The Cambridge History of Japan, Vol. 3: Medieval Japan

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ECONOMY AND ADMINISTRATION 639

tion as well as profit. Among the rioters' demands in the uprisings

(ikki) of the fifteenth century was relief (tokusei) from the payments

on overdue shidosen loans. Involvement in usury thus exposed Zen

monasteries to the anger of disgruntled citizens, some of whom

sought revenge by pillaging monasteries when the chance arose dur-

ing the Onin War.

In addition to direct donations and endowments of land, the gozan

system benefited indirectly from the bakufu's protection. Under the

umbrella of bakufu sponsorship, gozan monasteries and their shoen

holdings enjoyed military protection, exemption from such bakufu

and shugo levies as yakubuku-mai (rice paid in lieu of corvee) and

tansen, immunity from intrusion by warrior officials and tax collectors,

freedom from barrier fees, and favorable treatment in litigation. This

protection allowed the gozan economies to prosper until well into the

fifteenth century and for gozan monastic populations to swell far be-

yond the numbers that the bakufu thought desirable. The Tofukuji in

the early fifteenth century, for instance, had more than 600 monks

enrolled, although the bakufu regulations permitted only 350.

But the close association between gozan and bakufu did not always

work to the advantage of the Zen monasteries. During the fifteenth

century, when the Muromachi bakufu was having financial difficulties

and beginning to lose its grip over the country, the gozan monasteries

were being exploited financially and losing important landholdings.

By the mid-fifteenth century, the Ashikaga shoguns were forcing the

gozan monasteries to give them loans and gifts, and these exactions

increased as the bakufu's finances weakened.

In 1435, for instance, Ashikaga Yoshinori collected at least twenty

kan from the Rokuon'in and fifty kan from the Tojiji. According to

Imatani Akira, in 1458 there were sixty incidents of forced "gift giv-

ing" by gozan monks, providing more than fifteen hundred kanmon for

the shogun. In 1459, the shogunate borrowed two thousand kanmon

and in 1463 six thousand kanmon from monks of the eastern rank of

the Kyoto gozan.

It is unlikely that these loans were ever repaid.

Exactions on this scale were a heavy drain on gozan coffers, and from

83 On the questions of moneylending by Zen temples and the activities of monks of the eastern

rank, see Fujioka Daisetsu, "Gozan kyodan no hatten ni kansuru ichi kosatsu," Bukkyo

shigaku 6 (March 1957): 47-66; and Fujioka Daisetsu, "Zen'in nai ni okeru tohanshu ni

tsuite," Nihon rekishi, no. 145 (July i960): 19-28.

84 Hiraizumi Kiyoshi, Chusei ni okeru shaji to shakai to no kankei (Tokyo: Shibundo, 1934), p.

49,

states that the Tofukuji maintained a population of nearly 700 monks, despite repeated

efforts by the bakufu to hold down the number to 350.

85 Imatani, Sengoku-ki no Muromachi bakufu, pp. 35-39.

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640 ZEN AND THE GOZAN

the 1460s, gozan monk administrators protested that they could no

longer afford to make loans to the shogunate.

Moreover, the wealth that the

gozan

monasteries had derived from

their extensive shoen holding was drastically reduced when, fron:

around the time of the Onin War, the bakufu began to disallow exemp-

tions from

yakubuku-mai

and

tansen

levies and the local warriors began

to intrude with impunity into gozan landholdings. In the spreading

provincial disorder of the late fifteenth and sixteenth centuries,

gozan

monasteries like the Tenryuji, Nanzenji, Engakuji, and Rinsenji lost

control over most of their

shoen

holdings. This continued until Oda

Nobunaga and Toyotomi Hideyoshi restored order to the provinces

and began to rebuild the stricken

gozan

monasteries, restoring, though

on a much smaller scale, their economic base. In 1591, for instance,

Hideyoshi confirmed the Nanzenji's holdings in and around Kyoto,

with an income of 592 koku. Tokugawa Ieyasu later raised this to 892

koku.*

This income was probably sufficient to support a community

of several hundred, but it was a far cry from the more than 4,000

koku

that the Nanzenji had received from its landholdings in the late four-

teenth century.

Whereas the economies of the

gozan

monasteries generally traced a

parabola of growth through the thirteenth, fourteenth, and early fif-

teenth centuries, followed by disintegration in the late fifteenth and

sixteenth centuries, the economies of the Daio branches of Rinzai Zen

and the Soto monasteries followed a contrary curve, coming into their

own as the

gozan

declined.

In the late fourteenth century, none of the leading

non-gozan

Rinzai

or Soto monasteries - Daitokuji, Myoshinji, Eiheiji, and Sojiji -

compared in wealth with their

gozan

counterparts. The Daitokuji had

fared well under the patronage of Godaigo in the early 1330s. It was

granted full control and immunity

(ichienfuyu)

over six

shoen

and from

one of them, Tomono-no-sho in Shinano Province, derived (if the

documents can be believed) the enormous income of

7,600

koku.

The

Daitokuji did not, however, find favor with the Ashikaga, and without

the shogun's support, the monastery found it difficult to hold on to its

scattered

shoen

holdings during the civil wars of the fourteenth cen-

tury. In

1371,

the Daitokuji appears to have received an income of only

433

kannton

from two

shorn.™

This was sufficient to sustain a commu-

nity of thirty or so monks and attendants, in contrast with the more

86 Nanzenji monjo, vol. 2, docs. 303, 378, 384.

87 Daitokuji monjo, vol. I, doc. 25 and vol. 2, doc. 643. 88 Dailokuji

monjo,

vol. 1, doc. 124.

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ECONOMY AND ADMINISTRATION 64I

than one thousand members of the Nanzenji community. The scale of

the Myoshinji's economy in the fourteenth century was even smaller

than that of the Daitokuji, and as we have already seen, what landhold-

ings it did possess were confiscated by Yoshimitsu when the commu-

nity was disbanded in 1339.

When the Daitokuji and Myoshinji began to recover in the mid-

fifteenth century, their economies reflected their ties with new patrons

and changing economic and commercial possibilities. Most of their

subtemples were built by

sengoku

daimyo and endowed not with shoen

holdings but with income from lands under the daimyo's own control.

Cash donations from daimyo, merchants, townspeople, and entertain-

ers helped finance monastic ceremonies, construct buildings, and in-

stall abbots. The Daitokuji's connections with tea masters and mer-

chants from Sakai were a valuable source of support. Most of the

thirty-odd contributions made at the installation ceremony for Kokei

Sochin as the 117th abbot of the Daitokuji in 1573, for instance, came

from Sakai. Among the contributors were Sen no Soeki (Rikyu), who

gave one hundred kanmon; Tennojiya Tsuda Sokyu, fifty kanmon;

Aburaya Shosa, thirty kanmon; and Takeno Shoga, twenty kanmon}

Sasaki Ginya analyzed the economies of four Daitokuji subtemples:

the Ryoshoji, Nyoi'an, Yotoku'in, and Shogen'in. He concluded that

although these subtemples continued to derive some of their income

from consolidated shden-type holdings in distant provinces until well

into the sixteenth century, they also developed various alternative

sources of income to compensate for the relentless erosion of their

shoen interests by local warriors. Among the most important of these

new sources of support were the supplementary rents (kajishi) paid by

the cultivators of numerous small holdings, rents (jishi) from house

lots in the city of Kyoto, income from the holdings of a growing

number of branch temples, mortuary funds (shidosen), and the sale in

the markets of such temple produce as rice, bamboo, or lumber. Some

tatchu may have managed to subsist on income from landholdings

throughout the sixteenth century. Others, like the Shogen'in, relied

heavily on income from the loan of mortuary funds or rental income

from smallholdings, or, like the Ryoshoji, on the sale of commercial

produce.

All of the temples were obliged to respond, in some measure at

least, to the changing economic circumstances, in which

shoen

were an

89 Cited in Haga et al., eds., Daitokuji to

sadd,

p. 151.

90 Sasaki Ginya, Chusei skohin ryutsu-shi no kenkyu (Tokyo: Hosei daigaku shuppan kyoku,

PP-

95-25O.

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642 ZEN AND THE GOZAN

increasingly precarious and inaccessible means of support. But new

opportunities were being made available by the growth of commercial

activity in and around the Kinai region. Documentary evidence for the

economic life of the main monastery, the Daitokuji, in the fifteenth

and sixteenth centuries is disappointingly sketchy, but we may assume

that it too acquired small-holding rights and lent money to supplement

its income from donations and meager

shoen

interests. Income from

donations, land, rents, and moneylending all may have helped swell

the Daitokuji's coffers. But the monastery was placed on a solid finan-

cial footing again only by the patronage of daimyo, and especially by

Hideyoshi's grant in 1585 of an income of 1,545 koku from three

holdings.

The major Soto monasteries, like those of the Daio school, were less

populous than their

gozan

counterparts and less generously endowed

with

shoen

holdings. Located as they were in the provinces, they had

no access to involvement in foreign trade and only limited opportuni-

ties for commercial activities or moneylending. These communities

remained heavily dependent on the patronage of warrior families and

on small donations for funeral and prayer services.

Over centuries of development in China and Japan, the Zen monas-

teries had refined their effective administrative structure. The charac-

teristic Zen bureaucracy - with five or six senior monks in each of the

eastern and western ranks assisting the abbot in running the

monastery - was used in the Hangchow monasteries visited by Eisai,

Dogen, and Enni and was described in detail in such Ch'an codes as

the Ch'an-yuan

ch'ing-kuei.

It was adopted in Japan without substan-

tial modification by Rinzai and Soto monasteries.

Whereas the monks of the western rank, or

choshu,

supervised the

religious, ceremonial, and literary aspects of the monastic life, the

chiji

of the eastern rank managed the day-to-day administration of the

monastery and its lands. In medieval society, Zen monk administra-

tors were known for their managerial expertise. Indeed, some of the

bursars and estate overseers from Zen monasteries were employed by

the bakufu as daikan or by non-Zen temples to oversee rebuilding

projects. Bursars of

gozan

monasteries, in particular, had opportuni-

ties to accumulate capital for their monasteries and for themselves.

And it was to these monks that the shoguns turned for advice and

loans when the bakufu's finances crumbled in the fifteenth century.

91 For a fuller treatment of eastern-rank activities, see Fujioka, "Gozan kyodan no hatten ni

kansuru ichi kdsatsu"; Fujioka, "Zen'in nai ni okeru tohanshu ni tsuite"; and Collcutt, Five

Mountains, pp. 239-43,

75—

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CHANGES IN ZEN PRACTICE 643

CHANGES IN ZEN PRACTICE, CULTURE, AND THE

MONASTIC LIFE

Even though the Zen pioneers strove to achieve a full and true trans-

mission of Ch'an practice, monastic discipline, and culture from

China, the very success of Zen in Japan brought changes, accommoda-

tion, and divergence from the Chinese ideal espoused by Eisai, Ddgen,

and the Chinese emigre monks. These concluding pages will point to

some of the ways in which Zen practice and Zen-related culture were

transformed in the medieval Japanese context.

At the outset it must be stressed that the Japanese and Chinese

monks who brought Ch'an teachings to Japan during the Kamakura

period wanted to recreate in Japan a complete and faithful replica of

the Zen monastic life, or the best traditions of that monastic life, as

they had experienced it in Chinese monasteries. During their training

in Ch'an monasteries, Eisai, Dogen, Enni, and their successors did not

simply practice zazen or engage in koan study. From their writings and

the materials they brought back to Japan, it is clear that they took an

interest in all aspects of Ch'an monastic life, from Buddhist texts and

ceremonies to the details of monastic architecture and the secular

cultural interests of the Chinese monks. Eisai's advocacy of the effi-

cacy of tea derived from the Ch'an monastic use of tea ceremonies to

promote community harmony, bodily well-being, and wakefulness dur-

ing long periods of meditation.

Enni brought back to Japan a library

of Buddhist texts used in Ch'an monasteries, portraits and calligraphy

of his master Wu-chun, and Chinese secular writings. His long stay in

China allowed him to study Sung Confucianism as well as Zen. In

Japan, he lectured on Confucianism before the imperial court, no

doubt intending to lead his audiences on to a deeper interest in the

superior insights of Zen Buddhism. Dogen, too, in the Shobo genzo,

Eihei shingi, and Tenzo kyokun, displays an intense concern for the full

transmission of the detailed rules of authentic Ch'an monastic prac-

tice.

He was convinced that the monastic regulations enforced by Pai-

chang and the Chinese patriarchs reflected the Buddha's teaching and

were intrinsic to the practice of zazen.

The many Chinese monks who came to Japan in the late thirteenth

92 On the role of Eisai and other Zen monks in popularizing the Chinese custom of tea drinking

in Japan, see Theodore M. Ludwig, "Before Rikyu: Religious and Aesthetic Influences in the

Early History of the Tea Ceremony," Monumenta Nipponica 36 (Winter, 1981): 367-90; and

Nishibe Bunjo, "Zen Monks and the Formation of the Way of Tea," Chanoyu, no 28 (1981):

7-46. 93 Kim, Dogen Kigen, pp. 228-308.

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644 ZEN AND THE GOZAN

century and headed the Rinzai monasteries in Kamakura and Kyoto

naturally insisted on what they knew as orthodox Sung Ch'an monas-

tic practice in those Japanese communities. Under the guidance of

Lan-ch'i Tao-Lung and Wu-hsueh Tsu-yuan, monasteries like the

Kenchoji were built in the traditional Ch'an style on a north-south

axis,

with the central line of great ceremonial buildings - great gate,

Buddha hall, and Dharma hall - flanked east and west by the monks'

communal hall

(sodo)

- where the monks meditated, took their meals,

and slept - and the kitchen - office building that housed the monas-

tery's administrative functions. Monastic life was regulated by codes

that were also in force in the Chinese monasteries: The monks wore

Chinese dress, studied the Chinese language, and moved to the sounds

of bells, gongs, and clappers used in Ch'an monasteries. Following

Chinese Ch'an practice, meditation sessions (zazen) were held four

times daily, interspersed with discussion cf

koan

in the Dharma hall or

abbot's quarters and the conduct of prayer ceremonies in the Buddha

hall.

Both Lan-ch'i and Wu-hsueh stressed unremitting zazen and dis-

couraged literary pursuits. But as Chinese monks came to Japan in

growing numbers and Chinese art objects

(karamono)

flowed

into tem-

ples and warrior mansions in Kamakura, Zen monasteries also became

centers for the study and promotion of secular Chinese culture. For

example, in order to be accepted as a student by Issan Ichinei, the

Japanese monk Muso Soseki was tested on his command of Chinese

verse.

In Issan's day, Chinese emigre monks in the

gozan

monasteries

instructed their Japanese disciples in those arts that were esteemed by

Ch'an masters and their Chinese literati patrons. This

gozan

cultural

movement embraced calligraphy, ink painting, poetry, philosophy,

book printing, the enjoyment of tea, and garden design. Among the

Japanese monks who studied with Issan and became enthusiastic advo-

cates of Chinese culture were Kokan Shiren (1278-1348) and Sesson

Yubai (1290-1346). Although he never visited China, Kokan was an

admirer of Chinese civilization. His

Genko

shakusho,

the first attempt

at a comprehensive history of Buddhism in Japan, was based on Chi-

nese collections of the biographies of eminent monks and Confucian

historical classics. Kokan was a poet and, in addition to his scholarly

writings on Zen and the Lankavatara Sutra, produced the first Chi-

nese rhyming dictionary for use by Japanese and a handbook of

more detailed treatment

of the

introduction

Chinese monastic regulations

and the

character

the

Zen

monastic life

provided

Collcutt, Five

Mountains,

pp.

133-51.

95 Tamamura, Muso kokushi,

p. 18.

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CHANGES IN ZEN PRACTICE 645

phrases from the Confucian classics useful in composing the kind of

Chinese parallel prose that was fashionable in Zen monasteries.

After meeting Issan in Kamakura, Sesson traveled to China where

he spent more than twenty years wandering from Ch'an monastery to

Ch'an monastery. For a time he was imprisoned as a spy. During his

long stay in China, Sesson became expert in the composition of Chi-

nese verse in both the lii-shih (regulated-verse) and the freer ku-shih

(ancient-verse) styles. The following "irregular verse" reflects on

Sesson's experiences in China and conveys something of his indepen-

dence and spiritual detachment from Zen:

The praises of others do not move me,

Their slanders have no bite,

With a heart as free as flowing water,

My ties with the world are slight.

Surviving the grip of prison fetters,

I stayed on three years in Ch'ang-an;

When I feel in the mood to sing,

I speak out straight: What need of fancy phrases?

Throughout the fourteenth century, the Chinese literary and cul-

tural tone of the gozan monasteries thickened, and even while the

number of monks actually traveling between Japan and China de-

creased. Gozan monasteries were recognized as centers for the diffu-

sion of Chinese culture and Zen monks, considered by shoguns, em-

perors, and provincial warriors as experts in the Chinese language,

literature, and values. The peak of Sinification in the gozan was proba-

bly reached in the late fourteenth century with Gido Shushin and

Zekkai Chushin, both fine poets whose work was praised in China and

who would have been as much at home in Chinese literary circles of

the day as they were in the Kyoto gozan.

But Japan was very different from China. And even though a con-

certed effort was being made to recreate Chinese Ch'an monastic prac-

tice in Japan and raise the level of Chinese cultural awareness in the

gozan monasteries, there were also signs of accommodation with the

prevailing religious and cultural conditions in Japan. This accommoda-

tion with Japanese conditions was most striking in the transformation

of Soto Zen after Dogen's death, but it was also evident in Rinzai Zen

from an early period.

96 Zengaku daijiten.

97 Yamagishi Tokuhei, ed., Gozan bungaku-shu, Edo kanshi-shu Nihon koten bungaku laikei

(Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 1968), vol. 89, p. 73; and Marian Ury,

Poems

the

Five Mountains

(Tokyo: Mushinsha, 1977), p. 36.

646 ZEN AND THE GOZAN

Although Dogen was critical of the lax standards he had observed in

contemporary Chinese monasteries - monks who did not practice

meditation wholeheartedly, who were dirty and smelled or who failed

to cut their hair or trim their nails - he remained throughout his life a

vigorous advocate of the monastic ideal of Pai-chang and of the severe

meditation practice he had engaged in under the guidance of Ju-ching:

After hearing this truth [of the sole importance of

zazen]

from my master, I

sat in zazen day and night. Other monks, afraid that they might fall ill at time

of great heat and cold, abandoned their meditation temporarily but I only

urged myself harder with the thought: "I should devote myself

to zazen

even

at risk of death from serious illness."'

Dogen warned his followers against the temptations of building for

themselves a lavish monastic environment that would stifle the energy

of their Zen practice: "Don't be foolishly impressed with magnificent

monastery buildings. The Buddhas and Patriarchs never sought fine

temples. If you put up temples or monasteries without attaining true

vision, you are not consecrating havens for the Buddhas but merely

providing caves for your own glory and wealth."

But from his writ-

ings and his building activities at the Koshoji and Eiheiji, it is clear

that Dogen wanted his communities to prize those buildings -

especially the monks' hall, Dharma hall, and library - that had pro-

vided the traditional setting for meditation, koan discussion, and study

in Chinese Ch'an monasteries.

Although he was sometimes forced to modify regulations that had

been written for large Chinese monasteries to suit his small commu-

nity at Eiheiji, Dogen took pains to preserve, or recover, what he

believed to be authentic Ch'an monastic discipline as it had been

instituted by Pai-chang and other T'ang masters. Even a trivial daily

routine such as cleansing the teeth could be an expression of Zen

performed in the proper manner: "Although in the Ch'an monasteries

of great Sung nowadays the use of the wooden toothpick has gone out

of fashion, and hence no place is provided for it, there is now a place

for the wooden tooth cleaner here at Eiheiji. . . . "

Thus Dogen conceived of his ideal Zen community as one in which

zazen would be the paramount activity. The setting might be simple,

but it should at least include a meditation hall, library, and lecture

98 Nishio Minoru, Zuimonki, book I, vol. 82 of Shobogenzo, Shobogenzo zuimonki, Nihon koten

bungaku taikei, (Tokyo: 1965). An English translation of the Zuimonki is provided by Thomas

Geary, trans., Record of Things Heard from the Treasury of ike Eye of the True Teachings

(Boulder, Colo.: Shambala, 1982).

99 Dogen, Shobogenzo, Gyoji. 100 Dogen, Shobo genzo, Senmen.

CHANGES IN ZEN PRACTICE 647

hall. Furthermore, though regulations might be modified to suit Japa-

nese conditions, every effort should be made to preserve the monastic

spirit of the Chinese patriarchs. Dogen rejected accommodation with

Confucianism and Taoism, with branches of Buddhism that did not

accord primacy to zazen, and with popular or folk religious practices

common around the Eiheiji.

The rapid expansion of Soto Zen was achieved only by a deliberate

shift away from the exclusive, zazen-centered, Chinese-inspired monas-

tic practice that Dogen had espoused regarding a popular Zen that

took into account the interests of ordinary lay people and was willing

to combine with local Japanese religious conditions.

Whereas Dogen had rejected opportunities to proselytize, declaring

that all who sincerely wished to practice Zen would find his commu-

nity, Keizan and his successors seized every opportunity to take their

teachings to the people. Whereas Dogen had avoided syncretism in the

interest of preserving the centrality of zazen, his successors accepted

into daily Soto practice the Tendai and Shingon texts and prayer cere-

monies; Pure Land invocations; devotion to the kannon and to local

mountain cults; and healing, exorcism, and funeral rites.

In Soto monasteries the forms of zazen were preserved, and Dogen's

writings and Chinese koan collections were studied, but over time the

zazen practice was diluted. The interviews between master and disci-

ple {sanzen), which had been the core of Dogen's Zen practice, were

formalized and esotericized as model answers circulated among monks

and secret oral and verbal transmissions were made from master to

disciple. As sanzen lost its spontaneity, it was increasingly replaced by

ceremonial public expressions of Zen, especially mass meetings for

gokoe and jukai at which hundreds of monks and lay people gathered

for formalized meditation ceremonies or publicly to profess the Bud-

dhist precepts. Undoubtedly these changes helped Soto Zen win large

numbers of adherents and respond to the religious needs of peasants

and samurai. At the same time, however, the more energy that the

Soto monks put into popular ceremonial functions and large-scale

public activities, the less that they could devote to private zazen and

sanzen, and the further Soto Zen shifted, for good or ill, from the type

of community that Dogen had wished to establish at the Koshoji and

Eiheiji on the basis of his experience in China.

101

In the development of Rinzai Zen, too, there was a growing ten-

dency toward accommodation with Japanese medieval society and cul-

101 Takeuchi, Nihon no zen, p. 273.

648 ZEN AND THE GOZAN

ture.

This process was less sharply defined than in the case of

Soto

Zen

after Dogen, but it can be detected in the areas of Zen thought and

practice, the monastic life, and Zen-related cultural activities.

Although Eisai and Enni had carefully observed Ch'an monastic life

in China and sought to recreate it in Japan, pressure from supporters

of established Buddhism, especially of the Enryakuji, obliged them to

incorporate Tendai and Shingon buildings and rituals into their monas-

teries,

the Kenninji and the Tofukuji. Moreover, Eisai's Kozen

gokokuron

(The promotion of Zen in defense of the country), for in-

stance, argued that Zen was fully in accord with the ideals of Saicho,

the founder of Tendai Buddhism in Japan, and that in return for

support by political authorities, Zen monks, through their meditation

and prayers, could provide the spiritual protection for the state that

Tendai had traditionally claimed to offer.

102

The influx of Chinese monks into Kamakura's and Kyoto's

gozan

monasteries in the late thirteenth century contributed to an emphasis

on pure Sung monastic practice and unadulterated

koan

Zen. Lan-ch'i

set the tone by having the Kenchoji built in the Sung style and stress-

ing, in particular, the importance that the communal life of meditation

in the monks' hall

(sddo)

had played in Ch'an Buddhism. All of the

gozan monasteries built after the Kenchoji were built on the basic

seven-hall layout characteristic of Sung Ch'an centers and regulated by

the Ch'an-yuan and others codes governing the Chinese monasteries.

But despite this effort to adopt Chinese models, the Japanese fea-

tures of monastic life could not be entirely eliminated. The ground

plans of the early Kenchoji and Engakuji reveal that although all the

public buildings of those monasteries - the great gate, Buddha hall,

Dharma hall, monks' hall, kitchens, and bathrooms - were built in

the Sung Chinese style of Ch'an monastic architecture, on the basis of

drawings of actual Chinese monasteries, their abbot's buildings

(hojo)

were in the Japanese residential style, including elements derived from

Heian aristocratic buildings and gardens.

103

It has already been

pointed out that from the late Kamakura period there was a prolifera-

tion of subtemples

(tatchu)

around the compounds of major Zen monas-

teries.

Like the hojo buildings, these too were built in the Japanese

style.

Although Chinese masters stressed the primacy of

zazen

and koan

study as the core of Zen monastic life, during the frenzied years of the

102

Kozen gokokuron, in Ichikawa Hakugen et al., eds., Chusei zenke no shiso (Tokyo: 1972).

103

See, for instance, the ground plan of the medieval Kenchoji included in Yokoyama Hideya,

Zen no

Kenchiku (Tokyo: Shokokusha, 1967), p. 282.