Назад
CONJUGATION.
197
negative imperative)
; hence,
-e
for
-aS
is
entirely wanting
in
North,
and
Ps.,
while
in WS. the abbreviation has
made its
way
into
the indica-
tive
and the
genuine imperative.
361.
The
pres. opt.
has
in
the
sing,
the
ending
-e,
as
in binde
(anciently
likewise
-ae,
North,
often
-a)
;
in
the
plur.
usually
-en
or
-an,
as
in
binden,
bindan
(in
ancient
Mss. also
-sen,
and in
later
WS.
-on
(-un))
;
in
North.,
with
apocope
of the
-n,
binde,
-se,
-a,
as in
the
sing.
362.
The
2d
sing.
imp.
of
strong
verbs has no
termi-
nation,
except
in
the case
of
the short
stems,
which
form
their
present
in
Germanic
with
-jo-
(372)
;
these,
like
the
original
short stems
of
the first
weak
class,
have the
ending
-e,
formerly
-i,
while
the
correspond-
ing long
stems
are without termination
(133.
c\
410.
3).
The
adhortative
form of the
1st
plur.
in
-an
is not
common,
being supplanted
in
many
documents
by
the
corresponding
optative
in
-en
(for
binde
we,
etc.,
see
360.
2).
363.
i)
Beside the
regular
infinitive
ending
in
-an,
bindan,
the
older
(WS.)
texts have less
commonly
-on,
bindon.
In North,
the
final
-n
suffers
apocope,
and the
vowel
-a
is often weakened
to
-se,
-e:
bmda,
bindae,
binde,
bind. The inflected
form of the
infinitive
gener-
ally
ends
in
-anne,
but
older
Mss.
have
also
-enne
(-cue)
and
-onne :
bindeime,
bindene,
bindonne
;
while
in
LWS.
the termination
-ende is to
be
found.
NOTE.
In a few
instances
the uninflected infinitive stands for
the
inflected
:
to
bindan for
to
bindanne,
etc.
2)
The
usual
ending
of
the
present
participle
is
-ende,
older
-aendi,
seldom
-indi
(so
in
Ep.)
;
-onde
rarely
occurs.
364.
l)
The
2d
sing.
pret.
ind. of
strong
verbs
ends
regularly
in
e,
that of the
weak
verbs in
-des(t).
198
INFLECTION.
NOTE 1. Now
and
then the e
of the
strong
verbs is lost before the
pronoun
O'u : com
3
u,
druiic
(In,
set
ffu,
druh
90,
gewic
So,
for
come, drunce,
;i-t
r.
druge,
gewice
O'u.
NOTE 2. In North,
certain
reduplicating
verbs
(in t)
form
the
2d
sing.
pret.
ind.
in
-es,
-est:
hehtes
(beside
forleorte),
gihehtest,
gUeortest,
forlStes.
NOTE 3.
For the i-umlaut of the
2d
sing. pret.
ind.
see 377.
2)
The
plur. pret.
ind. has
in
the
oldest
texts
(so
in
Ps. and
generally
in
Rush.
1
)
the
ending
-un,
bunduii,
sohtuii;
next occurs
-on, bundon,
soliton
(WS.
and
North.)
;
subsequently
often
-an,
bundan,
sdhtan
(sporadic
instances as
early
as
Cura
Past.,
Lind.,
Rush.);
rarely
-en
(bunden,
Rush.).
NOTE.
Apocope
of final -n
does
not occur here
in North.
365.
The
pret. opt.
has in
the
sing,
the
ending
-e,
bunde,
solite
(seldom
North,
-a,
bunda)
;
in the
plur.
originally
-en, bunden, sdhten,
quite
distinct
from
that
of
the indicative.
Subsequent!}
7
", however,
the
-on,
-an,
of
the
indicative
invades the
territory
of the
optative,
and
the
termination
of
the
2d
sing,
indicative
is some-
times found
in
the
preterit
optative
of
weak verbs:
sealdest,
fyligdest, mihtest,
etc.
NOTE.
In
North,
the
plur.
generally
has
-e
with
apocope
of
the
-n,
or
even
-o,
-on,
with
more or
less
complete
levelling
under
the indica-
tive
termination.
366.
The
past
participle
of
verbs
without
prepositional
prefix
is
usually
compounded
with
the
particle
ge-,
older
gi-,
as
in
German
:
e.g.,
gebunden, geliolpen,
genered,
gefremed,
etc.
Yet
forms
without
ge
are
found,
mainly
from
strong
verbs.
As
regards
the
endings,
the
past participle
of
strong
verbs
has
in
the
older
texts,
in
addition to
the
regular
ending
-en,
as in
(ge)bunden,
the
rare
termination
-on
CONJUGATION.
199
(-an,
-un),
declined
-one, etc.,
or
rarely
-in-
in
the
in-
flected forms.
For
the terminations
of the weak
verbs
See
402, 406,
413,
415.
II.
Strong
Verbs.
A. THE CONJUGATION
OF THE
STRONG VERBS.
367.
Paradigms.
1.
ACTIVE.
PRESENT. Indicative.
REGULAR VERBS.
CONTRACT
VERBS.
Sg.
1.
binde
helpe
bidde
igsr
*>
isr
Flur. bindatt
helpaff
biddaff
t
('<)
tfl) S('()
Sll'jl
f6
tfhst tiehst siehst
sliehst
1Y- list
tiehff siehff
sliehff
!Y-li3
teoff teoS
1
s^off s!6aff
foff
*
Optative.
REGULAR
VERBS.
CONTRACT VERBS.
Sing,
binde
helpe
bidde
Plur.
binden
helpen
bidden
teo
fro
s6o slea
f6
teon teon seon glean
ton
Imperative.
tih
troh
seoh sleah f6h
tfeon
ton s6on
slean
f6n
teoff
Sg.
2.
bind
help
bide
PI. 1. bindan
helpan
biddan
2.
bindaff
helpaff
biddaff
Infinitive.
bindan
helpan
biddan
|
teon
teon seon
slean
fon
Regular
Verbs :
bindende,
helpende,
biddende
Contract
Verbs
:
teonde, teonde,
seonde, slgande,
f6nde.
200
INFLECTION.
PRETEBIT.
Indicative.
REGULAR VERBS.
CONTRACT VERBS.
Sg.
1. l)oii(l
healp
baed
2.
bunde
hulpe
1>;>'-<I<-
3. loml
healp
baed
Flur.
bundon
hulpon
bifcdon
CONJUGATION.
201
ent,
though
frequently
modified
by
i-umlaut
in
the
2d
and 3d
sing,
indicative
(371).
370. u- and
o-umlaut do not
usually
occur
in
WS.
;
but in
the
Ps.,
and less
regularly
in
North.,
both
umlauts
appear
before
a
single
consonant.
They
are
therefore
found
in ablaut classes
IV. and
V.,
in
the
in-
finitive,
present
participle,
1st
sing,
indicative,
the
plur.
indicative
and
plur.
imperative,
but not
in
the
2d or
3d
sing,
indicative,
2d
sing,
imperative,
nor in
the
optative.
Examples
:
W8.
Ps. NORTH.
Infinitive
:
beran
beoran
be(a)ra
Participle:
berendo
beorende
be(a)rende
Ind. :
Sg.
1.
bere
beoru
bero
2.
Wrest
bires
beres
3.
bireff
blreff bereff
Plur. beratf
beoraff
be(a)ra8'
Optative
:
bere
bere
bere
Imp.:
Sg.
2.
ber
ber
ber
PI.
1. beran beoran
be(a)ra
2.
beraff beoraff
be(a)raff
NOTE.
Only
seldom
are forms found in
WS.
with
u-,
o-umlaut,
like
beoran, beoraff,
beorende;
that
they formerly
existed in
greater
numbers
is
proved
by
the
frequent
occurrence of forms
like
2d
sing.
blerest,
3d
sing,
blereff,
later
byrest,
byreff
(by
umlaut
from
*beoris,
*beoriff,
with transfer of the eo from the 1st
sing.
*
beoru).
In North, the u-umlaut
is
wanting
in
the 1st
sing.
ind.
Hush.
1
is
here
ranged
in
the main on
the side
of
North.,
though
the forms
with
u-umlaut are somewhat less common.
371.
i-umlaut
properly
belongs only
to
the
2d and
3d
sing,
present
indicative,
and
is
frequently
found in
these
two forms
;
but not
infrequently
there
is a
substitution
of
the
unchanged
vowel
belonging
to
the
other
present
forms. In
this
respect
there is no
unanimity
among
the
various
dialects.
202
INFLECTION.
NOTE.
In
respect
to the use
of
umlaut,
WS. takes the lead.
Its
earliest
documents,
like the
Cura
Past.,
exhibit
umlaut of
every
vowel
capable
of
undergoing
it,
especially
in the
syncopated
forms
(359)
:
helpan,
hilpff ;
beran,
bired,
biereff
(370.
note);
weorpan,
wierpft ;
faran,
fereS
1
; weaxan,
wiexff
;
feallan,
fielS
1
;
stqndan,
stejit;
cnawan,
cnsfewff
;
hatan, h&t;
flowan,
flewS
1
; Ifican,
lycff;
I n t ; i
n
,
lyt
;
heawan,
hiewff
;
<'
osaii,
ciesff,
etc.
The
same
manu-
scripts,
however,
likewise
have forms
without umlaut
;
in
particular,
the verbs
containing
a in the
radical
syllable,
like
faran,
generally
have
ae instead
of
3:
fserest,
faereff.
In certain later
documents
the
umlaut
is the
rule
only
in verbs whose radical
syllable
contains
e,
co:
helpan,
hilpeff; beran,
blreff,
byreff;
weorpan, wyrpeff;
while
in the
other
classes of verbs the
prevalent
forms are those
with-
out
umlaut
(and
with fuller
ending,
358.
note)
:
weax
eff, fealleff,
st
<m<l'<v.
cnaweff,
hdteff,
floweff,
buge8F,
heaweS
1
, coseff,
etc.
Kentish
is
very
irregular
in
respect
to this
umlaut,
the
verbs of
the
II. and
III. ablaut classes often
remaining unchanged.
On the
whole,
it inclines
to follow
the
WS. rule.
The Psalter takes
cognizance
only
of the variation
between
e
and i
(92)
:
helpan,
hilpeff
; beran,
bireS
1
;
stregdan, strigdes;
(so
also
feolan, flleff,
for the
ecthlipsis
of
h,
(218);
but
weorpan, weorpeft; fearan,
fereff
(151.
1);
fiillan,
fa
1 1
a
.V
;
stqndan, stQndeff
;
cnawan,
cnawefr
;
fl6wan,
fldweQ
1
;
I uca
n. lAceff
; ceosan, ceoseff,
etc.
Notwithstanding
what
has been
said above
regarding
verbs with radical
e,
this vowel is not seldom
retained,
especially
where the stem ends in a
single
consonant.
Verbs
with
radical
ea
(breaking)
often exhibit
syncope
in
the
later texts
with-
out umlaut
change
:
fealst,
weaxt.
Verbs of the VI.
ablaut class
frequently
retain radical
a
in the
imp. sing.
:
far, wiffsac,
etc.
(cf. 49).
In
North, the true i-umlaut
is
wanting
;
yet
original
e
appears
as
e
unobscured
by
the u-umlaut of the
remaining
forms
(370)
: cf.
helpa,
helpeff
;
beara,
bereff,
in
contrast with
cearfa,
cearfeff
;
worpa,
worpeff ;
fara,
faereff
;
stQnda, st^ndeff
;
hata,
hateff,
etc.
In
like
manner
the i
of
nioma
(390.
note
2)
remains
as i :
uioma,
nimeff.
Verbs in
-jo-.
372.
Like
biddan
are
inflected
the
verbs
sittan,
fricg(e)an,
licg(e)an (391.
3), h^bban,
hliehhan,
sciep-
pan,
staeppan,
sc^iararan
(392.
4),
which
form their
present
in
Germ,
with
jo.
The
discrepancies
are
confined
to
CONJUGATION.
203
the
present,
which conforms
in
all
respects
to
the
conju-
gation
of
the
short-stemmed weak verbs
of
the First
Class
(paradigm
fr$mman,
409).
The
paradigm
n^rian
(409)
is followed
by
the
strong
verbs
sw^rian
(392. 4)
;
the
paradigm
of
the
long
stems,
dman
(differing
from
that
of
the
strong
verbs
only by
the invariable umlaut
of the radical
syllable),
is followed
by
w^pan,
weep
(396),
and
perhaps
gierran
(388.
note
1)
and hw&san
(396.
c).
NOTE. In North, the
sing.
imp.
of
the short
stems is
devoid of end-
ing
:
bid,
he/,
instead
of
bide,
h$fe
(cf.
410.
note
4).
Contract
Verbs.
373.
Contract verbs are those whose stems
originally
ended
in
h;
this
was lost
before vowels
(218),
and
the
adjoining
vowels were then contracted.
Here
belong
the verbs of the
following
ablaut classes
: I.
t^on,
ar^on, wr^on,
Iron,
s^on
(383)
;
II.
fl^on,
ton
(384)
;
V.
gef^on, plon,
son
(391.
2)
;
VI.
ftean, lan,
slan,
?Tw<$an
(392.
2)
;
and the
reduplicating
fdn,
hdn
(395).
374.
In
WS.
and
Kent,
the
h
is
retained
in
the
2d
and 3d
sing,
present
indicative,
which have the
i-umlaut
and
syncopated ending,
and in
the
2d
sing, imperative
(cf.
the
paradigm
367)
;
in Ps. and North,
it
is
found
only
in
the
sing,
imperative.
NOTE. The forms
of the Ps.
are:
1)
Inf.
\vr6an;
pres.
3d
sing.
wriff;
imp.
sing.
wrih.
2)
Pres. 1st
sing.
fleom
(of.
426
ff.),
3d
sing.
tiff,
plur.
tfcoS
1
,
fleoff
;
opt.
plur.
fl6n
;
imp. sing,
teh
;
part,
flgonde.
3)
Inf.
scan,
sian
;
ger.
ges6onne
;
pres.
1st
sing,
sio,
sie,
gefio, gefie,
2d
sing,
sist,
3d
sing,
siff, gefiff
(once
geflhff,
20.
2,
and
gefiht,
15.
9),
plur.
siaft,
seaff,
sfcoff,
and
gefiaS
1
,
gefSaff,
gef&oflf
;
opt. sing.
s6,
geffe,
plur.
sfen,
gef6n
;
imp.
sing,
seh,
gefeh,
plur.
siaff,
gefiaff, ge^off ;
part,
sionde,
siende.
4)
Pres.
1st
sing,
slea,
ffw6a,
2d
sing.
sl6s,
204
INFLECTION.
s,
3d
sing,
sleff,
ffweff,
plur.
sleaff;
opt. sing.
sle;
imp.
slaeh,
ffuaeh.
5)
Inf.
f6n;
pres.
1st
sing,
fo
(once
f6u,
115.
13),
2d
sing.
foest,
3d
sing,
foeff
(once
foeht,
47.
4,
i.e.
ffest, foeff,
foeht),
plur.
f69
;
opt.
foe,
plur.
foen
(i.e.
foe,
fden,
or
f6e,
foen
?)
;
imp.
sing,
fob,
plur.
f69
;
part,
fonde.
In
North,
the
following
inflective
forms occur
:
1)
Inf.
gifffa,
Kit.
;
pres.
plur. glffii
we;
opt.
sing,
giffil; part,
ffiieude,
wria
(often
wriga,
383.
note
2)
;
pres.
3d
sing,
wriff,
plur.
wriaft.
2)
Inf.
fl6a;
pres.
3d
sing,
fiiS,
R.
2
Hit.
fleff,
plur.
flea?;
opt.
sing.
Kit.
flee, flii,
fliae;
imp. sing,
fl^h,
plur.
fl^aff;
part,
fleende,
Kit.
3)
Inf.
sea;
pres.
1st
sing,
seom, slum,
2d
sing,
sist,
3d
sing,
siff,
plur.
seat?
;
opt.
sing,
si
;
imp. sing,
seh
(also
slh, sigh,
Hit.),
plur.
seaff
;
part,
seende,
segende.
4)
Inf.
sla,
sla-
;
pres.
1st
sing,
slsfe,
2d
sing,
shi-s,
3d
sing.
sl;rY,
plur.
slaff,
slakS
;
imp. sing,
slab,
plur.
ofsld we
;
part,
sl^nde
;
pres.
1st
sing,
ffwa,
2d
sing,
ffwas,
3d
sing,
ffwaff,
plur. ffwdff;
opt.
sing,
ffwa;
imp.
8"\vdh.
5)
Inf.
f6a;
pres.
2d
sing,
foes,
3d
sing,
foeff
(i.e.
f03s,
foaff),
plur.
foaff,
f6eff
(foaff?)
;
opt.
foe
(foe?);
imp.
f
6h,
plur.
ton's
(gefeon
is
weak
in North.
:
gifeage, pret.
glfeade,
accord-
ing
to
Class
II.).
2)
PEETERIT.
375.
The
preterits
of the contract verbs
do not
differ
from
those
of the
regular
conjugation,
since the
h
is
either
final or has
undergone grammatical change
to
g
or
w.
376.
u-umlaut is
assumed in
the
Ps.
and
North,
by
the
plur.
indicative of
the
strong
verbs
of the
first
ablaut class
;
the Ps. has eo
:
steogun,
dreosun
(cf.
also
weotan, know,
420.
note)
;
the North,
usually
io :
driofun,
riosun.
In
WS.
this umlaut is
only
sporadic.
377.
i-umlaut
properly
belongs
to the
2d
sing,
indica-
tive and
the
whole
optative (cf.
OS. forms
like
2d
sing.
indicative
bundi,
1st
and 3d
sing,
optative
bundi,
plur.
bund
in).
It
is
no
longer
found,
however,
except
in
certain
optatives
of
the
preteritive
presents
(422
ff.),
and
in
isolated
examples
like
hwyrfe
(Dan.
211),
wyrde
(Kit.
114),
hliepen
(Cura
Past,
214.
7).
CONJUGATION.
205
3)
PAST PARTICIPLE.
378. In
the
older
language
a few verbs
sometimes
have
i-umlaut
in
the
past participle,
alternating
with
the
unchanged
radical
vowel,
though
the mutated vowel
is,
as a
rule,
afterward
lost. Here
belong especially
those
with
original
ag
:
gesl^gen,
gearw^gen,
subsequently
only
geslsegen
(geslagen),
gefrwaegen
(also
geSFwogen);
very frequently
cymen
along
with
cumen,
sporadically
gefrrsfewen
along
with
geffrd/wen, gescyfen
along
with
gescofen,
ged6n
(North,
gedoen,
cf.
429),
betygen
along
with
betogen
and
betigen,
from
t&m,
censure
(383.
note
3).
So likewise
the
participial adjective
sfegen, own,
along
with
ageii
(Goth, aigins).
NOTE. In
EWS. are
sometimes found
participles
like
geiflflegen,
gewieten,
gewrieten,
with
o-
and 1-umlaut
(109; 100).
North,
um-
lauted
participles
are
dceii,
foen.
B. TENSE-FORMATION OF THE
STRONG VERBS.
i)
ABLAUT
VERBS.
379.
The tense
stems.
The
forms of
the
OE. ablaut
verbs
may
all
be
referred
to four
stems,
which are
called tense stems. These are
1)
the
present
stem,
to
which
belong
all
the
forms
of
the
present
;
2)
the
first
preterit
stem,
to which
belong
only
the
1st
and 3d
sing,
preterit
indicative
;
3)
the second
preterit
stem,
comprising
the
2d
sing,
indicative,
the
plur.
indicative,
and
the
whole
preterit
optative
;
4)
the stem of
the
past
participle,
from
which
only
the
latter
is
derived.
206
INFLECTION.
As
representatives
of
these
four
stems,
the
following
principal
parts
may
serve
:
l)
the
1st
sing, present
in-
dicative
or the
infinitive;
2)
the
1st
sing, preterit
indicative
;
3)
the
1st
plur. preterit
indicative
;
4)
the
past participle.
380.
Grammatical
change.
Those verbs whose
present
stern ends
in a
surd
spirant
regularly
experience
gram-
matical
change
in the 3d and
4th
stem
:
cdosan, cas,
curon,
coren
(384);
lifTan.
laUF, lidoii,
liden
(382);
t6on,
t4ah,
tugon,
togen
(384)
;
se"on, seah,
sjlwon,
sewen
(391. 2).
The law
is, however,
often
violated
by
the
occurrence
of
the
grammatical
change
in the
2d
stem,
as
in
sloan,
shSg, sldgon,
geslsegen
(392. 2).
381.
The
ablaut series.
The variation
of
radical vowel
in
the four
stems of
the word takes
place
within certain
well-defined
groups
or
series,
which are
called ablaut
series.
Of
these series
the
Germanic verb
recognizes
six.
Arranging
the vowels
according
to
the order
of
the four
stems,
the series
form
the
following
system
:
I.
II.
in.
IV.
v.
VI.
NOTE. For
the
variation of
e and
1,
u and
o,
see 45.
2,
3.
The much
more
complicated
system
of
OE. results
from
the
.foregoing by
taking
account
of the
changes
which
the
Germanic
vowels have
experienced
in
OE.
(49
ff.).
Further
particulars
will
be
given
in the
following
paragraphs.
IST
STEM.