INTRODUCTION
2
never to his courage or soldierly virtues. Doubt no longer attaches to Hitler’s
courage under fire or his record as a Great War soldier. He was awarded both
grades of the Iron Cross and deservedly so. There can be no doubt that he was
a brave and fanatical soldier, and that his fanaticism stemmed from the (widely
held) media-inspired belief that the Reich was ringed by enemies and must fight
and win to achieve its rightful place in the sun. As for Austria-Hungary, his
nominal homeland, Hitler had only contempt. By 1914 he already saw the future of
German Austria (including much of Bohemia and Moravia) lying in an Anschluss
with Germany, with the rest of the Habsburg domains being left to fragment as
they may. The
degree
to which Hitler was an active anti-Semite in 1914, and how
much his potentially eliminationist post-1919 attitudes grew, either out of belief
or from political opportunism, will always be open to doubt. The evidence (apart
from what he himself claimed) is inconclusive.
What does seem certain is that by August 1914 he already favoured a pan-
German, anti-Marxist and anti-Socialist worldview. It is also apparent that,
during the war, he was prepared to harangue any comrade, or group of comrades,
willing to listen to his monologues. Hitler was neither a good observer nor a good
listener. His mind was fixed and he was willing to see, read or hear only what
further confirmed him in his prejudices. In the mostly volunteer List Regiment of
October 1914, his was hardly a unique case. Most of these volunteers were like-
minded, being patriotic true believers, to the point of gullibility, in the official
Reich propaganda espoused in governmental, semi-governmental or independent
right-wing newspapers of the day. Thus, we can be sure as to sources (newspapers
primarily) influencing Hitler and motivating him to become the good soldier that
he undoubtedly was. We can also be sure not only from the testimony of Hitler
himself, but through the confirmatory sources of both friend and foe that in
subsequent years he saw himself uniquely qualified – by virtue of his front-line
service, self-belief in his talent for command and his dilettante’s theoretical
knowledge of the conduct of war – to dismiss men he sneered at as staff college
strategists and assume the role of supreme commander of all Germany’s forces.
In Hitler’s case, his Great War knapsack contained no marshal’s baton, but the
tunic of an all-powerful warlord.
It hardly exaggerates to say that every military decision made by Hitler
between 1939 and 1945 was in some way influenced or coloured by his experiences
with the List Regiment. In 1939–40 this may have worked in his favour. His first-
hand field knowledge of French and Belgian Flanders (where the water table
always lies just below ground level and the countryside is criss-crossed with
drainage ditches and narrow lanes) must have told him that this was no country
to employ a major panzer thrust. Instead of adopting a kind of mid-century
Schlieffen Plan – using tanks and Stukas to follow the old German invasion route
of 1914 – he chose to back a panzer thrust through the allegedly impassable
Ardennes forest. Even Hitler’s enthusiastic adoption of the concept of blitzkrieg
itself can be seen to originate in his battle experiences in July 1918, when the
regiment was forced into a headlong retreat, harassed in a co-ordinated counter