionalism in Early Tang Government,” in Perspectives on the
Tang, eds. Arthur Wright and Denis Twitchett (New Haven: Yale Univer-
sity Press, 1973), 87–120. See also Mirror to the Son of Heaven: Wei Cheng
at the Court of T’ang T’ai-tsung (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1974),
88–95.
149. Chen Yinke, “Ji tangdai zhi Li, Wu, Wei, Yang hunyin jituan” (A
study of Li, Wu, Wei, and Yang marital groups in the Tang) and “Lun suimo
tangchu suowei ‘Shandong haojie’ ” (The so-called ‘Shandong Heroes’ at the
end of the Sui and beginning of the Tang Dynasty), Chen Yinke xiansheng
quanji, I, 619–638; 639–664. Yuan Bai shijian zhenggao (Manuscript of a
study of Yuan Zhen and Bai Juyi poems), ibid., II, 689–1011. Besides poetry,
Chen also studied fiction in the Tang. See his article, translated by J. R.
Ware in English: “Han Yu and Tang Novel,” Harvard Journal of Asian
Studies, 1:1 (1936), 39–43.
150. Huang Xuan, “Huainian Chen Yinke jiaoshou” (My memoir of Prof.
Chen Yinke), Jinian Chen Yinke jiaoshou guoji xueshu taolunhui wenji,
67–73. For a new and detailed account of Chen Yinke’s later life, see Lu
Jiandong, Chen Yinke de zuihou ershi nian (Chen Yinke’s Last Twenty
Years) (Hong Kong: Tiandi tushu, 1996).
151. Chen expressed his feelings in his poems. For his decision not to
go to Taiwan, see Jiang Tianshu, Chen Yinke, 137. Also Wang Rongzu,
Shijia Chen Yinke zhuan, 183–185. According to Tang Zhenchang, Chen had
an antithetical couplet hanging in his study, which read “since one never
knows what is to happen tomorrow, his life is unpredictable in reincarna-
tion.” His pessimistic view about the leadership of the GMD government
accounted for his remaining on the mainland.
152. The CCP governor of the Guangdong Province and other CCP
leaders called on him and provided with him some help. Even for the CCP,
Chen was a respected scholar. See Jiang Tianshu, Chen Yinke, 151–153,
156, 159–160.
153. According to Lu Jiandong, Chen refused the offer from Beijing and
stated that unless the institute under his leadership can be exempted from
the study of Marxism, he would not join the Academy. Chen Yinke de zuihou
ershi nian, 101–109.
NOTES 269
154. Chen, Liu Rushi beizhuan (An informal biography of Liu Rushi), 3
vols. (Shanghai: Shanghai Guji Chubanshe, 1980).
155. Chen’s confession later became an important source for his biogra-
phers. Jiang Tianshu’s Chen Yinke xiansheng biannian shiji (A chrono-
logical record of Chen Yinke) utilizes in many places his confessions to
reconstruct his life.
156. In Yang Liansheng, “Chen Yinke xiansheng suitangshi diyijiang
biji” (My notes of the first class of Prof. Chen Yinke’s course of Sui and Tang
history), Tan Chen Yinke, 29. Yu Ying-shih, by studying Chen’s poems, has
done a penetrating analysis of Chen Yinke’s mind and life during the period.
Yu found that Chen often wrote his criticism of Communist rule into his
enigmatic poems, which require painstaking effort to decipher. See Chen
Yinke wannian shiwen shizheng.
Chapter Six
1. Chen Yinke’s experience in the Cultural Revolution was indeed tragic,
but not uncommon during those fierce years. In Gu Chao’s (Gu Jiegang’s
daughter) biography of her father, Lijie zhongjiao zhibuthui, we have found
that Gu suffered, along with his family and many intellectuals, from a
similar experience, although they survived at last. In fact, even those intel-
lectuals of a younger generation who had less exposure to Western cultural
influence and had embraced the Communist revolution, hence the “estab-
lishment intellectuals,” also faced similar, if not more, persecutions and life-
threatening dangers. See China’s Establishment Intellectuals, eds. Carol
Lee Hamrin and Timothy Cheek (Armonk, NY: M. E. Sharpe, 1986) and
Timothy Cheek, Propaganda and Culture in Mao’s China: Deng Tuo and
the Intelligentsia (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1997).
2. For an early discussion of the rise of New-Confucianism, see Hao
Chang, “New Confucianism and the Intellectual Crisis of Contemporary
China.” Furth, The Limits of Change, 276–302. Some of the main issues
raised by these New-Confucians are also discussed by Thomas Metzger in
his Escape from Predicament: Neo-Confucianism and China’s Evolving
Political Culture (New York: Columbia University Press, 1977).
3. Hu Shi’s speech on scientific development and social reform is in
Zhuanji wenxue, 55:1 (1989), 38–40. For how Hu was attacked by his critics
and his death, see Hu Songping, Hu Shizhi xiansheng wannian tanhua lu
(Conversations with Hu Shi in his later years) (Taipei: Lianjing chuban
shiye gongsi, 1984), 284–322.
4. Hu Shi was involved in the magazine, which was an outlet of politi-
cal criticisms in 1950s Taiwan and Hong Kong. In the late summer of 1960,
however, Lei Zhen, the editor, was arrested for some circumstantial charges
270 NOTES
and the magazine was banned subsequently. Hu Shi protested several times
but to no avail. Lei received the sentence of ten years of imprisonment.
5. See Zhou Liangkai (Chow Liang-kai), “Shixueshi yanjiu de quxiang:
yijiusiwu nian yilai Taiwan shijia de lunshu” (Tendencies in the history of
historiography: an analysis on the works of Taiwan historians since 1945),
3–4, presented at the International Conference on Chinese Historiography,
Heidelberg, Germany, March 29–April 2, 1995.
6. For the situation of historical studies in Taiwan during the period,
see Xu Guansan, “sanshiwu nian (1950–1985) lai de Taiwan shijie bian-
qian” (Transformations in Taiwan historians’ circle in the last thirty five
years, 1950–1985), 243–273. Zhang Pengyuan’s Guo Yingyi, Fei Zhengqing,
Wei Muting (Guo Tingyi, John Fairbank, C. Martin Wilbur) recalls the
founding of the Institute and its working relations with American China
scholars and the Ford and Rockefeller Foundations in the 1950s and the
1960s.
7. See Fu’s remarks: “We are not book readers. We go all the way to
Heaven above and Yellow Spring below, using our hands and feet, to look
for things.” Fu Sinian quanji, IV, 256–260.
8. See my article on the changes in the historical studies in Taiwan,
“Taiwan shixue de ‘bian’ yu ‘bubian’, 1949–99,” (Tradition and Transfor-
mation: Historical Studies in Taiwan, 1949–1999), in Taida lishi xuebao
(Historical journal of Taiwan University) 24 (Dec. 1999), 329–374.
9. Some American-educated historians, such as Xu Zhuoyun (Hsu
Cho-yun) and Tao Jinsheng (Tao Chin-sheng) who teach at University of
Pittsburgh and University of Arizona, respectively, were instrumental in
pioneering the study of Chinese social history. But intellectuals historians
like Yu Ying-shih (Princeton) and Lin Yu-sheng (Wisconsin) were also very
popular among history students in Taiwan.
10. Cultural Change in Postwar Taiwan, eds. Stevan Harrell and Huang
Chün-chieh (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1994). However, I have not
hitherto seen any study of Taiwan historiography in English.
11. Quoted in Liu Danian, “How to Appraise the History of Asia?”
History in Communist China, ed. Albert Feuerwerker (Cambridge, MA:
MIT Press, 1958), 366. Liu was then the deputy director of the office in
modern history in the Institute of Historical Research, Chinese Academy.
Other works on Chinese Marxist historiography during the period are
James P. Harrison, The Communists and Chinese Peasant Rebellions: A
Study in the Rewriting of Chinese History (New York: Atheneum, 1969); Arif
Dirlik, “Mirror to Revolution: Early Marxist Images of Chinese History,”
Journal of Asian Studies, 33 (2) (1974), 193–223, and “The Problem of Class
Viewpoint versus Historicism in Chinese Historiography,” Modern China,
3 (4) (Oct. 1977), 465–488; Dorothea Martin, The Making of a Sino-Marxist
World View (Armonk, NY: M. E. Sharpe, 1990); and Using the Past to
NOTES 271
Serve the Present: Historiography and Politics in Contemporary China, ed.
Jonathan Unger (Armonk, NY: M. E. Sharpe, 1993).
12. See Q. Edward Wang, “Between Marxism and Nationalism: Chinese
Historiography and the Soviet Influence, 1949–1963,” Journal of Contem-
porary China, 9:23 (2000), 95–111.
13. Anthologies on these discussions are as follows. For the periodiza-
tion question, see Zhongguo de nulizhi yu fengjianzhi fenqi wenti lunwen
xuanji (Selected essays on the periodization of the slave and feudal eras in
China) (Beijing: Sanlian shudian, 1956); Zhongguo gushi fenqi wenti
luncong (Essays on the periodization question in ancient Chinese history)
(Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1957); Lin Ganquan et al., eds. Zhongguo
gudaishi fenqi taolun wushinian (Discussions on the periodization of
ancient Chinese history in the last fifty years) (Shanghai: Shanghai renmin
chubanshe, 1982). For the peasant wars, see Zhongguo fengjian shehui
nongmin zhanzheng wenti taolunji (Collected articles on the problem of the
peasant wars in Chinese feudal society), ed. Shi Shaobin, (Beijing: Sanlian
shudian, 1962). For Chinese capitalism, see Zhongguo zibenzhuyi mengya
wenti taolunji (Collected papers on the problem of the incipiency of
capitalism in China), 2 vols. (Beijing: Sanlian shudian, 1957).
14. There have been a plenty of works on the “social history controversy,”
in addition to Arif Dirlik’s Revolution and History. See Wang Lixi and Lu
Qingqing, eds. Zhongguo shehuishi di lunzhan (Controversy on the Social
History of China) (Shanghai: 1936); He Ganzhi, Zhongguo shehui shi wenti
lunzhan (Controversy on the Problem of Chinese Social History) (Shang-
hai: 1937), Mechthild Leutner, Geschichtsschreibung zwischen Politik und
Wissenschaft: Zur Herausbildung der chinesischen marxistischen
Geschichtswissenschaft in den 30er under 40er Jahren (Wiesbaden: Otto
Harrassowitz, 1982); and Wu An-chia, “Revolution and History: On the
Causes of the Controversy over the Social History of China (1931–33),”
Chinese Studies in History, XI:3 (Spring 1988), 77–96.
15. Albert Feverwerker, ed., “China’s History in Marxian Dress,” History
in Communist China (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1968), 28.
16. Karl Marx, “Preface to a Contribution to the Critique of Political
Economy,” Early Writings (New York: Vintage Books, 1975), 426.
17. For the discussion, see Han minzu xingcheng wenti taolunji (Dis-
cussions on the formation of the Han nation) (Beijing: Sanlian shudian,
1957). For Fan’s historical career, see Xu Guansan, Xinshixue jiushinian,
Vol. 2, 145–160.
18. Quoted in Xu, Xinshixue jiushinian, vol. 2, 150.
19. R. V. Vyatkin and S. L. Tikhvinsky, “Historical Science in the People’s
Republic,” History in Communist China, 340.
20. Fan’s words, quoted in Xu, Xinshixue jiushinian, vol. 2, 150–151.
272 NOTES
21. This “culture fever” movement, especially the popular TV series He
Shang (River Elegy) in which the new generation of Chinese intellectuals
demonstrated a profound cultural and historical criticism that is equiva-
lent, if not more, to the May Fourth iconoclasm, has attracted some atten-
tion in the West. See Xiaomei Chen, “Occidentalism as Counterdiscourse:
‘He Shang’ in Post-Mao China, Critical Inquiry, 18:4 (Summer 1992),
686–712, and Occidentalism (New York: Oxford University Press, 1995);
Selden Field, “He Shang and the Plateau of Ultrastability,” Edward Gunn,
“The Rhetoric of He Shang: From Cultural Criticism to Social Act,” and Jing
Wang, “He Shang and the Paradoxes of Chinese Enlightenment,” Bulletin
of Concerned Asian Scholars, 23:3 (July 1991), 4–33, and High Culture
Fever: Politics, Aesthetics, and Ideology in Deng’s China (Berkeley: Uni-
versity of California Press, 1996). These young scholars also showed enthu-
siasm for Western culture. For their introduction of Western historical
practice, see Qingjia Wang, “Western Historiography in the People’s
Republic of China (1949 to the present),” Storia della Storiografia, 19
(1991), 23–46.
22. Chen Xulu (1918–1988), for example, a prominent historian in
modern Chinese history, wrote a few articles during the 1980s for the Lishi
yanjiu (Historical research), a leading historical journal in the PRC, ana-
lyzing the ti-yong idea and other relevant issues in modern China. See Chen
Xulu xueshu wencun (Chen Xulu’s scholarly essays) (Shanghai: Shanghai
renmin chubanshe, 1990). Li Zehou also discusses similar questions in his
“manshuo xiti zhongyong” (Remarks on Western substance and Chinese
function), Zhongguo xiandai sixiangshi lun (Beijing: Renmin chubanshe
1986), 311–342.
23. I, for example, served on the editorial board for a translation series
entitled “A translation Series of Modern Western Scholarly Trend” (dangdai
xifang xueshu sichao yicong), in the Shanghai Translation Publishing
House (Shanghai yiwen chubanshe). Each of the first ten books in the series
sold between 50,000 and 100,000 copies. Of course, this series was just one
of many translation series that appeared during the period. The most
successful series was (zouxiang weilai) “Toward the Future,” although it
was not an exclusive translation series.
24. Craig Calhoun, a noted social theorist, has noticed the intrinsic
linkage between the May Fourth Movement and the political culture of the
1980s. See his “Science, Democracy, and the Politics of Identity,” Popular
Protest and Political Culture in Modern China, eds. Jeffrey Wasserstrom
and Elizabeth Perry (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1994), 93–124.
25. Cf. Xudong Zhang, “The Politics of Hermeneutics: Notes on the
Re-Invention of Tradition in Post-Mao Chinese Cultural Discussions,”
paper presented at the International Conference on Chinese Hermeneutic
Cultures, Rutgers University, October 10–12, 1996, 5–7 and his Chinese
Modernism in the Era of Reforms: Cultural Fever, Avant-Garde Fiction, and
the New Chinese Cinema (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1996),
NOTES 273
33–100. Also, Edward Xin Gu, “Cultural Intellectuals and the Politics
of Cultural Public Space in Communist China (1979–1989): A Case Study
of the Three Intellectual Group,” Journal of Asian Studies, 58:2 (1999),
389–431.
26. In his popular book, Jenner analyzes how China’s past, ranging from
law, government, and economics to family, ethics, and values, acting as the
“tyranny of history,” accounts for the difficulty of modernity in modern
China. The Tyranny of History: The Roots of China’s Crisis (New York:
Penguin Books, 1992).
27. Bao, “Cong qimeng dao xin qimeng: dui wusi de fansi” (From the
enlightenment to the new enlightenment: a May Fourth reflection), Cong
wusi dao xin wusi (From the May Fourth to the new May Fourth)
(Taipei: Shibao wenhua congshu, 1989), ed. Zhou Yangshan, 167–168.
28. Foucault, “Nietzsche, Genealogy, History,” in The Foucault Reader,
ed. Paul Rabinow (New York: Pantheon Books, 1984), 89.
29. “Chuantong wenhua yu wenhua chuantong” (Traditional culture
and cultural tradition), in Zhu Weizheng, Yindiao weiding de chuantong
(A tradition without definite tone) (Shenyang: Liaoning Jiaoyu chubanshe,
1995), 19–21.
30. Croce, History as the Story of Liberty, trans. Sylvia Sprigge (New
York: Meridian Books, 1955), 15, also see Croce’s History: Its Theory and
Practice, trans. Douglas Ainslie (New York: Russell & Russell, 1960).
31. Lowenthal, The Past Is a Foreign Country, 356.
274 NOTES
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