Sievers Eduard. Grammar of Old English

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CONJUGATION.

217

396.

The

diphthong

eo, o,

is retained in

the

pret-

erit

such

as have

original

before

-f

consonant

feallan,

fall,

weallan,

agitated;

fealdaii,

fold,

healdan, hold,

stealdan,

possess,

wealdan,

wield;

sealtaii,

salt,

weal-

tan,

roll

(North,

waelta,

also

weak)

;

wealcan,

revolve

;

boii

nan.

summon, sponnan,

join

;

ggngan,

;

original

au :

batan, beat, be'awan, hew,

hle'apan,

leap,

almapan,

pluck

;

6 :

hrdpaii, shout, hwdpan,

threaten

; bltftan,

sacri-

fice,

\vr6tan

(?),

root;

cn6daii(?),

assign;

fl<Scan(?),

applaud;

swdgan,

roar; swtfgaii,

overcome

(part,

ge-

swtfgen,

swooning);

and with i-unilaut

(present

formation

with

jo,

372), w4pan,

weep,

hwe"san

(hwsfesan),

wheeze

;

bldwan, bloom,

fldwan,

flow,

gltfwan,

glow,

grdwan,

grow,

hldwan,

low,

rdwan,

row,

sndwan(?),

hasten,

spdwan,

thrive;

&w:

bldwan, blow,

clawan

(?),

claw, cnwan,

know, crawan, crow,

mawan, mow, sawan,

sow

(like-

wise

ssfewan,

Cura

Past.),

Ofrawan, twist, wawan,

blow

;

with

swapan,

sweep.

NOTE

gQngan,

gangan,

g^ngan,

go,

North,

geonga

(157.

4),

has,

besides

geoiig,

the

preterits

gang

(Beew.),

g^ngde,

and

eode

(430

;

probably only

the latter in

prose

;

the

past participle

gegQngen

lacking

North.),

geng,

Gen.

626, 834,

and

spenn,

Gen.

445,

are

not

genuine

OE.

NOTE

belong

the isolated

participles

6acen,

great (cf.

Goth.

aukan,

increase'),

and

eaden,

given,

granted;

for North.

*sp6afta(?)

see 384.

note

and for

weaxau,

392.

note 3. A

strong preterit

Itiian,

dwell,

past participle gebtin, geb6en, byn,

wanting;

but

its

place

supplied

bi'ulc,

btiede,

North,

byde,

byede,

from

the

synonymous

huian,

bi'nvian,

North,

bya.

The 3d

sing,

preterit

gen^op,

ingulfed,

requires

an infinitive

genapan

gen6pan;

and

similarly

onrfeod,

moistened,

requires

onrfcadan

onrodan.

Beside

cnodaii

and

snoivaii,

apparently

have

cnodan,

sru'-owan

(be-

longing

384?).

218

INFLECTION.

NOTE 3. The eo

certainly long

6),

c),

and

rf)

;

it is

probably

short

a),

when

followed

two

consonants,

unless

secondary length-

ening may

have

taken

place.

NOTE 4.

Occasionally

the

plural

has

contraction of

the eo with

vowel of

the

termination,

reon

for

reowun,

from rowan.

NOTE

Irregular

forms

of the

preterit

North,

are:

blew,

bl<;wu,

bleuu,

plur.

blewun

; cneaw, cnsew,

plur.

cneawun

;

speua,

preterit

optative;

seaw;

heu.

397.

The

past participle

originally

has the

vowel

the

present,

though

Rush.

Mt.

12.

44 has

aswopeii

from

swapan

(396).

Grammatical

change,

and

hence

a dif-

ferent

vowel,

is found

only

the

participles

fdn

and

lion

(395).

III. Weak Verbs.

398.

The weak verbs

are

mostly

derivatives.

They

are

divided

into

three

classes,

the basis

the varia-

tion in

their derivative suffixes

The

jo-class

: its

original

suffix

was

Indo-European

-ejo-,

from which was

derived Germ,

-jo-

when

the

radi-

cal

syllable

was

short,

and -io-

when it

was

long

(45.

The o-class

its

suffix

was Germ.

-6jo-,

interchang-

ing

with

-o-.

The

ai-class

its suffix was Germ,

-ai-,

interchang-

ing

with

-jo-.

OE.

these

relations

have

been

obscured

many

ways

subsequent

phonetic

changes.

399.

Only

three

different

stems

are

distinguished

the

weak

conjugation:

those

the

present,

the

preterit,

and

the

past

participle.

The two latter

very

frequently

approximate

form.

CONJUGATION.

219

I. FIRST

WEAK

CONJUGATION.

ORIGINAL

SHORT STEMS.

400. Formation

the

present

stem.

account of

the West

Germanic

gemination

of consonants

before

(228),

the

original

short

stems

of this

class,

exclusive of

those

ending

became

long

the

present

(with

the

exception

of the

and 3d

sing,

indicative,

410).

There are

consequently

in OE. two

groups

original

short

stems

opposed

to each

other,

such as

n^rian

(n^r-

gan,

n^rigan,

n^rigean),

save,

and

such

fr^mman,

perform.

All the

forms of

the

present

stem

have

i-umlaut.

NOTE 1.

Like nerian

are also inflected

dorian,

injure,

erian,

plough,

ferian,

carry,

herian,

praise,

am^rian,

purify, sc(i)^rian,

arrange,

werian,

defend,

besclerian,

deprive,

gew^rian,

clothe,

gew^rian, weir,

dam,

ffwierian

(1), oppose,

byrian,

pertain,

onhyrian, emulate,

snyrian,

hasten,

spyrian,

inquire,

styrian,

stir. Like

frejnman

form

their

presents:

Verbs

m, n,

and the

spirants

s, 9, f,

(reduplicated

bb,

eg, 190; 216),

e.g.,

gr^mman, provoke

;

trymman,

confirm;

ff^n-

iian,

extend,

w^nnan,

accustom, clynnan,

sound,

dynnan,

hlynnan,

resound;

cnyssan,

thrust,

hrissan,

shake

;

scejffffaii,

injure (also strong,

392.

4),

aswebban,

appease,

w$cg(e)an, agitate, fficg(e)an,

receive

(also strong,

391.

3).

Verbs

t, d,

hw^ttan,

incite,

lettan,

hinder,

settan,

set,

hrcddan,

rid,

(a)trexldan,

investigate.

For the

verbs in

1 and

see 407.

NOTE

2. In

WS.,

verbs

of this class with stems

ending

in a

nasal,

liquid,

spirant,

gradually

assume the forms of the

o-class,

and

pass

over to

this

conjugation.

In the

Cura Past,

certain verbs

belonging

under

a),

note

have

become assimilated to

the

r-stems,

like nerian :

gremian, provoke,

loinian.

oppress,

teinian,

tame,

trymian,

confirm,

beh^llan,

conceal,

sylian,

wallow,

lirisian,

shake,

wr^iSIan, support.

In later

documents the transfer to the

o-class is

completely

effected,

as well

the case

the r-verbs such

nerian,

dorian.

?rian,

byrian, spyrian, styrian,

as in

that of the

originally reduplicated

stem finals

freiniaii,

dwelian,

heliaii.

iV;n

ia n

hrisian,

l>,-<Ma

even

gesw^fian,

lull,

h^giau,

hedge.

verbs whose stem ends in a

220

INFLECTION.

short

consonant,

only

hre,piaii,

touch,

seems to

belong

here.

Verbs

with

short stem

and

irregular

preterit,

lecgan

l$gde,

and those

which

are adduced

in 407.

a., are,

with

the

exception

dwe,llan, usually

exempt

from

the

operation

of this

rule.

401. Formation

the

preterit.

The

short-stemmed

verbs

and those

with

mm,

nn, ss,

tftf,

bb,

the

present

(400.

note

1),

have the

ending

-e<le

the

preterit

;

the

simple

ungeminated

radical

final conso-

nant

precedes

the

ending:

ne.rian-ne.rede,

fr^mman-

frejnede, <3Fnnan-<y$nede,

cnyssan-cnysede, scejfrfran-

so^ffede,

swejbban

sw$f

ede

(19O)

w$cg(e)an-wegede,

etc.

;

only

lcg(e)an,

lay, always

has

l^gde

without the

middle vowel

(and

le"de,

214.

3).

NOTE

1. Such

preterits

without a

middle vowel are

occasionally

formed from other

verbs,

e.g.,

wegde,

ffigde,

cnysde

;

subsequently

transfer of the double consonant of the

present

to the

preterit,

cnyssde,

etc.,

may

take

place.

NOTE

LWS. the

-ede

the

preterit

frequently

replaced

-ode

(400.

note

2).

The

verbs in

-d, -t,

take the

ending

-de,

the

latter,

however,

being

assimilated

to a

preceding

tr^ddan

tr^dde,

septan

-s^tte

(North,

also

satte, saette,

without

umlaut).

402.

Formation

the

past

participle.

The

ending

-ed,

the

gemination

the radical final

consonant

being

simplified

the

preterit: (ge)n^red,

(ge)fr^med,

(ge)ar^ned,

(ge)cnysed,

(ge)sce.8Fed,

(ge)we,ged,

(ge)se.ted,

(ge)tre.ded;

the

participle

lcg(e)an

again

(ge)le.gd

without

the middle

vowel,

to which add

(ge)le"d

(214.

3).

the inflected

forms

whose termination

begins

with a

vowel,

the -e-

retained

according

144,

with

the

exception

those

-t,

-d :

s$ted,

plur.

s^tte

;

traded,

plur.

tre.dde

(cf.

401.

2).

The

latter

regularly

contract,

CONJUGATION.

221

both

when

uninflected,

and

before an

inflectional suffix

beginning

with a

consonant. The

Anglian

and

Kentish

dialects differ

from

WS.

retaining

the

vowel.

OKIGINAL LONG STEMS

AND

POLYSYLLABLES.

403. Formation

the

present

stem.

The whole

pres-

ent stem

of the

dissyllabic

verbs has

i-umlaut,

when-

ever

the

radical vowel admits

;

verbs

with o

fluctuate

according

to 100.

The

derivative

lost,

except

after

vowels,

cfegan,

call.

NOTE

1. To this class

belongs

large

number

verbs

dselan,

distribute,

deql

; fyllaii,

Jill

;

deinan,

judge

;

hierau,

hear

; leoran,

(but

see 384.

note

;

stieran,

steoran,

steer;

strienan, streonan,

acquire;

treowan,

trfewan,

believe;

cyflFan,

announce

;

gyrda,n,gird,

etc.

NOTE 2.

Among

the

polysyllabic

verbs the derivatives

-ettan

(properly

-of

fan,

Goth,

-atjan)

are

especially

to be

noted,

bliccet-

tan,

lighten,

roccettan, utter,

sporettan,

spur,

as well as

the

compounds

which

simulate

these

derivatives,

ondettan,

confess,

onettan,

incite,

orettan, battle,

from

andahaitjan,

etc. These have

gemination

the derivative

according

228,

although simple

often written

after

weak

syllable

(225. 4).

404. Formation

the

preterit.

The

termination

the

preterit

-de,

which is

attached

immediately

the

radical

syllable.

The

i-umlaut is retained

hferan

-lilerde,

d6maii

dmde.

405. As the

consequence

of collision

between

the d

of the

termination

and the radical final

consonant,

there

result

a number

of minor variations from

the normal

form,

which

will be

easily

understood

reference

the

phonetic

laws.

The most

important

are

Gemmation

simplified

: f

yllan

ylde,

fill,

w$m-

maii

we^nde,

defile,

afirran

afirde,

remove,

cyssan

-cyste,

kiss

(the

t in

accordance

with

2).

222

INFLECTION.

The

ending

-de

becomes

-te

after

p, t, c, ff,

(simplified

according

l),

and

yppan

ypte,

re-

veal, gre"tan

grtte,

greet,

scejican

sc^ncte,

pour

out,

w^scan

w^scte,

wish,

fecan

lecte,

increase

(but

also

ihte,

407.

c),

pyf

fan

pyf

te,

puff,

cyssan cyste, kiss,

lixaii-lixte,

shine

(but

hyspan-hyspde, mock,

adwjfesc-

jin

adwifcscde,

extinguish,

ly\san

l^sde, release,

r;C>san

rti'sde,

rush).

Another

exception

sle"pde,

Lind.

Hit.

(395.

note

2).

3rd

remains

unchanged

the older

texts,

but

subsequently passes

into

dd :

cy^an,

cy^de

and

cy'dde,

announce.

After a consonant

the

'ending

entirely

lost: sendan

sende, send,

gyrdan

gyrde,

gird,

('lit an

elite,

persecute,

ffyrstaii

ffyrste, thirst,

etc.

Only

rarely

the

spelling

etymological

faestte,

hyhtte,

etc.

The verbs

consonant

n, r, 1, which,

regularly

formed,

should

have

syllabic

n, r,

the

preterit,

are

very

irregular:

nc^iman,

name,

has

n^mde

with

loss

(if

the

^fnan, raefnan,

perform, frequently

$fnde,

raefnde;

likewise

North,

hyngra-hyngerde,

hunger,

timbra

timberde,

build, dgla

d^gelde,

conceal;

but

frequently

these

verbs take the

ending

-ede

(especially

the Ps. and

North.,

not till late

WS.)

the

-ode

Class II.:

ne.miiode,

efncde

(North,

efnade);

r6f

ran

rdfrede,

-ode,

comfort;

liyngraii

hyiigrede,

-ode

;

tiinbran

tiinbrede,

-ode

;

dfeglan

dfeglede,

dfglade,

etc.

Here

again present

forms,

according

Class

II.,

are

subsequently

found :

fr^frian,

hyngrian,

timbrian

(cf.

400.

note

2).

NOTE.

Exceptions

the rule

are formed

^glan,

$glde,

afflict,

slglan,

siglde,

soil

(but

LWS.

^glede).

CONJUGATION.

223

406. Formation

the

past participle.

Its

ending

-ed

;

the cases

whose termination

begins

with a

vowel

the

of the

-ed

syncopated,

and

the

same rules

govern

the contract

-d-

with

the

radical

syllable

the formation

the

preterit.

The verbs

contract in

accordance

with

the rule

laid down

in 402.

Examples

the various

types

are

: de*man

gede"med

gede"mde

;

yllan

gef

ylled

gef

ylde,

405.

gre"tan

gegre"ted

gegre"tte ;

scencan

gesc^nced

gesc^ncte,

405. 2

;

c^ffan

gecy^eSF

gecy'SFde,

late

gec^dde,

405.3;

s$ndan-gesend(ed)-gesnde;

e'htan-gee'ht(ed)

-geelite,

405.

n^mnan

genemned

geiimde

tim-

bran

getimbred

(-od)

getimbrede

(-ode),

405.

etc.

NOTE.

The

long

stems

which here insert e

in the uninflected

forms

retain it

LWS.,

even

in inflected

forms

gedfemede, gefyllede

;

on the other

hand,

those

nc,

and

occasionally

others,

sometimes

contract and assimilate

in the

(LWS.)

uninflected

form of the

participle.

IRREGULAR

VERBS.

407.

Some

Germanic

verbs

join

the

termination

the

preterit

and

past

participle

directly

to the

radical

syllable,

without the

intervention

of a

middle vowel.

These

verbs

consequently

occur

OE.

without the

i-umlaut,

and the verbs

whose

stem ends

guttural

have

ht in the

preterit

and

past

participle,

according

232.

original

nasal is

lost

before

this

(45.

185).

Here

belong

cw^llau,

kill cwealde

gecweald

dwellan,

deceive

dwealde

gedweald

sell

an.

give

sealde

geseald

stellan,

place

stealde

gesteald

tolliui,

count tealde

geteald

bycgean,

buy

bohte

geboht

shake

cweahte

gecweaht

224

INFLECTION.

dr^ccean,

vex.

dreahte

gedreaht

le^ccean,

moisten leahte

geleaht

re_ccean, expound

reahte

gereaht

stre^ccean,

stretch streahte

gestreaht

ffe,ccean,

cover ffeahte

geffeaht

w^ccean,

icake

weahte

geweaht

laeccean,

seize laehte

geljeht

bepsfecean,

deceive

bepiehte bepseht

rsfecean,

reach rgfehte

gersfeht

tsecean,

teach teehte

getafeht

rfecean,

reccean,

reck rohte

secean,

seek

s6hte

gesoht

ff^ncean,

think ffohte

geffoht

ffyncean,

seem

fffihte

goiTi'iht

wyreean,

work

worhte

ge\vorht

bringan,

bring

br6hte

gebroht

NOTE 1.

Beside

w^llan

d\vealde,

LWS.

has

d\v^lian

dw^lede

and

d\v^lode

(400.

note

;

t^llan

likewise forms

part, g^teled.

NOTE

For EWS.

s^llan,

LWS.

usually

has

syllan

(for

*siel-

lan).

The

breaking

occurs in

Mercian as

early

as a charter of dr. A.D.

840

(siollanne),

but

Ps.

and

R. have

only syllan.

North, has

inf.

seal la

and

s^IIa, plur.

ind. and

imp.

seallas

and

sellas,

otherwise

NOTE

3. The

LWS.

verbs with

ecc

regularly

take

instead of

the

preterit

and

past

participle

cw^hte, dr^hte,

gedr^ht probably

analogy

with the

vowel of

the

present,

since

this

change

(which

begins

even

EWS.)

seems to

precede

the

palatal

umlaut

(101.

ea to

Ps. and

North,

these verbs

have se

in the

preterit

according

162:

raehte,

waehte,

ffaehte,

except

that

sometimes e

has entered

from

the

present.

WS.

r;tV(

ojaii

always

has

the umlaut vowel

in the

preterit

rsehte,

while

North,

has

rahte.

LWS.

wre_cc(e)an

often

occurs for

wcc(e)an.

NOTE

4. In

the latest

WS.

the SB

of the

preterit

and

participle

sometimes

replaced

tahte,

for

tsfehte.

NOTE

6. In

reccean

there

seems to be a

shortening

of the vowel

recean

(cf.

230.

note).

NOTE

WS.

wyrc(e)an,

North,

wyrca has,

in Kent,

and R.

the

form

wlrcan,

and

the

isolated

participle giwarht

Corp.

LWS.

CONJUGATION.

225

metathesis

takes

place

wrohte,

gewroht.

The

compound

for-

wyrc(e)an,

transgress,

has

LVVS.

the

pret. forwyrhte,

part.

forwyrht.

NOTE

7. Beside

bringan,

there is also a

weak

brejig(e)an

(OS.

breiigian).

The

past part,

rarely

brungen.

imitation

these

verbs,

certain

verbs

which

are

in other

respects

regular,

sometimes take

lit

the

preterit,

but retain

the i-umlaut:

e.g., fec(e)an

iecte

fehte

(Ihte,

ylite),

part,

gefeced

(LWS.

gefht,

geylit),

increase;

9'rycc(e)aii-9'rycte,

ffryhte,

part,

ge-

afrycced,

oppress;

cnycc(e)an-cnycte,

ciiyhte,

tie;

wl^cee-

an,

part,

gewleced,

gewl^ht,

and

gewlsecced,

gewlaeht,

warm;

nalifec(e)an

-n^alsecte,

-lite

(North,

-cede,

-cde),

approach;

<Slcc(e)an-61$cte,

61hte,

praise,

etc.

NOTE

the case of certain

isolated forms a full

paradigm

can

only

'be

conjecturally

framed.

So to the

pret.

scyhte,

seduced,

may

assigned

infinitive

scycc(e)an (from scucca)

;

to the

part.

gecliht, collected,

infinitive

clyccean;

ofhaehte,

hacked

off,

bedaehte, transmitted,

the infinitives

*haecc(e)an

and

*daecc(e)an

(cf.

laeccean

laehte

above).

408.

The verbs

rw and

Iw,

gierwan,

gyrwan,

prepare,

sierwaii, syrwan,

deceive,

smierwan,

sin

wan,

anoint,

wielwau, wylwan,

roll,

originally

lose

their

w in

the

and 3d

sing.

pres.

ind.,

the 2d

sing,

imp.,

and

the

preterit,

and

hence terminate

-est,

-ear, -e,

pret.

-ede

(older ide)

for

example, pret.

gierede,

si(e)rede,

smirede,

wylede.

The

past participle

seems

originally

have retained

the

in the uninflected

form,

and to

have lost

when inflected.

NOTE

With

the

interchange

rw,

and

must

originally

have been connected a variation of

the radical

vowel,

since

breaking

the

basic

vowel a or

could

only

have

taken

place

before

rw,

;

for

example,

smierwan,

but

smirest, smireff,

pret.

smirede.

This

change,

however,

has

left no

distinct traces

except

smierwan.

226

INFLECTION.

the

case of

gierwan

all difference

was

regularly

effaced

gierwan

(98.

a),

gierede (98. 6),

etc.

LWS.

various

transformations

occur,

either

generalizing

the

completely obliterating

it,

creating

forms

according

the

Second Weak

Conjuga-

tion

(400.

note

2),

with

or without

w. No two verbs

follow the

same

rule

;

some,

hierwan,

deride,

nierwan, distress,

there are

examples

of the

original

conjugation.

NOTE

2. For the most

part,

gierwan

adheres to the older

inflection,

but

already

EWS. the

participle

occurs as

gegiered,

beside

gegier-

wed,

the

imperative

gier

and

gierwe,

beside

glere;

LWS.

there

is a

rare

pres.

opt.

gyrie, past part, gegyrwod.

Ps. has

regularly

gerwan, pret.

gerede,

part,

gered,

North,

usually

gearwia,

larwia,

according

to the Second

Weak

Conjugation,

but

pret.

gerede,

part,

gered,

beside

gearwade, gearwad.

NOTE

3. sierwan

regular

EWS.

prose,

but there occurs a

part,

gesiered

and

rare

inf.

sierian,

to which LWS.

adds a

pret.

syrode.

LWS.

usually

generalizes

the w : 3d

sing.

pres.

syrwff,

pret.

syrwde,

or,

according

to the

6-class,

syrwlan,

pret.

(syrwode),

plur.

syrwedon.

NOTE

EWS. there are numerous instances

of the

original

in-

flection of

smierwan,

besides

part, gesmired,

inf.

smirian, smierian;

LWS. there

are,

following

the

6-class,

sing. pres.

smyraff,

pret.

smirode,

sinyrode,

part, gesinirod,

besides forms

with

sm^rwan

and

smerian,

etc.

North,

has inf.

smir(i)an,

pret.

smirede;

the

imp.

sun;

iv.

Ps. there is

only

a 3d

sing. pres.

smireff,

pret.

redo,

from an

inferrible

*smeorwan

(159. 4).

NOTE

The w is

everywhere generalized

hierwan

and

nterwan : 3d

sing. pres. hyrwff,

pret.

hyrwde,

with

the

occasional

introduction of forms

from

the 6-class :

hyrwian,

nyrwian,

pret.

hyrwode,

nyrwode,

etc.

There are also an isolated

part,

geniered

and

pret.

nyrugde

(Blickl.).

wielwan

has a

pret. wylede,

part, gewylwed,

besides

inf.

wylian

and

wylwian,

according

Conjugation

II.

NOTE

Here seems

have

belonged

rseswan, consider,

since it

has

also

inf.

ra;sian,

pret.

rtcswode

and

reesode.

fraetwan,

adorn,

usually

has a

pret.

fraetwode

(Conj.

II.),

-beside

fraetwede,