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pan-Asianism and ethnic nationalism in the early postwar years. Yasuda Yoju

Takeuchi’s high school classmate and leader of the wartime Japan Romantic School,

added his voice (under a pseudonym, since he was purged by the occupation officials)

through the journal Sokoku (The Fatherland) d uring the years 1949–55. Like Takeu-

chi and their erstwhile opponents, the Marxist historians, Yasuda tried to resituate

Japanese nationality on an Asian foundation. Unlike the Marxists, however, he

defined Asia in a thoroughly romantic way, envisioning ‘‘Asia’’ as the symbol of an

absolute ethical pacifism. This ethnic nationalist renaissance gained important sup-

port from ethnologists and anthropologists such as Yanagita Kunio, Ishida Eiichiro

Egami Namio, and others, many of whom had participated in the wartime effort to

legitimate the Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere by propagating ethnic ideol-

ogy. For all these ethnic nationalists, whether anthropologists, romantics, or Marxists,

the lessons of the war were to avoid the political state: they said nothing about the

dangers of ethnic nationalism.

Even those in char ge of the postwar state shared this wariness of a nationalism

predicated on the state. Only three years after Japan regained political independence

in 1952, a convergence of political parties yielded the structu re that has governed

Japan ever since. The ‘‘1955 System’’ consolidated political power in the hands of the

meta-party, the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), while relegating its opponents

mainly to the new Socialist Party (which combined right- and left-wing factions).

The Liberal faction of the LDP, led by Yoshida Shigeru, never trusted political

nationalism and was able to retain control within the LDP for most of the postwar

years by substituting economic growth for political nationalism. Their greatest mo-

ment came in December 1960, when Prime Minister Ikeda Hayato regained popular

support after the disastrous US–Japan Security Treaty revision riots by announcing a

policy to double incomes within ten years. So long as economic growth continued,

pan-Asian and ethnic nationalism was sublimated to the LDP’s close relations with

the United States and its support for economic growth.

Nationalism during the 1960s and even into the 1970s was largely a matter of

cultural identity, especially evident in theories about Japanese identity that purported

to explain the harmonious nature of Japanese labor and social relations. After the

‘‘Nixon shock’’ of floating the dollar in 1971 and the ‘‘oil shock’’ of a fourfold

increase in the petroleum price in 1973, the LDP promise of everlasting economic

growth became increasingly difficult to sell. During the 1970s, ethnic nationalism

began to reassert the gap between cultural identity and the state. In the middle of the

1980s, Prime Minister Nakasone tried to intervene in this emerging gap between

ethnic national identity and a nationalism centered on the state, while simultaneously

trying to strengthen the office of prime minister to empower himself as a neo-

nationalist leader. His ‘‘grand design’’ for Japan sought to reconcile the state,

internationalism, and ethnic nationalism into a new form of nationalism that he called

‘‘liberal nationalism.’’

Yet, most liberals harshly criticized Nakasone’s nationalism

for its ethnic and racial biases, as well as for his effort to reconcile ethnic nationalism

with the state, an effort that seemed redolent of the wartime Japanese state, which in

fact Nakasone had served as an official in the Home Ministry. Since Nakasone,

nationalism and debat es over national identity in Japan have become highly conscious

of the moral and political differences between a nationalism couched in ethnic terms

(minzoku) and one conceived in political terms (kokumin). And an appreciation of the

540 KEVIN M. DOAK

value of multi-ethnic society has grown during the same period. Moreover, outright

opposition to the state has tempered somewhat, both as the wartime generation

passes on and with the maturation of a younger generation, to whom the state has

been more an agent of economic growth and technological pride than of militarist

expansion.

Three characteristics stand out in contemporary discourse on nationalism in Japan.

One is that, amidst a flurry of books on the nation-state (kokumin-kokka), there is

little open advocacy of ethnic nationalism. The second is the centr al role of history in

these debates, a role that came to the fore in 1995 when Fujioka Nobukatsu

established the ‘‘Liberal School of History’’ and announced plans to revise Japanese

history textbooks. Fujioka (who was influenced in his youth by minzoku Marxist

historians like To

yama Shige ki) insists his concern is with restoring pride in the state

in the aftermath of Japan’s humiliating ‘‘checkbook diplomacy’’ during the first Gulf

War. Yet, his critics often question whether he really is just sublimating ethnic

nationalism into his reappraisal of the state. Nonetheless, as Rikki Kersten has pointed

out, the fact that Fujioka and his group feel compelled to wrap themselves in the

mantle of liberalism (whether sincerely or not) ‘‘tells us that liberalism retains its value

as a legitimizing idea in contemporary Japan.’’

And finally, the new nationalism,

often described as ‘‘healthy nationalism,’’ has spilled out beyond the bounds of

academia, and is often espoused by journalist s, politicians, and others who appeal

less to intellectuals than to ordinary citizens. The passage by the National Diet in

August 1999 of a law that finally established the hinomaru as the national flag and the

‘‘Kimigayo’’ as the national anthem may be seen as the most recent evidence of this

continued effort to bring together a democratic legal system with a long tradition of

an ethnic nationalism that distrusts the state. Whether, and how, the nation and the

state will be fully reconciled in Japan remains to be seen. But we can be confident

that, however these issues are addressed in the future, the weight of this past history

of contestation b etween nation and state will need to be taken into account in any

explanation of politics, nationa lism, or identity in modern Japan.

NOTES

1 Kano, Kindai nihon shiso

annai, pp. 30–4.

2 Yamamuro, Kindai nihon no chi to seiji, pp. 109–17.

3 Sato

, Meiji nashonarizumu no kenkyu

, pp. 43–4.

4 Karatani, ‘‘Senzen’’ no shiko

, p. 25.

5 Silberman, Cages of Reason, p. 222.

6 Uchimura Kanzo

, ‘‘Nisshin senso

no ki,’’ cited in Harada, ‘‘Nisshin senso

no keika to

kokunai no ugoki,’’ p. 145.

7 Oguma, Tan itsu minzoku shinwa no kigen, p. 57.

8 Takayama Chogyu

, ‘‘Jidai seishin no to

itsu wo ronzu,’’ cited in Sato

, Meiji nashonari-

zumu no kenkyu

, p. 63.

9 Sato

, Meiji nashonarizumu no kenkyu

, p. 63.

10 Oguma, Tan itsu minzoku shinwa no kigen, pp. 57–64; Yumoto, Nihonshugi, 1, cited ibid.,

p. 62.

11 Ino Kenji, cited in Doak, ‘‘Ethnic Nationalism and Romanticism,’’ p. 82.

12 On the leading role played by Christians like Abe Iso

and Katayama Sen in early Japanese

socialism, see Scheiner, Christian Converts and Social Protest, pp. 243–7.

NATIONAL IDENTITY AND NATIONALISM 541

13 Sakai Toshihiko, quoted in Hirabayashi Hajime, ‘‘Ukita Kazutami to Tokutomi Soho

,’’

Kumamoto bando

kenkyu

(Tokyo, 1965), cited in Scheiner, Christian Converts and Social

Protest, pp. 218–19.

14 See Shirayanagi, Nihon minzoku ron. In English, see Doak, ‘‘What is a Nation and Who

Belongs?’’, pp. 289–99.

15 Dickinson, War and National Reinvention, pp. 34, 177.

16 Kamei, Dai to

a minzoku no michi, p. 301.

17 Doak, ‘‘Culture, Ethnicity, and the State,’’ pp. 186–92.

18 Habu and Kawai, ‘‘Minzokushugi shiso

,’’ pp. 330–3.

19 Hashikawa, Nihon ro

manha hihan josetsu, p. 33.

20 Morris-Suzuki, Re-inventing Japan, p. 190.

21 Oguma, ‘‘Minshu’’ to ‘‘aikoku,’’ p. 122.

22 Pyle, The Japanese Question, pp. 100–1.

23 Kersten, ‘‘Neo-nationalism and the ‘Liberal School of History’,’’ p. 202.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Dickinson, Frederick. War and National Reinvention: Japan in the Great War, 1914–1919.

Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Asia Center, 1999.

Doak, Kevin M. ‘‘Ethnic Nationalism and Romanticism in Early Twentieth-Century Japan.’’

Journal of Japanese Studies 22:1 (1996): 77–103.

Doak, Kevin M. ‘‘What is a Nation and Who Belongs? National Narratives and the Ethnic

Imagination in Twentieth Century Japan.’’ American Historical Review 102:2 (Apr. 1997):

283–309.

Doak, Kevin M. ‘‘Culture, Ethnicity, and the State in Early Twentieth-Century Japan.’’ In

Sharon Minichiello, ed., Japan’s Competing Modernities: Issues in Culture and Democracy,

1900–1930. Honolulu: University of Hawai i Press, 1998.

Habu Nagaho and Kawai Tsuneo. ‘‘Minzokushugi shiso

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Hiroshi, eds., Shakai shiso

jiten. Tokyo: Chu

Daigaku Shuppanbu, 1982.

Harada Katsumasa. ‘‘Nisshin senso

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Hashikawa Bunzo

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Kamei Kan ichiro

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Kano Masanao. Kindai nihon shiso

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Karatani Ko

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Kersten, Rikki. ‘‘Neo-Nationalism and the ‘Liberal School of History’.’’ Japan Forum 11:2

(1999): 191–203.

Morris-Suzuki, Tessa. Re-inventing Japan: Time, Space, Nation. Armonk, NY: M. E. Sharpe,

1998.

Oguma Eiji. Tan itsu minzoku shinwa no kigen: ‘‘Nihonjin’’ no jigazo

no keifu. Tokyo:

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Oguma Eiji. ‘‘Minshu’’ to ‘‘aikoku’’: sengo Nihon no nashonarizumu to ko

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Sato

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Shirayanagi Shu

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, 1942.

542 KEVIN M. DOAK

Silberman, Ber nard. Cages of Reason: The Rise of the Rational State in France, Japan, the

United States, and Great Britain. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1993.

Yamamuro Shin ichi. Kindai nihon no chi to seiji Inoue Kowashi kara taishu

engei made. Tokyo:

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FURTHER READING

There have in recent years been a good many published works on Japanese nation-

alism written in Japanese that pay close attention to the particular forms of nation-

alism in Japan (especially minzokushugi and kokuminshugi). However, I will limit

myself below to some key works on Japanese nationalism that have appeared in

English. Oguma Eiji’s Tan itsu minzoku shinwa no kigen (The Origin of the Myth

of a Mono-Ethnic Nation) has been translated by David Askew and published as A

Genealogy of ‘‘Japanese’’ Self-Images (Melbourne: Trans Pacific Press. 2002). Askew

made an unfortunate choice to emphasize literary smoothness of style over meaning,

and thus the central concept of minzoku (ethnic nationality) gets rendered in a variety

of ways, leaving the book’s central thesis difficult to follow at times. Nonetheless, this

is a valuable sourcebook on the depth and breadth of ethnic nationalism in modern

Japan. For more on the Japan Romantic School and its ethnic nationalism, see Kevin

M. Doak’s Dreams of Difference: The Japan Romantic School and the Crisis of

Modernity (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1994). Curtis Gayle’s Marxist

History and Postwar Japanese Nationalism (London: RoutledgeCurzon, 2003) picks

up where Oguma and Doak left off, tracing the influence of prewar concepts of ethnic

nationality on postwar Marxist historiography. His study shows how ethnic nation-

alism survived the war to become the basis of a postwar cultural nationalism that

appealed to nationalists on both sides of the political spectrum. His view of postwar

nationalism is complemented by Brian McVeigh’s Nationalisms of Japan: Managing

and Mystifying Identity (Lanham, Md.: Rowman and Little field, 2004). McVeigh’s

concise study is a very important contribution insofar as he recognizes and even

presents a typology of the plurality of nationalisms in contemporary Japan. Yumiko

Iida’s Rethinking Identity in Modern Japan: Nationalism as Aesthetics (London:

Routledge, 2002) is a challenging Marxist-inspired interpretation of postwar Japan-

ese nationalism as an ‘‘aesthetic’’ displacement of class consciousness, and thus an

ideology that merely supports the capitalist state. It should be read together with

James Orr’s The Victim as Hero: Ideologies of Peace and National Identity in Postwar

Japan (Honolulu: University of Hawai i Press, 2001) and Kosaku Yoshino’s Cultural

Nationalism in Contemporary Japan: A Sociological Enquiry (London: Routledge,

1992). On gender and nationalism (Ueno Chizuko is the leader in this subfield in

Japanese), see Jason Karlin, ‘‘The Gender of Nationalism: Competing Masculinities

in Meiji Japan,’’ Journal of Japanese Studies 28:1 (Winter 2002): 41–77. Rather than

simply applying nationalism to gender (as, for example, the oppression of women by

the patriarchal state), Karlin’s essay demonstrates the constructed and contested

nature of both gender and the nation in Meiji Japan . For a more traditional approach

to gender and nationalism, see Mariko Tamanoi, Under the Shadow of Nationalism:

Politics and Poetics of Rural Japanese Women (Honolulu: University of Hawai i Press,

1998). On literary representations of identity, see the various chapters in Haruo

NATIONAL IDENTITY AND NATIONALISM 543

Shirane and Tomi Suzuki, eds., Inventing the Classics: Modernity, National Identity,

and Japanese Literature (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 2000).

One important volume that introduces how several influe ntial scholars understand

the problem of Japanese nationalism is Sandra Wilson’s edited collection Nation and

Nationalism in Japan (London: Routledge Curzon, 2002). An emerging approach to

Japanese nationalism has been to emphasize metaphors of space and region, especially

by placing Japanese nationalism in relationship to other identities and nationalisms in

East Asia. See the chapte rs on Japan by Kevin Doak, Stefan Tanaka, and Ronal d Toby

in Kai-wing Chow, Kevin Doak, and Poshek Fu, eds., Constructing Nationhood in

Modern East Asia (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2001). The various

essays in Dick Stegewerns, ed., Nationalism and Internationalism in Imperial Japan

(London: RoutledgeCurzon, 2003) explore the various strategies through which

nationalism was intertwined with internationalism in the imperial period. Also,

Prasenjit Duara’s Sovereignty and Authenticity: Manchukuo and the East Asian Mod-

ern (Lanham, Md.: Rowman and Littlefield, 2003) is a good reminder that prewar

Japanese national identity and nati onalism encompassed many people whom today

we would not necessarily think of as ‘‘Japanese.’’

544 KEVIN M. DOAK

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