The Cambridge History of Japan, Vol. 1: Ancient Japan

Подождите немного. Документ загружается.

VITALISM 527

former and the mythology of the latter, making the genealogies some-

what mythical and the myths somewhat genealogical.

Teiki were

surely

the major sources for the imperial-reign chapters of the two chroni-

cles,

and

honji

were the sources for the introductory chapters on the

sacred origins of the imperial line. Vitalism in Nara period history is

most sharply revealed, however, in the creation myths that make up

the first chapters of both the Kokiki and the Nikon

shoki.

Recent mythological studies enable us to see that the Kojiki and

Nihon

shoki

myths have a definite historical cast. They can be seen to

deal with three successive stages of creation: (1) the emergence of

heaven and earth, the first kami, and the islands of Japan; (2) the birth

of the Sun Goddess (the ancestral kami of the imperial clan) and her

unruly brother (the ancestral kami of a powerful clan rival); and (3)

the dispatch of the Sun Goddess's grandson to earth with instructions

to place Japan under the rule of the Sun Goddess's descendants. After

describing the creation of heaven and earth, the myths take up the

origins of the provinces and ancestral kami, linking these kami with

Japan's first emperor. The life-creating quality at all three stages is

revealed in the way that the myths are structured and used to affirm

divine origins for the imperial line and also in their content and detail,

especially at turning points in the creation process.

Although the Kojiki and Nihon

shoki

versions of

the

first stage of the

creation of heaven and earth contain words and concepts found in the

Chinese Classics, scholars show that similar myths have been handed

down among primitive peoples in the Ryukyu Islands and in various

regions of southeast Asia. It is therefore concluded that they were

derived from old agricultural myths of islands to the south and subse-

quently given a Chinese flavor in order to further sanctify Japan's

imperial line. The names of kami prominent in the first-stage myths

(with or without Chinese overtones) usually include the word

musubu

(procreate, create, or produce), a word that points directly to the

mysterious power of

kami to create and enrich the life of rice plants,

as symbolized by the phallic shape of

Mt.

Nantai.

The second-stage creation myths, reflecting the historical emer-

gence of clan federations and states in western Japan around the begin-

ning of the Christian century, gradually became less agricultural and

more human in character. Preoccupation was shifting from the produc-

tion of rice crops to the origin and continuity of particular descent

lines.

Whereas the first-stage myths about the creation of heaven and

earth use the metaphor of the earth's coming into existence

(nani)

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

528 EVOLUTION OF HISTORICAL CONSCIOUSNESS

"reed shoots,"« those of the second stage tell how a male and a female

kami (Izanagi and Izanami) had sexual intercourse and produced

(umu) particular Japanese islands and, according to the Nihon shoki,

gave birth to the Sun Goddess and her unruly brother.

But the Kojiki version of how the Sun Goddess came into existence

seems to undermine the case for vitalism. We are told there that she

appeared

(naru)

after the

death

of Izanami when Izanagi removed the

pollution that he had picked up while visiting Izanami in the land of

the dead.47 Although the main Nihon

shoki

version does not associate

the appearance of the Sun Goddess with death pollution,

we are left

with the puzzling question of why - in a land where kami have always

been life-creating deities that abhored anything associated with death -

any version should have related the appearance of the country's most

important kami (the Sun Goddess) to the land of the dead.

Tsuda Sokichi tried to answer this question by claiming that the

Kojiki version of the Sun Goddess's appearance, as well as the myth of

Izanami's death, were foreign accretions. For him the Nihon shoki

version was a truer reflection of Japanese belief in life-giving kami.

But more recent investigations by ethnologists indicate that the death-

oriented version found in the Kojiki is similar to myths handed down

among peoples of southeast Asia and the south Pacific, the very areas

whose myths share themes with those recorded in

the Kojiki

and

Nihon

shoki.

Matsumura Takeo accepts the Japaneseness of the Izanami death

myth but claims that the picture presented in the Kojiki version is not

so morbid as that drawn in similar myths of other Asian peoples, thus

making it more life affirming. Apparently accepting this view, Inoue

Mitsusada reminds us that even such distinguished Japanese Buddhists

as Dogen (1200-53) and Shinran (1173-1262) seem to have been more

interested in life than in death, although doctrines of nonattachment to

life were basic Buddhist teachings. It should also be remembered that

the Sun Goddess - no matter how she came into existence - is still

believed to be alive and is still worshiped as a life-creating kami. One

can indeed detect notes of life affirmation even in the parting exchange

between Izanagi and Izanami in which Izanagi says that he will have

more people born than Izanami threatens to kill.'

45 Nihon shoki, bk. I, sec. I, NKBT 67.76-77.

46 Nihon shoki, bk. 1, sec. 3 and 4, NKBT 67.80-84.

47 Kojiki, bk. 1, NKBT 1.70-71. 48 Nihon shoki, bk. 1, sec. 4, NKBT 67.86-87.

49 Tsuda Sokichi, Nihon jodai shi

kenkyu,

rev. ed. (Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 1972), pp. 391-

502.

Inoue Mitsusada summarized the views of several scholars and added his own in Shinwa

kara rekishi e, pp. 33-40.

50 Nihon shoki, bk. 1, NKBT 67.94-95.

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

VITALISM 529

Even so, the question has still not been satisfactorily answered, for

Izanami's death is found at such a critical point in the Kojiki's myth

structure: just before the appearance of the most important kami of

all,

the Sun Goddess. I would venture to suggest that a more plausi-

ble interpretation is that the death myth was inserted just before the

appearance of the Sun Goddess and her unruly brother in order to set

the stage for later myths concerning the struggle between two kami

groups: the ancestral kami of the victorious imperial house and the

ancestral kami of the defeated Izumo clan. Historians generally agree

that a great conflict really did break out, three or four centuries

before written records were kept, between an imperial house-

controlled clan federation located in Yamato and an Izumo federation

based in regions to the north and east. The myths themselves contain

hints of such a struggle. For example, in the opening paragraph on

relations between the Sun Goddess and her brother Susa no O no

Mikoto, we are told that the former was afraid her brother had come

up to Heaven to "seize her lands."s

Later, our attention is drawn to

Susa no O's tearing down the banks of the Sun Goddess's irrigation

ditches and filling them in with dirt.*

Such references, together with

archaeological findings, suggest that the rivalry between the two an-

cestral kami was one aspect of a very earthly struggle between two

great clan federations.

Myths about the struggle consistently link death pollution (tsumi)

with the loser, Susa no O. When telling of Susa no O's violence in the

Sun Goddess's rice fields, they say, for example, that he "defecated

and strewed the feces" around the Sun Goddess's most sacred ritual

hall.53 The Sun Goddess was inclined at first to disregard such pollu-

tion, thinking it was no more than the vomit of her drunken brother.

But the misdeeds continued and even got worse. We read that Susa no

O opened a hole in the roof of the Sun Goddess's ritual hall and threw

in a sacred pony that had been skinned alive. The act was so heinous

and shocking that one of the female ritual attendants died on the spot,

and the Sun Goddess went into hiding. After she was coaxed from her

hiding place, the myriad kami of heaven banished Susa no O to the

land of Izumo.» He is depicted not only as the perpetrator of destruc-

tive and polluting acts related to death but also as a kami with a special

attachment to his deceased mother (Izanami) and the land of the dead.

Particularly significant is the tale in which Izanagi asked Susa no 0

51 Kojiki, bk. 1, NKBT 67.74-75- 5* Kojiki, bk. 1, NKBT 1.78-79- 53 Ibid.

54 Kojiki, bk. 1, NKBT 1.83-84.

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

530 EVOLUTION OF HISTORICAL CONSCIOUSNESS

why he was weeping and howling, and he replied that he wanted to

join his mother in the land of the dead. So he was expelled from

heaven, the abode of

kami

who are free of death pollution and who do

not die.55

But Susa no O no Mikoto's contamination is found only in myths

that tell of the victories and superiority of the Sun Goddess. In those

that detail what happened in Izumo, Susa no O appears as another

creative and life-affirming kami who does not die. In one case, he even

is presented as a hero who saves a girl slated for sacrifice to a huge

snake with eight heads and eight tails and a big tree growing on its

back.5

Students of mythology detect similarities between this myth

and those handed down in other parts of the world, especially in South

China and Indonesia. Inoue Mitsusada notes that even in some rice-

planting festivals of present-day Japan, a woman is thrown into a rice

field as a symbolic sacrifice to the local kami.

? It is therefore thought

that Susa no O was worshiped in Izumo as an immortal kami with the

power to make plants grow. Because we are told that he created a kami

line that includes Izumo's ancestral kami, we believe that myths about

the death of Izanami and the death associations of Susa no 6 were

added to the Kojiki in order to enhance and sanctify the superiority of

the ancestral kami of the Yamato imperial house and, at the same time,

to degrade the ancestral deities of the defeated Izumo clan federation.

At the beginning of

the

third stage of mythological evolution comes

a climactic event: the dispatch to earth of the Sun Goddess's grandson

(Ninigi no Mikoto) with instructions to place Japan under the rule of

her descendants. This

tenson

kdrin (descent of the grandson from

heaven) myth, unlike the one about the birth of the Sun Goddess, has

no associations with death.5

Although it is followed by tales about

kami on earth who act like human beings (subjected in some cases to

death and burial), the emphasis is instead on the mysterious power of

deities to create and enrich life. At this third and final stage, the

creativity seen so clearly in Stage I (especially with the creation of the

Japanese islands by Izanagi and Izanami) is now colored by a deriva-

tive power to create a sacred line of emperors. In other words, the

55 Kojiki, bk. i, NKBT 1.72-73.

56 Kojiki, bk. i, NKBT 1.84-87. The

Izumo

fudoki, the Izumo gazetteer submitted in 713 and

still extant, contains fragments of local myths. They distinguish between heavenly and early

kami, suggesting an acceptance of the Yamato court's differentiation. But the Izumo myths

did not associate their kami with death. See Michiko Yamaguchi Aoki, trans., Izumo Fudoki

(Tokyo: Sophia University Press, 1971).

57 Inoue, Shinwa kara

rekishi

e, p. 69.

58 Kojiki, bk. 1, NKBT 1.124-7; Nihon shoki, NKBT 67.134-5.

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

VITALISM 531

mysterious vitalism of the kami that do not die is now extended to the

creation and maintenance of an imperial line that will last forever.

The Kojiki's and Nihon shoki's chapters on the reigns of human

emperors are also marked by the vitalism of the third-stage myths,

especially in the early chapters in which history still has a mythologi-

cal overlay. These tell of emperors who lived long and were in close

and continuous communication with kami. But as the chronicles

become historically more accurate, we still read that Yamato Takeru

no Mikoto (the son of a human emperor) performed superhuman

feats and had a soul that lived on after death.& The life-affirming

tone created by an emphasis on kami origins and kamilike emperors

remains strong in the second of the Six National Histories, a chroni-

cle (the Shoku

Nihongi)

that contains edicts issued at the beginning of

each new reign that declare, with remarkable consistency, that the

reigning sovereign is a manifest kami who has inherited the throne

from the Sun Goddess.

But the tone is stronger in items that tell how occupants of the

throne concern themselves with kami worship. Such items are quite

prominent after the reign of Emperor Temmu (673 to 690) who took

steps to undergird his authority with a centralized and institutional-

ized system of kami worship - for which the emperor was the land's

highest priest - that was gradually extended to the entire country.

Temmu gave more attention than his predecessors to the Council of

Kami Affairs (Jingi kan), instructed a princess to "purify

herself"

and

worship the Sun Goddess at Ise Shrine in his

behalf,

and had offer-

ings made to every kami of the land.

He also initiated the practice of

sending royal messengers at rice-planting time to two shrines that were

famous for the worship of agricultural kami: the Hirose Shrine located

at the confluence of three rivers where a kami was worshiped for its

power to supply rice fields with water, and the Tatsuta Shrine located

on a shore frequently hit by typhoons, a shrine in which a wind deity

was worshiped for its power to prevent such wind-connected disasters

as droughts and typhoons.

Eventually the court sent messengers to

these two shrines twice a year, at the start and end of the growing

season. But whenever there was a serious drought, messengers were

dispatched to all shrines to offer up prayers in behalf of the emperor.

Thus Temmu seems not to have thought of himself only as the high

59 Kojiki, bk. 2, NKBT1.208-25;Nihonshoki, Keiko27/10to Keiko 52/5/4,NKBT67.298-313.

60 Nihon shoki, Temmu 2 (673) 4/14, NKBT 68.412-13.

61 Nihon shoki, Temmu 3 (674) 3/7, NKBT 68.415.

62 Nihon.shoki, Temmu 4 (675) 4/10, NKBT 68.418-19.

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

532 EVOLUTION OF HISTORICAL CONSCIOUSNESS

priest of Sun Goddess worship but also as the high priest of kami

enshrinements throughout Japan.

The vitalistic tone in Nara life and thought is probably clearest in

Japan's most important kami ritual: the Great Thanksgiving Festival

(Daijo-sai) held at the beginning of every reign.

Scholars now agree

that this festival had its origins in an early harvest festival known as the

festival of new fruits (Niiname-sai). The reference to "first fruits" in

the ritual prayer

(norito)

offered by the emperor during the Great

Thanksgiving Festival points directly to early belief in the mysterious

power of kami, worshiped through the emperor, to make rice grow.

But two derivative beliefs are added: that the kami had created and

could enrich the line of Sun Goddess rulers and that they had created

and could enrich the whole of Japan.

After 725, Emperor Shomu and his daughter (who was enthroned

twice) seem to have become more devoted to Buddhism than to

the worship of native deities. One might therefore assume that

kami vitalism was henceforth overshadowed by Buddhist other-

worldliness. As we noted, both Shomu and his daughter continued to

affirm belief in the sacred origins of the imperial line. But did Em-

press Shotoku - apparently a more ardent Buddhist than Emperor

Shomu was - continue to believe in the mysterious power of the

kami to create and enrich any form of life here and now? A study of

the Shoku Nihongi items for her two reigns suggests that she did in

fact pay less attention to Shinto rites than did her predecessors. After

she ascended the throne a second time in 765, she apparently did not

send messengers to key shrines at either the planting or harvesting

times of the year. Nevertheless when famine conditions developed in

various parts of the country during the following spring and summer,

she made generous donations to several provincial shrines and re-

quested that priests pray for

relief.

Moreover, when the time came

for the most important rite of all, the Great Thanksgiving Festival,

Empress Shotoku issued an edict in which she took up the question

of whether an empress could or should, as a Buddhist nun, conduct

this great kami-honoring festival:

63 See D. C. Holtom, The Japanese Enthronement Ceremonies with an Account of the Imperial

Regalia (Tokyo: Sophia University Press, 1972); and Felicia G. Bock, "The Enthronement

Rites:

The Text of Engishiki, 927," Monumenla Nipponica 45 (Autumn 1990): 307-37.

64 The oldest extant

norito

(included in the Engishiki) has been translated by Donald L. Philippi,

Norito: A New Translation of the Japanese Ritual Prayers (Tokyo: Institute for Japanese Cul-

ture and Classics, Kokugakuin University, 1959).

65 Shoku Nihongi, Jingo 2 (766) 4/12, KT 2.326; Saeki, Zoho rikkokushi, 4.126.

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

VITALISM 533

feel sympathy and affection for princes, ministers, officials, and common-

ers who will first honor the kami of heavenly and earthly shrines and only

then pay respects to the Three Treasures [of

Buddhism].

But because we have

returned to the throne a second time and now govern the empire, you are

ordered to obtain the traditional offerings for the Great Thanksgiving Festi-

val.

. . . People feel that kami should be kept separate from, and untouched

by, that which pertains to the Three Treasures, but one reads in the Buddhist

sutras that kami protect and revere Buddhist

law.

Although

have become a

Buddhist nun and put on Buddhist robes, we conclude that our being in-

volved in the worship of Buddha is not an obstacle [to our participation in the

Great Thanksgiving Festival]. Because what was originally thought to have

been taboo is not taboo, we hereby issue orders that the Great Thanksgiving

Festival be held.

Although the edict leaves doubts about the empress's depth of faith in

the native deities, it shows that she saw no reason to reject kami

worship because she had become a Buddhist nun. Like so many other

Japanese individuals from that day to this, she seems to have been

relying on the kami for the enrichment and renewal of physical life but

on Buddhism for assurances in matters of salvation and life after

death.

Maruyama Masao has deepened our appreciation of the vitalistic

tone of historical consciousness during the Nara period by analyzing

"styles of expression" found in the Kojiki and

Nihon

shoki.^ He finds

life-affirming "base tone" that is disclosed in the use of creation myths

to deepen and sanctify the genealogical thrust of the chronicles and in

the identification of the Chinese character toku (a key Confucianism

term usually translated as "virtue") with an ancient Japanese word

ikioi (freely translated as "life strength"). Although creation myths

also appear in early Chinese writings, they are not used, as in Japan,

for introductory chapters of the country's official chronicles of the

past. Maruyama decided that the Japanese compilers were expressing,

through structured creation myths that made up the opening chapters

of both early chronicles, a historical consciousness focused on the

origin and linear development of life.

An old commentary on the Nihon

shoki,

entitled the

Nihongi

shiki,

shows that early scholars of Japanese historical works actually read the

Chinese character toku (virtue) as ikioi (life strength).

Realizing that

these early Japanese scholars had studied Chinese classics and knew

66 Shoku Nihongi, Jingo I (765) 11/23, KT 2.236; Saeki, Zoho

rikkokushi,

4.126.

67 Maruyama Masao, "Rekishi ishiki no koso," in Rekishi

shisd

shu,

pp. 3-46. 68 Ibid., p. 4.

69 Ibid., p. 20. Denis Twitchett pointed out that in pre-Han times the Chinese word te (toku in

Japanese) had a meaning rather close to ikoi (strength or power).

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

534 EVOLUTION OF HISTORICAL CONSCIOUSNESS

that toku stood for one of the most basic of all Confucian principles,

Maruyama rightly assigns importance to the Japanese practice of read-

ing (or understanding) this important Chinese character as

ikioi,

an old

word denoting a concept of vitality central to Japanese thought and

belief at all times and places. Just how toku (read

ikioi)

was used and

just what this usage tells us about historical consciousness at the time

is revealed in myths that praise a kami or an emperor. In the Nihon

shoki version of the Izanagi myth, to cite one example, we read that

after Izanagi had demonstrated

ikioi,

he ascended to heaven. The tale

contains nothing that suggests that Izanagi had acted "virtuously"

(toku) before returning to heaven, but he had done much - such as

producing the Japanese islands and the Sun Goddess - to demonstrate

his "life strength"

(ikioi)J°

An even more telling example of how the character

toku

(read ikioi)

is used is found in the Nihon

shoki

chapter on the reign of Yuryaku,

who definitely was not virtuous. Yuryaku is described as a ruler who

did not hesitate to kill anyone who crossed him. Once when a woman

did not respond to his advances and became pregnant by another man,

Yuryaku had both of them killed.

After relating other stories of

Yuryaku's cruelty and inhumanity, the Nihon

shoki

reports that he had

"willfully and wrongly killed so many people that he was condemned

as a bad emperor."

The chronicles also describe a hunting expedition

during which a man suddenly appeared before Emperor Yuryaku and

identified himself as a manifest kami. Yuryaku and the kami then

hunted together. The tale ends with the comment that "in those days

everyone said that the emperor had ikioi [written with the Chinese

character tofew]."

Because Yuryaku definitely was not virtuous, we

assume that he was praised for a kami-connected vitality symbolized

by the old word ikioi. Maruyama's study of other uses of ikioi and

words with related meanings led him to state that early Japanese writ-

ings had a life-affirming "base tone."

Vitalistic assumptions arose from ancient Shinto worship and there-

fore affected all aspects of Japanese culture, not just the expression of

historical consciousness,

is readily detected in

the Man'yoshu

anthol-

ogy of the eighth century that contains more than 4,500 poems com-

posed over a period of

than a century by poets with wide-ranging

interests and associations. Although these poems were composed by

different individuals in various situations, the scholars who translated

70 Nihon shoki, bk. I, NKBT 67.103. 71 Nihon shoki, Yuryaku 2/7, NKBT 67.462-63.

72 Nihon shoki, Yuryaku 2/7, NKBT67.465. 73 Nihon shoki, Yuryaku 4/2, NKBT 67.466-7.

VITALISM 535

them into English agree that they retain a "primitive vitality."

To be

sure,

we find expressions of unhappiness and even despair (especially

in poems on the death of a loved one), but even those that bear signs of

a Buddhist influence do not show an acceptance of the Buddhist teach-

ing that all attachments to life should be rejected. The last part of a

poem by Otomo no Tabito, composed a few years before his death in

730,

even expresses disinterest in the Buddhist idea of the transmigra-

tion of the soul and preferences for the pleasures of this life:

If I could but be happy in this life,

What should I care if

the next

I became a bird or a worm.

All living things die in the end:

So long as I live here

I want the cup of pleasure."

Post-Nara vitalism

Maruyama concludes on the basis of his linguistic analysis that this

vitalistic base tone persisted in later Heian period writings about the

past.

Such persistence is reflected in historical tales (rekishi mono-

gatari) and military tales (gunki

monogatari).

Both lack any consistent

attempt to show that the course of events was affected by the presence

or absence of virtue, and they stress, more and more strongly with the

passage of time, traditional life-affirming values and tastes. After the

waning of ninth-century enthusiasm for all forms of Chinese culture,

men and women who figure prominently in tales are not praised so

much for their accomplishments in the Chinese arts or for their prac-

tice of Confucian virtue as for such traditional qualities as vigor, liveli-

ness,

and effectiveness in the handling of state affairs, qualities central

to the emerging military ethic.

As Helen McCullough noted in the introduction to her translation

of the Okagami, the authors of Heian period tales distinguished be-

tween personal qualities that had a life-affirming Japanese character -

identified with such words as tamashii (spirit), yamatodamashii (Japa-

nese spirit), and yamatogokoro (Japanese heart) - and those that did

not.

The Tale of Genji, written early in the tenth century when

Japanese aristocrats were still attracted to Chinese tastes and interests,

presents a suggestive contrast between Kaoru, who conforms to the

ideal of a civilized person who had assimilated Chinese culture, and

74 Man'yoshu, p. lxix. 75 Ibid., p. 118.

76 Maruyama, "Rekishi ishiki no koso," pp. 13-14. 77 Okagami, pp.

43-51.

536 EVOLUTION OF HISTORICAL CONSCIOUSNESS

Niou, a clever, decisive, and unscrupulous person who had not mas-

tered polite accomplishments and tastes introduced from abroad.

Kaoru, not Niou, is favored by the female author.

By the time the Okagami was written in the closing years of the

following century, the Japanese qualities associated with Niou were

more highly regarded. In this second of the two famous historical

tales,

as McCullough pointed out, the great Fujiwara no Michinaga

(966-1027) was depicted as a man unhampered by Chinese notions

who had the vital quality of

tamashii

and knew how to get things

done.

In the biographical chapter on Michinaga, we read that when

Michinaga's father told his three sons (Michinaga and two older

brothers) that they "couldn't even get close enough [to a certain

accomplished aristocrat] to tread on his shadow," Michinaga re-

torted, "I may not tread on his shadow, but I'll walk all over his

face."

The same self-confidence and vigor are revealed in the fa-

mous story of Michinaga's rivalry with Fujiwara no Korechika (993-

1010),

a nephew who outranked Michinaga for about ten months in

994-95.

At an archery contest held during that period, Michinaga

shot two arrows that hit closer to the mark than Korechika's. Then

when it was proposed that two more shots be fired, Michinaga agreed

but added, "If emperors are to issue from my house, let this arrow

hit the mark." On the second shot Michinaga's arrow struck the

bull's eye "with such force that the target almost broke," thereby

ending the match.

The military tales, written in the early years of Japan's military age,

set an even greater store by

tamashii-like

qualities. The first work of

this type, the Hogen

monogatari,

has a prominent Fujiwara leader

ridiculing Sino-aristocratic tastes in these words: "Poetry is an amuse-

ment for a time of leisure and is not needed for court ceremony.

Calligraphy, also one of the entertainments, is not necessarily an impor-

tant accomplishment for a wise minister."

Then, when turning to

stories about the principal military hero, Minamoto no Tametomo

(1139-70), we are told that Tametomo was seven feet tall, had a bow

that took five men to string, and was so wild that he was sent off to

Kyushu (at the age of thirteen) to keep him out of trouble. He then

subjugated the nine provinces of Kyushu within three years.

The last

and most famous of the military tales, the

Heike

monogatari,

has Taira

no Kiyomori taking pride in his knowledge of proper aristocratic be-

78 Ibid., p. 52. 79 Ibid., p. 193. 80 Ibid., pp. 196-7.

81 Hogen monogatari, chap. 1, NKBT 31.64-65.

82 Hogen monogatari, chap. 1, NKBT 31.84.