The Cambridge History of Japan, Vol. 3: Medieval Japan

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THE DEVELOPMENT OF ZEN MONASTICISM 609

several men have alternately held the same post. This is unpardonable. . . .

They must choose and appoint men who will hold a post for half

year. Those

who hold an office for less than half

year will not have their names entered

on the roster.

The same problem is raised even more acutely in the regulations of

1376:

Concerning the period of service for both ranks in recent years, we hear that

there are those who serve for only three or five days, or even change posts

three and five times in one day. This is not the Zen church that Hyakujo

intended. The previous rank must not be recognized. . . . The Shogun will

also not issue an order of appointment to such priests.

The abbot's choice and behavior was particularly important to effec-

tive monastic leadership, administration, and order. Even the bakufu

recognized that "the rise and fall of temples depends on the abbot."

Abbots were expected to serve for at least three years. Many, however,

retired "after only four or five months" (Article 98) or less.

The

installation expenses for a new abbot were a heavy drain on a monas-

tery. The bakufu's regulations repeatedly stressed that gift giving and

entertainment at such installation ceremonies should be kept to a

minimum: "Installation ceremonies must not be extravagant. Temples

are ruined primarily by such expenses, and therefore they are to be

specially prohibited. Abbots must also completely cease gift-giving

because of the great expense involved."

High office in one of the gozan monasteries brought distinction to

a monk, his family, and patrons. Clearly, many monks wanted the

title of abbot or senior administrator but not the obligations that

went with the office. Finding and maintaining talented monastic

leadership thus remained a critical problem for the gozan institution

and its secular sponsors. And the problem was compounded by the

fact that the shogunate collected a fee each time it issued a certificate

of appointment to an abbot. The fee varied from five kanmon for

installation as abbot of a shozan-rank monastery to fifty kanmon for

installation at the Nanzenji. This represented a substantial income

from the whole gozan system. During the fifteenth century, the

bakufu undermined its own regulations by indiscriminately issuing

such certificates of appointment (kumon) as a means of maximizing

income from the gozan.

Another, area of grave concern to warrior rulers and Zen monastic

administrators in their regulation of the gozan institution was that

33 Ibid., p. 55. 34 Ibid., p. 77. 35 Ibid., p. 65. 36 Ibid., p. 77.

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6lO ZEN AND THE GOZAN

these populous Zen monasteries not become armed camps, as had

many of the older Japanese monastic centers. Article 76 (1352) and

Article 234 (ca. 1445), respectively, reveal that Zen temples were not

always havens of meditative tranquillity:

Recently we have heard repeatedly that groups of monks are shedding blood

among themselves within temple precincts. This is unpardonable. The

wounded parties must be forthwith expelled from the temple, no matter what

their excuse. As for the offenders, the case must be thoroughly investigated,

and in addition to being expelled from the temple, they shall not be allowed

to live in any other temple. If it becomes clear that the investigation is being

delayed, litigation concerning the temple in question and its various retreats

shall not be heard.

In recent years monks and novices of the Gozan [monasteries] have fre-

quently brought their demands into the temples, using force and bearing

arms.

This is unpardonable. Hereafter, even if they have a justifiable griev-

ance,

they will be punished by the Shogun if they attempt to petition using

force in this manner. If such individuals exist, then the Eastern rank and

priests of

tsubun

and lower ranks shall protect the temple by catching those

using force and by searching for their hiding places. They must search

tatchu

temples to find the ringleaders. In addition, whenever monks and novices

bear arms at night, the temple's lay employees shall be ordered to capture

them.

On the whole, the shogun's efforts to prevent the militarization of the

Zen monasteries were successful. Although there was brawling and an

occasional resort to arms in the monasteries or between

gozan

monks

and those of other monasteries or schools, as in the clash between the

Nanzenji monks and those of the Onjoji and Enraykuji during the

Nanzenji-gate incident of

1367,

neither the

gozan

nor any other branch

of medieval Zen was so militarized as to become a decisive armed force

in the power struggles of that time.

Rinzai Zen: the Daid

school

Although the

gozan

institution was extensive and influential, it did not

include all the Rinzai monasteries in medieval Japan. The monasteries

of Daitokuji, Myoshinji, and their affiliates in the Daio school of Zen

were excluded from the

gozan

or chose to remain outside it. But their

independence of the

gozan

meant no patronage by the shogun, a very

frugal monastic life, and

consequent emphasis on rigorous Zen prac-

tice.

The monks of the Daitokuji and Myoshinji found their patrons

37 Ibid., pp. 56 and 103, respectively. Other examples of bakufu regulation of gozan monasteries

can be found in CoIIcutt, Five

Mountains,

pp. 165-70.

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THE DEVELOPMENT OF ZEN MONASTICISM 6ll

among members of the imperial court, lesser provincial warrior fami-

lies,

and the wealthy townspeople of Kyoto and Sakai.

Ties of patronage played a significant role in shaping the develop-

ment of Rinzai Zen schools in medieval society. While the Ashikaga

shoguns were in reasonably firm control of the country and able to

dominate the bakufu-shugo alliance during the fourteenth century and

the first half of the fifteenth, the

gozan

schools were in the ascendant.

They enjoyed great social prestige, generous economic support, and

the protection of their extensive landholding rights. However, in the

late fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, when the authority of the

Ashikaga shogunate and the

shugo

was undercut by assassination, civil

war, and the restlessness and ambition of local warrior families,

gozan

monasteries at all levels suffered. Financial support dried up, monas-

teries were gutted in the Onin War, their monks were dispersed, and

their lands were taken from them. The Daitokuji and Myoshinji also

suffered destruction in the warfare of the late fifteenth century, but the

patrons they were attracting among the local warrior families and

townspeople were a waxing rather than a waning force in Japanese

society. In the sixteenth century, many of the warriors who toppled

shugo

and emerged as warlords

(sengoku

daimyo) were patrons of the

Daitokuji and Myoshinji monks. The Daitokuji, in particular, bene-

fited from its close connections with the daimyo and the merchant

community of Sakai. During the sixteenth century, the merchant

houses in Sakai grew rich on trade with China and Europe. Some of

their wealth was used to buy Chinese art objects or to indulge in the

arts related to the tea ceremony, under the guidance of the Daitokuji

monks. As links were forged between merchants and Zen masters,

some Sakai townsmen studied Zen, sponsored the building of

subtemples in the Daitokuji, or sent their sons to study Zen there.

The Daio school takes its name from the Japanese Zen monk

Nampo Jomyo (Daio Kokushi, 1235-1308). Nampo began his Zen

practice under Lan-ch'i Tao-lung at the Kenchoji. In 1259 he jour-

neyed to Sung China where he studied Ch'an under many masters

before attaining enlightenment under the Lan-ch'i master Hsu-t'ang

Chih-yii, whose teaching he transmitted to Japan. In 1267 Nampo

returned to Kamakura to assist Lan-ch'i. He then spent thirty years

heading temples and teaching Zen in northern Kyushu. His reputa-

tion as a stern Zen master eventually reached the court, and in 1305,

he received an imperial invitation to head the Manjuji in Kyoto. There

he tried to establish his own Zen monastery, the Kigenji in

Higashiyama, but was frustrated by opposition from the Enryakuji's

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6l2 ZEN AND THE

GOZAN

monks. Accepting an invitation from Hojo Sadatoki in 1307, he

moved to Kamakura where he headed the Kenchoji until his death.

Daio's numerous disciples included Shuho Myochd (Daito

Kokushi, 1282-1337) whose vigorous Zen and six years as a beggar

under the Gojo Bridge in Kyoto attracted the interest and patronage of

Akamatsu Norimura, shugo of Harima, the cloistered emperor

Hanazono, and Emperor Godaigo. Daito lectured to his patrons on

Zen and the Blue Cliff

Koan

Collection.

With their backing he was able

to establish the monastery of Daitokuji on the site of his hermitage at

Murasakino in the northern part of the capital in 1326.

Although it is unclear whether Daito welcomed Godaigo's plans to

make the Daitokuji, along with the Nanzenji, the head of a Kyoto-

centered, pro-Southern Court

gozan

system during the Kemmu resto-

ration, it is very clear that he sought imperial acknowledgment that

the Daitokuji should be named "protector of the nation" and "place of

imperial worship" and that it should always be headed by monks of his

own lineage. Daito was a contemporary of Muso, who served as ad-

viser and Zen master for the Hojo, Godaigo, and the Ashikaga. But

Daito was critical of Muso's Zen and probably of Muso's ability to be

all things to all men. He thus never established close ties with the

Ashikaga, who were admirers of Muso. Daito's death followed by only

a year Godaigo's flight from Kyoto. Throughout its history, the

Daitokuji maintained a strong imperial connection.

After Daito's death, the Daitokuji was headed by his disciple Tetto

Giko (1295-1369), a skilled administrator. In his codes for the

Daitokuji and its subtemples, the

Seven Article Code

(1337),

Daitokuji

hatto,

Shoden'an

hatto,

and

Tokuzenji hatto

(all compiled in 1368), Tetto

laid down the regulations by which abbots should be selected and by

which the monastery and its lands should be administered by a monas-

tery council comprising the abbot, the officers of the eastern and

western ranks, and older monks.

The Daitokuji was not included in

the revised list of Kyoto

gozan

monasteries issued by the bakufu in

1341,

presumably because the monastery was regarded as a

tsuchien,

temple exclusive to the members of

single lineage.

38 Biographical details for Nampo Jomyo are taken from Ogisu Jundo, "Nampo Jomyo no

Nihon zenshu shijo no chii," in Nihon chusei zenshu-shi (Kyoto: Mokujisna, 1965), pp. 202-

20.

39 Shuho Myocho and the Daitokuji are discussed in Haga Koshiro et al., eds., Daitokuji

sado

(Kyoto: Tankosha, 1972); and by Ogisu Jundo, "Shuho Myocho to sono Zen," Nihon

chusei

zenshu-shi, pp. 222-36.

40 Tetto's role in providing an administrative framework for the early Daitokuji community is

examined by Takenuki Gensho, "Rinka ni okeru kyodan keiei ni tsuite," Bdtkyo shigaku 15

(July 1971): 225-63-

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THE DEVELOPMENT OF ZEN MONASTICISM 613

Both the Daitokuji and Ryushoji, a Kyoto monastery established by

Daio Kokushi, were included in a 1385 listing of Kyoto

jissatsu

issued

by Ashikaga Yoshimitsu. They were ranked at the lowly ninth place

among the

jissatsu

and were undoubtedly ill at ease among the official

monasteries. After several appeals to the bakufu, the Daitokuji was

permitted to withdraw from the jissatsu on the grounds that its charter

by the emperors Godaigo and Hanazono had recognized it as a training

center exclusively for monks of the Dai to lineage. It is likely that the

Ryushoji withdrew from the gozan system at the same time. From this

point, Daitokuji abbots were permitted to wear purple robes, as

granted by the imperial court.

In 1453, the Daitokuji was almost completely destroyed by fire.

Before it could be fully rebuilt, it was again put to the torch during the

Onin War. But even while the Daitokuji was in ashes, the basis for its

recovery and expansion was being laid by the monks Yoso Soi (1376-

1458) and Ikkyu Sojun (1394-1481). Both Yoso and Ikkyu began

their Zen training in gozan monasteries. But like growing numbers of

monks in the late fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, they quickly

became dissatisfied with what they perceived as the formalism, and

aestheticism of the official monasteries and so turned to masters of the

Daio school like Kaso Sodon (1352-1428) for training in a more

rugged Zen. When in 1410 Ikkyu left the ankokuji, he expressed in a

poem his disgust at the gozan monks who, he felt, were more like

merchants than Buddhist priests and who carried their family snobber-

ies into the cloister:

Amidst Zen sermons and lectures they talk of family.

Filled with shame I struggle to remain silent.

But, when Zen talk fails the challenge,

Demon-victories perpetuate spiritual ignorance.

Ikkyu was an irreverent, unconventional monk who preferred the

camaraderie of drinking places and brothels to the constraints of mo-

nastic administration. Quite apart from his attacks on the gozan, he

was ambivalent about Zen at the Daitokuji. In 1440 he was persuaded,

perhaps by Yoso, to become abbot of the Nyoi'an subtemple, but he

quit after only a few days, complaining about the frivolousness of the

monks and the endless bureaucratic demands of the office.

"Interesting donations" are dragged into the hermitage;

they decorate the east wall with wooden ladles and rustic

baskets.

41 Translated by James H. Sanford, Zen-man Ikkyu (Decatur, Ga.: Scholars Press, 1981), p. 14.

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

614 ZEN AND THE GOZAN

I have no use for such useless

stuff,

A straw raincoat beside rivers and lakes has long been

my style.

and

Only ten fussy days as abbot,

and already my feet are tangled in red tape.

If, someday, you want to look me up,

Try the fish-shop, the tavern, or the brothel.

Ikkyu and Yoso could hardly have been less alike as Zen monks.

Yoso seems to have been everything that Ikkyu was not: a gentle,

sober, monk-administrator who devoted his energies to training

Daitokuji monks and restoring the monastery. For some reason Ikkyu

developed a violent dislike of Yoso and took every opportunity to

denounce him as a counterfeit Zen master, eager only for imperial

recognition, who had betrayed the tradition of Daito and Kaso. When

in 1457 Yoso was awarded the title of Soe Daisho Zenji by Emperor

Gohanazono in recognition of his labors in rebuilding the Daitokuji,

Ikkyu honored him with the following verse:

A purple robe and high title that impoverish our line.

An imperial appointment is just so much cash in hand.

A clear counterfeit, this master from the Daiyo Hermitage

Come and see him, a real West China highwayman.

But Ikkyu and Yoso had at least one thing in common. Both, in very

different ways, were extremely effective in winning patrons for the

Daitokuji among the Sakai merchants. Yoso popularized Zen and

raised donations in the process, by granting certificates of enlighten-

ment to lay people who attended mass meditation sessions at which

koan were "solved" by esoteric transmission rather than through rigor-

ous self-directed meditative enquiry. Although Ikkyu denounced these

practices as a prostitution of Zen by "selling the Dharma" and ridi-

culed Yoso and the townsmen who supported him, Ikkyu's own wild

antics,

unconventional Zen, and direct, outspoken approach won him

a devoted following in Sakai. When in 1474, late in life, Ikkyu ac-

cepted the abbacy of the Daitokuji and the burden of restoring it after

the ravages of the Onin War, his prestige and wide-ranging connec-

42 Ibid., p. 47. 43 Ibid., p. 48. 44 Ibid., p. 50.

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THE DEVELOPMENT OF ZEN MONASTICISM 615

tions attracted donations from Sakai merchants, tea masters,

renga

masters, and daimyo.

The links between the Daitokuji and Sakai that had been forged by

Yoso Soi and Ikkyu in the mid-fifteenth century were strengthened as

Sakai prospered in the sixteenth, by the townspeople's passion for

Chinese luxury items, Zen, and the tea ceremony. The Daitokuji's

branch temples were established in Sakai; Daitokuji prelates were

frequent visitors to the city; and in time, some of the younger sons of

the merchant families enrolled as monks in the Daitokuji or its

subtemples. After the fire of 1453, a Sakai merchant with the Bud-

dhist name of Sokan, a patron of

Yoso,

paid for the rebuilding of the

Dharma hall (hatto). Some twenty years later, the merchant Owa

Shiroraemon Sorin, a disciple of Ikkyu, bore most of the cost of re-

building the abbot's building, the Buddha hall, the Dharma hall, and

several of the older

tatchu

after their destruction in the Onin War. He

also persuaded other Sakai merchants to contribute to the establish-

ment of the Shinju'an as a memorial temple for Ikkyu and bequeathed

mortuary funds

(shidosen)

to be used as capital for moneylending ven-

tures by the Daitokuji. The documents recording the many small

"incense donations" for the thirteenth and thirty-third-year memorial

services for Ikkyu held at the Shinju'an in 1494 and 1514 include the

names of many Sakai and Kyoto merchants, as well as warriors and

wealthy peasants.

Whereas the backing of Sakai merchants helped the Daitokuji re-

cover from the effects of the Onin War in the late fifteenth century, it

was the patronage of the daimyo that ensured its prosperity and ush-

ered in its golden age in the sixteenth century. Before 1500, the

Daitokuji had seven subtemples. Between 1500 and 1812, another

eighteen were established, most of them by

sengoku

daimyo or by

Toyotomi Hideyoshi. Many of

these

daimyo

tatchu

combined the char-

acter of the daimyo family temple

(bodaiji)

with that of the memorial

temple

(tatchu)

for a revered Zen master and were generously sup-

ported, at least while their warrior patrons were successful in the wars

and political intrigues. The daimyo patrons shared with the Daitokuji

monks and Sakai merchants a common passion for the tea ceremony,

as well as an interest in Zen, and many

tatchu

assumed the character of

cultural salons.

Here I need mention only a few examples to convey the character of

45 Izumi Choichi, "Sakai chonin to Zen," Rekishi koron, no. 10 (1977):

89-91.

46 Hayashiya Tatsusaburo et al., Kyoto no rekishi (Kyoto: Gakugei shorin, 1968), vol. 3, pp.

128-9.

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6l6 ZEN AND THE

GOZAN

daimyo patronage in the growth of the Daitokuji school.

The

Korin'in, for instance, was built and patronized by the Hatakeyama of

Noto and later patronized by the Maeda of Kaga. In 1597,

Hatakeyama Yoshimoto bestowed on the subtemple holdings in two

villages in Noto, producing an annual tax income of 100

kanmon.

The

Korin'in also preserved a list of those secular patrons granted Bud-

dhist names

(homyo)

between 1525 and 1535. This

hdmyochd

lists sixty-

four males and thirty-six females, mostly from Kyoto, its environs,

and Hokuriku. The fact that, apart from the Hatakeyama, most were

the deputies (hikan) of daimyo, merchants and artisans, or wealthy

peasants indicates something about the Daitokuji monks' social influ-

ence.

Obai'in was built by Kobayakawa Takakage (1533-85), one of

Hideyoshi's leading generals, and granted an annual income of one

hundred koku. Subsequently, the Obai'in came under the patronage of

the Mori (Choshu), who were related to the Kobayakawa, and during

the Tokugawa period the head monks of the Obai'in were treated as if

they were members of the Mori family. Finally, the Koto'in in was

built in 1602 by Hosokawa Tadaoki (1563-1645) as a memorial to his

famous father Hosokawa Yusai (15 34-1610).

Tadaoki's career was one of the success stories of the age. His wife,

the Christian convert Gracia, was the daughter of Akechi Mitsuhide

(1528-82). Tadaoki refused to help Mitsuhide assassinate Oda

Nobunaga and later served Hideyoshi and Ieyasu with distinction. For

his services at the battle of Sekigahara and in the Osaka campaigns,

Tadaoki was awarded the Kokura

han

(390,000

koku)

as a

fief.

Like his

father, Yusai, Tadaoki combined literary with martial skills. He was an

accomplished painter and waka poet, one of the leading students of

the tea master Rikyu, and the compiler of a guide to the conduct of the

tea ceremony, the

Hosokawa

Sansai

chaso.

Gyokuho Joso, the monk

for whom the Koto'in was built, was Yusai's younger brother.

Sengoku

daimyo did not limit their patronage to Kyoto. Many daimyo, like the

Hojo of Odawara, invited Daitokuji monks to their domains and built

provincial branch temples for them. With this kind of backing, the

Daitokuji school of Zen spread rapidly throughout Japan in the six-

teenth century. By the late sixteenth century, the Daitokuji had more

than two hundred branch temples, many of them former members of

the

gozan

hierarchy.

A third group of sponsors who contributed in the sixteenth century

47 Further information on these and other Daitokuji

taichu

can be found in Kawakami Mitsugu,

Zen'in no kenckiku (Kyoto: Kawara shot

en,

1968), pp. 127-265.

THE DEVELOPMENT OF ZEN MONASTICISM 617

to the prosperity of the Daitokuji and its subtemples were the men of

culture of that period: the linked-verse (renga) poets and tea masters.

The renga poet Saiokuken Socho (1448-1532), who had studied Zen

with Ikkyu, built a single-story great gate (sanmon) at the Daitokuji.

To help raise the money, he sold a precious copy of The Tale ofGenji.

According to documents belonging to the Shinju'an, a total of 731

kan and 500 mon were spent in 1525 and 1526 on the construction of

this gate.

Socho's fellow poet, Yamazaki Sokan (1465-1553) was

among those who contributed "incense money" at the memorial ser-

vices for Ikkyu. Most of the leading tea masters of the age - men like

Murata Juko (1422-1502), Takeno J66 (1502-55), Tsuda Sokyu (?-

1591),

Imai Sokyu (1520-93), and Sen no Rikyu (1522-91) - studied

Zen and the tea ceremony with the Daitokuji monks, contributed

generously to the monastery and helped make the Daitokuji one of

the leading cultural centers in Japan.

In 1585, Hideyoshi held an

ostentatious tea ceremony at the Daitokuji, in which Sen no Rikyu

and Tsuda Sokyu played leading roles and to which large numbers of

daimyo and townsmen were invited. This assertion of cultural hege-

mony by Hideyoshi established the Daitokuji as the center for the tea

ceremony and brought fame and favor to Sen no Rikyu. In 1559,

Rikyu rebuilt the great gate at his own expense, adding a second

story and installing a statue of

himself.

This presumption aroused

Hideyoshi's anger, led to Rikyu's suicide, and almost resulted in the

Daitokuji's destruction.

As this incident suggests, Hideyoshi's relations with the Daitokuji

were usually tempestuous, blending ostentatious liberality with sud-

den bursts of anger and changes of mind. It was undoubtedly under

his example that many sengoku daimyo developed an interest in the

monastery. Hideyoshi continued Nobunaga's policy of tightening con-

trol over the Buddhist institutions while using Buddhism as a counter

to Christianity and extending patronage to compliant monasteries and

Buddhist groups.

Although Hideyoshi was by no means an exclusive, or particularly

dedicated, devotee of Zen, he had great respect for the Daitokuji

monk Kokei Sochin. In the tenth month of 1582, Hideyoshi held

48 Yamada Sobin, "Sanmon shufuku no kiroku," in Haga et al., eds., Daiiokuji tosado, pp. 264-

73.

49 Hayashiya et al., Kyoto no rekishi, vol. 3, p. 130.

50 Yamada, "Sanmon shufuku no kiroku," pp. 273-9.

51 For a brief general discussion of Hideyoshi's attitude toward Buddhism and his treatment of

the various branches of the Buddhist institution, see Kuwata Tadachika,

Toyotomi

Hideyoshi

kenkyu (Tokyo: Kadokawa shoten, 1975), pp. 341-58.

6l8 ZEN AND THE

GOZAN

lavish funeral obsequies at the Daitokuji for his slain overlord,

Nobunaga, at which Kokei officiated. To pay for the ceremonies,

Hideyoshi made a gift often thousand kan in cash to the monastery.

In the same year, he ordered the construction of the Soken'in

subtemple as a memorial to Nobunaga and installed Kokei as the

founding abbot. In 1588, he had the Tenzuiji built at Daitokuji as a

memorial for his mother and, at about the same time, gave Kokei

Sochin four thousand

kanmon

to build a new temple, the Tenshoji.

Construction had hardly begun when Hideyoshi, angered by Kokei's

use of the funds, banished the monk to Kyushu and abandoned work

on the new temple.

Hideyoshi's land surveys and reforms, however, were much more

significant to the Daitokuji than were his temple-building activities, as

they restructured the Daitokuji's whole economy and largely defined

the economic base on which the monastery was to operate during the

Edo period. Without detailed overall figures for the period before the

land reforms, it is impossible to know exactly how the Daitokuji fared

under Hideyoshi. But compared with monasteries like Negoro or

Koyasan, which were stripped of many of their holdings, the

Daitokuji seems to have been treated generously and may even have

gained a little. In the spring of 1585, when widespread cadastral sur-

veys of Buddhist monastic holdings were being made, the Daitokuji's

domains were granted full confirmation (ando).

Later in the same

year, Hideyoshi ordered the consolidation of the Daitokuji's scattered

holdings into three major areas with an assessed yield

(kokudaka)

1,545 koku.

This was increased to 2,010

koku

by Tokugawa Ieyasu in

1615,

a level of income that was maintained during the Tokugawa

period. Although this

was

not

particularly large allowance by contem-

porary standards - it compared with the stipends of high-ranking To-

kugawa bannermen - it was greater than the incomes allotted to the

principal gozan monasteries. The wheel of fortune for the Daitokuji

had come full circle.

The other major branch of the Daio school was the line tracing its

descent from the monk Kanzan Egen (1277-1360), disciple of Daito

and founder of the Myoshinji monastery in Kyoto. After a difficult

history in the fourteenth and early fifteenth centuries, the Myoshinji

line expanded dramatically under the patronage of

the sengoku

daimyo

52 This document is reproduced in Tayama Honan, ed., Daitokuji (Tokyo: Kodansha, 1968),

302. 53 Hayashiya et al., Kyoto no rekishi, vol. 4, p. 185.

54 Tokyo daigaku shiryohensanjo, ed., Daitokuji monjo (Tokyo: Tokyo daigaku shuppankai),

vol.

I, doc. 98. 55 Daitokuji monjo, vol. I, doc. 101.