Mackesy P. The War for America, 1775-1783
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diverted; one to Halifax and four to Quebec. When these orders reached Cork, two of the battalions for Quebec had
already sailed to join Howe, and by now the year was too far advanced for the remainder to get up the St
Lawrence; but the senior officer had orders to disembark if he could not enter the river, and march overland to
Quebec. If all now went smoothly, the city should be safe for the winter.1
6
A Winter Offensive
By the end of September the American theatre of operations had apparently been battened down for the winter.
Quebec and Halifax would be made secure, and the Boston garrison shifted south to New York, a safer post and a
springboard for the coming offensive. Thus, with no fear of untoward developments, preparations to strike at the
heart of the rebellion could be put in hand. It was to be a winter of twilight war.
But within a few weeks the Cabinet learnt that the winter need not be wasted. Since early September reports had
been arriving from the southern colonies of the strength of the loyalists. Governor Martin of North Carolina had
been driven out of his province; but from his refuge in a warship he reported that he had received addresses signed
by thousands of loyalists in the back settlements. He was sure that with a supply of arms and a nucleus of regular
troops he could raise a loyalist force to subdue the Carolinas and overawe Virginia. This view accorded with the
belief in England that the south was too much dependent on seaborne trade to hold out for long. The problem of
supporting the loyalists was studied in the American Department; and after consultations with General Amherst,
Lord Dartmouth ordered the Board of Ordnance to send out 10,000 stand of arms, and recommended Howe to send
at least a battalion from Boston.2
Such were the modest origins of the Charleston expedition. Soon other evidence poured in to support Martin's
advice. The Governors of South Carolina and Virginia were confident that with a small force of troops they could
restore order; and a variety of other intelligence supported them. People of property in the south complained that
the loyalists were being neglected. It is true that the information came from interested parties; but disinterested
intelligence was unobtainable. In the American Department the Under-Secretary, William Knox, was a property-
owner in Georgia and Agent for the colony; and throughout the war he was to argue for the
1 Gage Corr. I, 413, II, 206; Howe's Orderly Book, 301; SP 42/49, Nos. 412; Dartmouth, I, 387.
2 CL, Germain, précis in Vol. I, Suppl.; Dartmouth, I, 390; Gage Corr., II, 196; Sackville, I, 136; G 1712,
1714.
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preservation of the south even at the cost of throwing off and annihilating the northern colonies. There is no
evidence that his influence was decisive with Lord Dartmouth; but his presence in the Department may well have
influenced the decision to intervene.1
By the middle of October the Cabinet was persuaded. Some of the troops under orders for America were ready; and
rather than keep them in idleness through the winter till the northern Atlantic passage was fit for transports, an
immediate blow was to be delivered against the southern periphery of the rebellion. Five regiments on the Irish
establishment which had been promised to Howe were chosen. It was thought that they could sail before Christmas
if the orders were given at once, and achieve their purpose in time to rejoin Howe at New York early in his
campaign. Thus the expedition was not intended to dilute the concentrated blow in the north, but to use the interval
before the main effort could be deployed.2
Approval was not unanimous. The Adjutant-General feared the risk of dispersion; and the Secretary at War, Lord
Barrington remonstrated strongly when he arrived at the War Office on the following Monday. Learning that five
regiments were to be sent abroad, he guessed their destination from common report, and wrote at once to
Dartmouth. 'Allow me, my dear Lord,' he begged him, 'to remind you of the necessity there is in all military
matters, not to stir without full consultations of able military men.'3 It has often been remarked as curious that the
Secretary at War should have been kept in ignorance of the plan; but Barrington had no grounds for complaint. He
was an administrator, not a strategist. He had certainly been kept in the dark about operational plans in the Seven
Years War; and in November 1780 the same secrecy was observed about the proposed River Plate expedition, to
the annoyance of his successor.4
The rendezvous of the expedition was off Cape Fear on the coast of North Carolina, where Governor Martin
promised a large force of highland immigrants. A cruiser sailed at once to find pilots and alert the Governor. If the
regiments were to sail from Cork at the beginning of December speedy organisation was needed. The Navy Board's
transports were ready to leave the Thames by 9 November, and the enterprise seemed fairly launched. Clinton was
to come down from New York to command the troops, with whom Cornwallis sailed from England; and Sir Peter
Parker
1 CL, Germain, loc.cit.; CL, Knox, Vol. 9, Nos. 212 (précis in Knox, 289); Knox, 122, 25860, 276. Nelson,
11013, provides facts which support the British assessment of the Southern loyalists.
2 G 1724, 1727.
3 Fortescue, II, 1734; Barrington, 1512.
4 Whitworth, Ligonier, 215; Harlow, Founding of the Second British Empire, III.
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commanded the naval task force with his flag in the Bristol, 50, and half a dozen frigates under command to
operate in the shallow approaches to Charleston.1
Two more regiments were added to the force. Their provenance was ominous. For these were the two battalions
which had been despatched to Quebec in October. By this time they should have been approaching the St
Lawrence, and their story provides a foretaste of much that was to follow. A few day out in the Atlantic the
transports had been struck by a gale and driven back to Milford Haven, where ten days were lost in repairing
damage. By then it was too late to make the St Lawrence before the spring, and the troops were diverted to the
Carolinas. It was typical of the improvisations with small bodies of men which characterise the outset of a British
war. Thus the safety of Quebec and the future of British Canada lay in a couple of weak battalions in the St
Lawrence basin, two companies of the Royal Irish in the far posts of the Illinois, and a levy of highland immigrants
just forming at Sorel. General Howe, aware of Carleton's nakedness, wanted to send him a regiment of Marines
from Boston, but the attempt was vetoed by the Admiral.2
1 SP 42/49, Nos. 46, 54, 56; Adm. 2/1333, 30 Oct.; CL, Germain, loc. cit.
2 SP 42/49, No. 49; G 1734; Howe's Orderly Book, 307.
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Chapter II
The Coming of Germain
1
The Third Secretary
On 15 September William Eden, Under-Secretary of the Northern Department, wrote to Lord George Germain
expressing a guarded hope that the government was beginnning to see the danger of half-measures. More had been
done in the past three weeks, he said, than in the preceding three years; but much was still needed 'to make up a
real systematical and efficient exertion'.1
The recipient of this letter was soon to be called on to provide the needed effort. Many people in the summer of
1775 had begun to think of Lord George as the man to 'repair Lord North's indolence and inactivity'. General
Burgoyne, quick to spot a star in the ascendant, told him he was 'the man who my best judgment tells me is the
most capable of any in England to redeem America by his counsels'.2 Germain's attitude to America had endeared
him to the King and Lord Suffolk. Since the start of the troubles he had held that they could have been checked by
timely firmness. He shared the King's conviction that the government had played into the hands of the seditious
few by coupling the pusillanimous repeal of the Stamp Act with the imposition of other duties which were at once
more irritating and less easy to collect. With impatience he had watched the Ministry's slow reaction to the fight at
Lexington, convinced that a prompt mobilisation of loyalists and Canadians would be better than a ponderous
build-up of regular troops. Bunker Hill gave the situation a different turn. 'One decisive blow on land is absolutely
necessary', he wrote to his friend General Irwin, 'After that the whole will depend upon the diligence and activity
of the officers of the navy.'3
In November a ministerial crisis gave the Ministry a chance to resolve the problem of effective leadership. For
some time past the Duke of Grafton, the Lord Privy Seal, had been showing his discontent with the government's
American policy. Cynics speculated on whether he could face the financial loss of resigning; but on 9 November
the King cut the question short by dismissing him. At the same time Lord Rochford retired from the Southern
1 CL, Germain.
2 Marlow, Sackville of Drayton, 161; CL, Germain, 20 Aug. 1775.
3 Sackville, I, 1356.
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Secretaryship and was replaced by the Bedford Whig Lord Weymouth. Grafton's place was filled by Dartmouth,
who was transferred from the American Department after feeble struggles and changes of mind. He remained
ostensibly in the Cabinet, but disappeared to the country whenever he could and played no further part in directing
the war.
The vital department was now cleared of its incubus, and Germain stepped into the breach. His authority was to be
wider than his predecessor's. Hillsborough and Dartmouth had never been regarded in the full sense as Secretaries
of State, and their powers had been confined to colonial matters. But this created a difficulty. For if the office was
not a Secretaryship of State, it must be a new office; and Germain, who sat in the House of Commons, would have
lost his seat on accepting it. The solution was to give him parity with the other Secretaries. Suffolk and Weymouth
resisted this dilution of their authority, but gave way to the King. Weymouth and Germain were sworn in together,
and Germain thus became 'one of His Majesty's Principal Secretaries of State'.1
Thus there came to power the statesman who more than any other became identified with the direction of the war
and its prolongation. This strange man is perhaps the most traduced of all English statesmen. The common verdict
of history is summed up in an astonishing phrase of F. V. Greene2: 'probably the most incompetent official that
ever held an important post at a critical moment'. For judgments such as this there is no basis but ignorance of the
facts, unfamiliarity with eighteenth-century government, and credulous gorging on the malice of Lord Shelburne
and the Parliamentary History.
He was born a proud Sackville, a younger but favourite son of the first Duke of Dorset, and in later life heir-
presumptive to his nephew the third Duke: reared at Knole, schooled at Westminister, a graduate of Trinity
College, Dublin, during his father's first period as Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland. Like the Duke of Wellington, he
served his political apprenticeship in the exacting manège of Irish politics, and became Irish Secretary at the age of
thirty-five. But before everything he was a soldier. Hit by a musket ball at Fontenoy at the head of his regiment,
which had 139 casualties in the battle, he was carried into one of the French King's tents to have his wound
dressed. After the 'Forty-five rebellion, the Duke of Cumberland wrote that he was 'exceedingly sorry to lose Lord
George as he has not only shown his courage
1 Thomson, Secretaries of State, 60; Knox, 2567. See also A. H. Basye, The Lords Commissioners of Trade
and Plantations, for the history of the Third Secretaryship. On Suffolk's behalf William Eden made a
further attempt after Germain's appointment to have his status reduced, but without success (see Valentine,
1056).
2 Quoted by Christopher Ward, The War of the Revolution, 878.
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but a disposition to his trade which I do not always find in those of higher rank'. The Seven Years War brought
him the Lieutenant-Generalcy of the Ordnance, and he served as second in command of the St Malo expedition of
1758. Officers who served under him are said to have affirmed 'that in his behaviour as a man, and in his
deportment as a commander, dignity was most happily tempered with ease, and the strictness of military discipline
with mildness and affability; that he was a most instructive and engaging companion, a most faithful and zealous
friend, and a most humane protector of his dependents'. His relations with Wolfe confirm the picture. He was
Colonel of the regiment which Wolfe commanded, and took great pains to push him on. It is possible that he
suggested his name for the Quebec expedition; and Wolfe's correspondence with him during the Seven Years War
was full, friendly and without disguise. Sackville was evidently a man whom he trusted.1
When Pitt offered him the command of the St Cas expedition, Sackville is said to have replied that he was tired of
buccaneering: a blunt unconciliating reply to the author of the policy of breaking windows with guineas. He went
to Germany instead, as commander of the British contingent serving under Prince Ferdinand of Brunswick. Then
came disaster. At the battle of Minden he lost time in obeying orders from Ferdinand to attack with the cavalry of
the right wing; was scathingly rebuked in General Orders; and on returning to England was dismissed from the
army.
The mystery of that day has never been cleared. Sackville's conscience was clear. He dined at Ferdinand's table on
the evening of the battle; forced his government to try him on a capital charge; and appeared in the House of
Commons on the day the sentence was published. Personal resentments were at work, possibly in the battle and
certainly in the subsequent treatment of Sackville. He had criticised Ferdinand's mishandling of British subsidies;
and he asserted to Ligonier that Ferdinand had been trying to pick a quarrel since Sackville had criticised his
abandonment of Münster without a fight, exposing the British lines of communication. There was vindictiveness,
both personal and political, in the conduct of the Ministry. Sackville's second in command and successor, Lord
Granby, with whom he had been on hostile terms before the battle, had been pushed up by the Ministry before the
war to secure the Rutland interest. The Sackvilles themselves had fallen from grace at Court, and he was known to
be connected with the young Court at Leicester House, which ensured the King's dislike and prevented him from
obtaining a ministerial office. While George II ardently supported the German war and his kinsman Ferdinand, the
Princess Dowager of Wales
1 Almon, . . . Anecdotes, II, 119. For Germain's relations with Wolfe, see Robin Reilly, The Rest to
Fortune.
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opposed the one and hated the other. Sackville is said to have been given the German command against the King's
wishes, and to have left the country without kissing hands: it is certain that he was not granted his predeccessor's
power of promotion.
When Sackville returned to England demanding a court-martial, he was certain to encounter royal prejudice: the
loyalty of his friends remained to be proved. He was not left long in doubt. Pitt, so friendly before Minden,
changed his tone sharply. That smooth operator, his old friend Lord Ligonier, whose nephew had brought one of
Ferdinand's messages during the battle, refused him a court-martial and told him to go seek it in Germany. This
was strange, for it was not a Ministry which ordinarily flinched at courts-martial. When Minorca was lost, it had
shot the Admiral and dismissed the General. The commander of the Rochefort expedition had been tried, and on
his acquittal Ligonier had talked of 'revising' the sentence. Sackville insisted on his right to a trial; was told that as
a civilian he could not be tried; after delays succeeded in having his case referred to the Judges of the High Court;
and in spite of lobbying by Lord Mansfield obtained a ruling that he could be court-martialled. Only confidence in
the strength of his case could have led him to court this risk. For the public was clamouring for his blood as it had
clamoured for Byng's; and the King sent him a message that, whatever the sentence of the court, it would be
carried out.
When the court assembled in March 1760, it could find no motive for Sackville's alleged behaviour. He was not
charged with cowardice, though one witness suggested it; but he was found guilty of disobedience. Seven of the
fifteen members of the Court voted for death, but a two-thirds majority was needed, and Sackville was declared
unfit to serve His Majesty in any military capacity. The aged King ensured that every humiliation attended the
sentence. He struck him off the Privy Council; and at Ligonier's suggestion the sentence was read out to every
regiment, with a rider composed by Ligonier himself. 'So finishes', wrote Ligonier's secretary, 'the career of a man,
who was within ten minutes of being the first man in his profession in the Kingdom whenever it had pleased God
to take Lord Ligonier from the world.'1
The King's malice extended even to the prosecutors. Lord Albemarle had raised the question whether some other
sentence than death was open to the court. George II struck his mother's name from the list of those invited to
evening parties, and decreed that she should be ignored in the Drawing Room. Six months later the petty tyrant was
dead. Soon Pitt was dismissed, Ligonier was humiliated, and the days of the Newcastle Whigs were numbered.
Sackville's friend Bute came to power. For a while expediency delayed his rehabilitation; but in due course he was
restored to the Privy
1 For Ligonier's part in the proceedings, see Whitworth.
4
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Council, and held minor office in the first Rockingham administration. A duel with Governor Johnstone satisfied
the witnesses of his courage. In 1770 he changed his name to Germain to inherit a fortune and the great house at
Drayton in Northamptonshire under the will of Lady Betty Germain.
2
A Man with a Past
When Germain was called to high responsibility in 1775 he was sixty years of age. Who can describe his character
with confidence? Even his appearance is a subject of difference. Wraxall tells us that he was tall, muscular and
active, and capable of sustaining much physical and mental fatigue; Shelburne that he was 'of a large make, though
rather womanly'. Shelburne's sketch of his character says that the officers of the Twentieth Regiment which he
commanded used to find him listening outside their tents in Scotland to hear what they said of him. Must we
believe this of the young Colonel who, on a rare visit to his regiment in Scotland, formed a lasting friendship with
the commanding officer Major Wolfe? Of whom Wolfe feared on his relinquishing the Colonelcy that 'none will be
found that can in any manner make amends for the loss of him'? Was he, as Shelburne tells us, a vindictive
intriguer and a master of the art of influence, who pushed his way to the top by cunning imposition? Or a clear
direct speaker who scorned all disguise? An incompetent coward and designing catamite? Or a brave and wronged
officer, and a Christian gentleman with the manners and benevolence of Sir Roger de Coverley? Shelburne's sketch
bears the unmistakable marks of relentless malice. Though he left in writing for posterity the statement that
Germain was corrupt in spite of an ample fortune, he confessed in opposing Germain's admission to the House of
Lords that he had no complaint to make of his personal conduct in office. The intemperance of Shelburne's
detraction destroys its credit. I prefer the testimony of Lord George's friends.1
Romney's portrait shows a clever, strong, commanding face. He had once been called 'the gayest man in Ireland',
but melancholy shadowed his features. A reserved and lonely figure, he rarely dined from home during the war
except at the weekly Cabinet dinners, though he dropped in at White's occasionally in the evening. There his
outward equanimity hid
1 Fitzmaurice, Shelburne, I, 75, 24850; II, 86; Reilly, The Rest to Fortune, 76. In assessing Shelburne's
reliability, the common opinion of him must be borne in mind. 'His falsehood,' wrote Walpole, 'was so
constant and notorious, that it was rather his profession than his instrument.' 'His oratory,' said Wedderburn,
'resembled more a cunning woman's than an able man's address.' Neither Pitt nor Ligonier escaped abuse in
his secret pages.
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every trace of the strain of his responsibilities. Yet clearly there were tensions beneath the surface; and his
unpopularity in some quarters was inflamed by the belief that he was a homosexual. This was fair game to
Granby's old friends who flung it about with relish.1 But Germain's association with the young American loyalist
Benjamin Thompson (later Count Rumford), whom he took into his household about 1778 and made Under-
Secretary of his department in 1780, caused comment among people of a friendlier disposition.2
But whatever the truth of all this, he had a greater internal enemy in his bearing of proud reserve. His habitual
politeness framed a haughtiness, says an admirer, 'which depressed and darkened all that was agreeable and
engaging in him; it . . . naturally, and very fairly, hurt the reasonable self-love of his acquaintance and friends. His
integrity commanded esteem, his abilities praise; but to attract the heart was not one of those abilities . . .'3 Perhaps
his outward melancholy went deeper than the Minden reverse. Both his brothers were a prey to melancholia4; and
Shelburne asserts that difficulties threw Lord George from arrogant presumption to abject despair. Depression
would be a convenient explanation of Minden; yet Cumberland denies it, and Wraxall's portrait constantly
emphasises his equanimity. And his subordinates in office discovered that his exterior was deceptive. Though he
was impatient of delays and frustrations, his Under-Secretaries liked him, and found him a hospitable and
unassuming friend. In his contracted circle he was an agreeable talker and a patient listener. His family life was
happy, with a sensible wife and lively affectionate daughters. His easy communicative letters to his sons suggest
sympathy and mutual confidence.
His impatience belonged to a facet of his character which is common among successful war leaders, indeed
essential in them. The view of Germain as a pathetic creature trying desperately to redeem a tarnished reputation is
far from the truth. A high-spirited and courageous youth, a successful
1 Lord Herbert (ed.), Henry, Elizabeth and George, pp. 290, 372, 405; and his The Pembroke Papers, 179,
195. Lord Pembroke, whose own preference ran rather to his friends' wives, had been A.D.C. to Lord
Granby.
2 For this association, see Sackville, I, 340; II, 2506; Hutchinson Diaries, II, 184, 289, 337, 339, 344, 404.
Valentine, pp. 4724, examines the question. Benjamin Thompson later earned an inflated reputation as a
scientist, and has been coupled with Benjamin Franklin as one of the greatest Americans. What emerges from
his biographies, however, is good looks, charm and a striking taste in dress, attibutes which he exploited
without scruple for his own advancement. Beginning with a marriage to a rich older woman, he progressed
through Governor Wentworth of New Hampshire to the Secretary of State for the American Department, and at
last to the Elector of Bavaria, who satisfied his passion for decorations and titles.
3 Stockdale, I, 436.
4 Valentine, 46670.
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career as regimental commander and military administrator, the arrogant public manner: these denoted a sanguine
temperament, too much wedded perhaps to its own preconceptions,1 but in Richard Cumberland's words 'incapable
of despondency'.2 He brought into office a considerable reputation as an administrator. This Shelburne attributes to
his 'talents for imposition' and 'a naturally clear understanding, which prevented his taking up any argument . . . of
which he was not a complete master'. These attributes, says Shelburne, combined with his fortune, connections and
inclination for intrigue to make him so formidable, that 'I do not conceive that anything but the checks which
stopped his military career, could have prevented his being Prime Minister'. The reader must judge the truth from
the record. Germain was certainly tough, difficult to work with as an equal, and possibly not over-scrupulous. But
so are many ambitious and successful men, including other war Ministers of his day and ours. For the moment it is
enough to say that he won the respect of the most formidable of his colleagues, Lord Chancellor Thurlow; and that
Horace Walpole, who nourished a fancied slight, acknowledged 'his great abilities'. A subordinate in his office,
who saw him at work and held him in affection, had an estimate of his powers equal to Shelburne's, though on
different grounds. 'He had', wrote Richard Cumberland, 'all the requisites of a great minister, unless popularity and
good luck are to be numbered amongst them.'3
As a political asset Germain's value to the Ministry was less clear. In the House of Commons he had long ago
proved his skill when he succeeded the politically ineffective Ligonier as Lieutenant-General of the Ordnance, and
North welcomed the support of a Secretary of State who was not in the House of Lords. His Irish apprenticeship
had made him a clear and ready speaker. Walpole refers to his attack on the expedition against the Caribs in 1773
as 'one of his most pointed speeches, full of pith, matter, irony, and satire'; and the back-bencher Wraxall was to
recall that no one better understood the management of the House and the art of prolonging or shortening a debate
to suit its temper.4 Yet his early handling of the Irish had shown more of the sanguine confidence of a future war
minister than of sensitiveness to a proud people.5 And since those days misfortune had sapped his position. His
enemies fastened on his combination of personal
1 Cf. Wortley, 146; Hutchinson Diaries, II, 25.
2 Here, again, Shelburne's description conflicts with the bulk of the evidence: see Fitzmaurice, I, 75, and
compare below, p. 472, on Shelburne's own administrative character.
3 Fitzmaurice, I, 239, 250; Walpole, Last Journals, II, 136; Cumberland, Character, 12.
4 James Harris, M.P., often referred to Germain's able speeches in letters to his son, the Minister at St.
Petersburg. See also Valentine, 98.
5 Valentine, 239.
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