Luscombe D., Riley-Smith J. The New Cambridge Medieval History, Vol. 4: c. 1024-c. 1198, Part 2
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England and the Angevin dominions, 1137–1204 571
sheer talent of the administrators and barons upon whom Henry relied: their
capacity to take charge, the protection and control of transportation routes –
both land and sea – the loyalty of churchmen and townsmen, the ready wealth
used to hire mercenaries, and Henry II’s own renowned defensive genius and
quick-strike ability. Even so, the problems which had brought about the civil
war remained.
First, the estrangement between Henry and Eleanor offered no ready reso-
lution. Whatever the motives for her rebellion – anger at her husband’s affair
with Rosamund Clifford, a longing for real political power away from her
husband’s shadow, fear of the permanent vassalage of Aquitaine to the English
kings, which all have been suggested – Henry blamed her for the civil war and
never again trusted her, never forgave her. In 1175 he tried to talk a papal legate
visiting England or other business into annulling their marriage. After the an-
nulment, she was to be placed in seclusion in the nunnery of Fontevrault. Later
in 1176, the younger Henry, Richard and Geoffrey vigorously protested against
their father’s intentions. Even Rotrou, archbishop of Rouen, one of Henry’s
closest advisers, refused to sanction such an idea. Family and court opinion
aside, only Pope Alexander III’s rejection of the proposal ended the initiative.
What Henry decided upon instead was Eleanor’s continued imprisonment,
keeping open the wound occasioned by her rebellion. Secondly, Henry was
unable, or unwilling, to accommodate the reasonable expectations of his el-
dest son. Where after 1174 Richard was allowed a certain freedom as duke
of Aquitaine, and Geoffrey, following his marriage to Constance of Brittany
(1181), much the same in Brittany, Henry III, as the younger king was some-
times called, was never given a territory of his own to rule. He died in 1183,at
the age of twenty-eight, while in rebellion against his father, having recently
asked for Normandy and having been denied it one last time.
The young king’s death, far from settling matters, threw the Angevin
dominions into yet another succession crisis. It had been easy for the kingdom
of France. When Louis VII became incapacitated in 1179, his only son Philip,
ayouth of fifteen, succeeded him. Henry II, as fortune would have it, had too
many sons. And their hostility towards their father and one another had become
a common feature of Angevin politics by the 1180s. Even if Henry had resigned
one or more of his territories, there is little evidence that Richard, Geoffrey
and John could have co-existed for long in peaceful cooperation. Before Henry
would name Richard as his heir to England, Normandy and Anjou, he wanted
Aquitaine for John. Richard saw no real usefulness in giving up real power over
his duchy for the empty mantle of his elder brother, so he balked. Henry could
have gone ahead and declared Richard his heir anyway. The implication of a
permanent union of Aquitaine with Anjou, Normandy and England, though,
might have threatened the French monarchy, possibly leading to war, and
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572 thomas k. keefe
certainly would have alienated Geoffrey and John. John had been promised the
county of Mortain and the earldoms of Cornwall and Gloucester. Geoffrey was
earl of Richmond by right of his wife and had designs on Normandy. Making
Richard heir to England and Normandy without adequate compensation for
the other sons would only lead to trouble. Not making Richard heir would
lead to trouble too. Besides this, there was the issue of Richard’s bethrothal
to King Philip’s half-sister Alice. On several occasions the French king pressed
for the marriage to take place. She had been at the Angevin court since 1169
and the delay was scandalous. Yet beyond Henry’s own rumoured affection
for Alice, he had reason enough for putting off this marriage. He did not want
Richard falling in with Capetian in-laws as the young king had done. The
effect, however, of keeping Philip and Richard apart was to bring Philip and
Geoffrey closer together. Just before Geoffrey’s accidental death at a Parisian
tournament in August 1186 he had been boasting that he and the French king
were going to devastate Normandy. And although death removed another son
from the equation, the year ended with the succession question unresolved.
While Geoffrey’s departure from the stage of Angevin family politics closed
one door for King Philip, another was opened to him. He claimed the wardship
of the eldest of Geoffrey’s two daughters and, with her, custody of the whole
of the duchy of Brittany. Henry II was not about to compromise the Angevin
lordship of Brittany in any way, especially since he knew that Geoffrey’s widow,
Constance, was in the early stages of pregnancy (she gave birth to a son, Arthur,
in March 1187). The future of the Breton inheritance too was uncertain. The
English king employed the favourite tactic of medieval politics – the delay – to
put Philip off. In early October 1186 an embassy of his closest advisers – William
of Mandeville earl of Essex and count of Aumale, the English justiciar Ranulf of
Glanville, and the former vice-chancellor Walter of Coutances archbishop of
Rouen – was dispatched to the French court to request a truce regarding
this matter, to last until mid-January. When they returned to England and
announced their success, William and Walter were sent back again to ask for
an extension of the truce until Easter, about the time Constance was due to
give birth. This embassy met with a cool reception. Earl William was in charge
of castle defences in Upper Normandy. It seems that a kinsman of his, Henry of
Vere constable of Gisors, had found the French building a castle in the vicinity
and had attacked the workers, killing the son of an important nobleman.
Outraged, Philip had arrested all the king of England’s subjects on the French
side of the border. In retaliation French subjects found on the Norman side of
the border had also been arrested. Although all those who were arrested were
shortly released, tensions remained high.
Henry expected a full-scale war. In December Ranulf of Glanville went into
Wales to recruit mercenaries for a campaign in Normandy. Welsh mercenaries
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England and the Angevin dominions, 1137–1204 573
had been used with great effect in the 1173–4 civil war and Henry had come
to rely upon them. By January 1187 Philip was attacking in the area of Gisors
and Henry had begun to collect his forces for a massive movement of supplies
and personnel from England to the continent. One group who attempted the
winter crossing from Shoreham in Sussex to Dieppe was lost at sea with a
large part of the king’s treasure. In late February Henry himself crossed from
DovertoWissant, where he was met by the counts of Flanders and Blois,
who escorted him to Normandy. The French magnates, it appears, were not
seeking the battle King Philip apparently wanted. A meeting in April between
the two kings ended without any reconciliation. Henry then divided his army
into five groups: one under his command, the others under the commands
of Earl William of Mandeville, his sons Richard and John, and his natural
son Geoffrey, since 1182 the chancellor of England. Richard and John took
their groups into Berry where in June they were besieged by Philip’s forces at
Ch
ˆ
ateauroux. Upon learning this, Henry marched with a great army to their
relief. Philip was caught, his prestige at risk. This was his first open attack
on the Angevins. His father had tried on numerous occasions to defeat his
Angevin counterpart and had faltered. Philip decided to risk all in a pitched
battle. Henry showed himself equally determined.
Every morning for the next fortnight the two opposing armies, separated by
the Indre, arrayed themselves in battle formation, while individuals from both
sides, well acquainted with the dangers of pitched battle, sought a settlement.
Rumours flowed back and forth. Troops from the county of Champagne were
said to have been bought off by the English, causing much concern among the
French. Henry became worried when he found out that Richard, swayed by
the count of Flanders, was meeting in secret with Philip. Somehow Richard
persuaded Henry to agree to a truce and promptly left with Philip for Paris.
The armies rejoiced in the peace. Alarmed, Henry sent messengers to recall
Richard; he had been down this path before.
Henry and Richard were reconciled in time, though the succession issue still
divided them. Philip kept the pressure up by massing an army on the Norman
border and threatening an invasion if Henry, among other things, did not
proceed with Richard’s marriage to Alice. At this point international events
further complicated the problem. In the summer of 1187 news of the losses at
the battle of Hattin in the Holy Land shocked and depressed westerners. The
fall of Jerusalem to Saladin in October of the same year made the need for a
crusade all the more urgent. At a conference on 21 January 1188, the kings of
England and France, and a host of French magnates, Richard included, took
the cross. Later that month the famous Saladin Tithe was proclaimed at a
conference in Le Mans. While Henry II proceeded to England to oversee the
collection of the tithe, Richard was drawn to Aquitaine to suppress a revolt.
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574 thomas k. keefe
After this, he became embroiled in a fierce war with the count of Toulouse.
His successes in this war caused King Philip to invade Berry, hoping to attract
Richard’s attention away from Toulouse. The fighting brought Henry II out
of England. He landed back in Normandy in July with a large force of Welsh
and English troops. Battles erupted all along the frontiers of the Angevin and
French dominions; towns were burnt, villages destroyed. With no end to the
fighting in sight, and pressure for a crusade continuing to build, a preliminary
peace was agreed upon in November, but only after the counts of Flanders,
Blois and others had refused to participate any further in the hostilities. As
details of peace were being worked out in a meeting between the two kings,
Philip asked for Richard’s marriage to Alice to take place and for the barons of
England and the rest of the Angevin dominions to swear an oath of fealty to
Richard as Henry’s heir. More importantly, in front of those present, Richard
asked if his father would recognize him as heir. Henry, trapped by the young
king’s legacy, kept silent. In a startling move, Richard then knelt before Philip
and rendered him homage for Normandy, Anjou and Aquitaine. All that Henry
had sought to avoid had come to pass.
There was little room for negotiations. While truces were agreed upon,
the first lasting through Christmas, another extending through March, then
Easter, nothing could bring Richard to depart on crusade now without having
secured his inheritance, and nothing could bring Henry publicly to recognize
Richard as his heir. King Philip was the pivot; his interests lay in causing
the Angevins as much trouble as possible, although he might be turned if a
suitable arrangement was devised for his sister. In a parley at La Fert
´
e-Bernard
on the Maine–Blois border in the last week of May 1189,Henry tested Philip’s
attachment to Richard by offering to settle a long-standing dispute over the
Vexin with Alice’s marriage to John. The offer also played against Richard’s
fears of losing the major part of the Angevin dominions to his younger brother.
Behind the scenes, Henry had been preparing for war. Mercenaries had been
recruited again from among the Welsh, troops brought over from England,
and an army readied in Normandy at Alenc¸on. Instead of leaving the area after
the parley, Philip and Richard caught Henry unaware by overrunning local
castles and marching on Le Mans. On 12 June with the city on fire, Henry was
forced to flee for his life, narrowly escaping capture by Richard. Inexplicably he
stopped only hours short of the safety of Alenc¸on where his army awaited him
and slipped back into Anjou, going on some two hunderd miles to Chinon.
The king’s health had been failing for several months, and this last exertion in
the summer’s heat caused his illness to become all the more intense. Unable
to prevent the continuing collapse of Anjou’s defences, Henry was persuaded
by the counts of Flanders and Burgundy to reach a settlement. On 4 July
near Azai-le-Rideau, a visibly ill Henry II listened as conditions were read
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England and the Angevin dominions, 1137–1204 575
out to him in the presence of Philip and Richard. Added to the old demands
of Alice’s marriage and Richard’s recognition were a
£20,000 indemnity, the
surrender of key castles, and a willingness to follow Philip’s pleasure in all
things. Henry agreed, but defiantly whispered in Richard’s ear: ‘God grant
that I may not die until I have my revenge on you.’
19
To oweak to ride back
to Chinon, he was carried there on a litter, where he died two days later. With
this the family quarrels ceased and the Angevin dominions passed intact to the
next generation. Ironically, for all of Philip’s machinations, Richard carefully
stepped into a position of power as great as, perhaps even greater than, his
father.
Queen Eleanor was released from her captivity in England immediately
upon news of Henry II’s death and burial in the abbey of Fontevrault. Aged
sixty-eight, her re-entry into public life was marked by energy and intelligence.
Much like the empress Matilda before her, Eleanor took part in the political
affairs of her son. Richard departed on crusade in July 1190, having carefully
provided for the governance of the Angevin dominions and negotiating in
secret a marriage alliance, his own, with the royal house of Navarre. Eleanor was
intimately involved with both projects, accompanying Berengaria of Navarre,
Richard’s intended bride, in the winter of 1191 to meet her fianc
´
eatMessina on
way to the Holy Land. She was back in Normandy by October 1191, where her
stature and acumen quickly became of use. She knew how to play the spins of
Fortune’s Wheel, perhaps better now than any other Angevin family member.
While Normandy and the Angevin continental dominions kept stable dur-
ing Richard’s absence, English political life slipped into chaos. Castles and
administrative posts in England had been split between the nobles, clergy and
royal officials so that no particular group or faction exercised overwhelming
power. What upset the balance was the supercilious manner of the chancellor-
justiciar, William of Longchamp, bishop of Ely and for a time papal legate.
Richard got enough complaints about the chancellor’s conduct to send Walter
archbishop of Rouen home from Messina with Queen Eleanor with letters
empowering him to take over the government if the need arose. And there
was danger in the way that the disaffected English lords were looking to the
king’s brother John as their champion. John’s resources were substantial. In
addition to the county of Mortain in Normandy, he had been given two En-
glish earldoms, seven other major baronial honors, lordship over seven counties
and interests in at least two royal forests. He naturally believed himself heir
to the Angevin dominions in the event of misfortune befalling Richard, even
though in a treaty with Tancred of Sicily the king recently had designated their
four-year-old nephew, Arthur of Brittany, as his successor. Until Richard had
19
Gerald of Wales, Opera, viii,p.296.
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576 thomas k. keefe
atrue heir of his own body, the circumstances which had plunged the Anglo-
Norman world into the civil war following Henry I’s death always existed.
Even though John, with Archbishop Walter’s help, managed to oust William
of Longchamp from office in October 1191 and took on a greater political role
himself, his insecurity got the better of him. When King Philip of France, back
early from the crusade and angry over Richard’s marriage to Berengaria, invited
John to marry Alice instead and seize his brother’s possessions, he started off
for Southampton without much hesitation. Only Eleanor’s arrival in England
in February 1192 prevented him from joining Philip on the continent. In a
series of councils called by her at Windsor, Oxford, London and Winchester,
the justiciars and barons agreed to confiscate all John’s lands and revenues if he
should attempt to leave.
Without John, Philip gained little from his attacks along the Norman fron-
tier. This was due as much to the strength of the duchy’s defences and the
resolve of its seneschal, William fitz Radulf, as it was to the lack of enthusiasm
by the French king’s vassals for the invasion of a crusader’s lands. Meanwhile,
an attack on Gascony by the count of Toulouse was turned back by Sancho
of Navarre, Berengaria’s brother, proving the utility of Richard’s alliance. In
England, Eleanor attempted the reconciliation of Archbishop Walter of Rouen
and the barons with the chancellor William of Longchamp, whom she invited
to return. She was unable to bring it off. The barons allied themselves with
John against the chancellor, who, with Eleanor’s acquiescence, was sent into
a second exile. For some time William of Longchamp had been trying to get
the pope to intervene in his case and uphold his excommunication of the
archbishop of Rouen and the others who had forced him from office. When
papal legates on their way to mediate the dispute were stopped at the Norman
border, they promptly excommunicated the seneschal and placed the duchy
under interdict. The sentences were lifted a few months later. Then, a most
difficult year ended with the shocking news of King Richard’s capture and
imprisonment in Germany as he made his way home from the crusade.
In January 1193 John surfaced in Paris, performed homage to Philip for his
brother’s dominions, promised again to marry Alice (although he was already
married to his cousin, Isabel of Gloucester) and came back to England with a
story of Richard’s death. No one was fooled. Eleanor and Archbishop Walter
swiftly set in motion a counter-offensive of diplomacy and arms aimed at
Richard’s release and the protection of his lands. John’s castles in England,
where he attracted few followers beyond his own men, were put under siege.
The closing of the Channel ports and the arrest of an advance party of Flemish
mercenaries eliminated the prospect of John receiving relief. Philip’s attack on
Normandy floundered at the walls of Rouen, just as Louis VII’s had nearly
twenty years before. All the while a large amount of money for a ransom
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England and the Angevin dominions, 1137–1204 577
was being collected throughout England, Normandy, Anjou and Aquitaine. If
anything, the experience of 1193 proved the loyalty of the Angevin dominions
to Richard, the strength of the Angevin defensive system and the competence
of the agents, Eleanor included, whom the king had left in charge.
In February 1194, one year, six weeks and three days after his capture, Richard
was set free at Mainz. Eleanor had gone to accompany him home, while John
and Philip, who had come together in one last attempt to take Normandy,
overran Evreux, Neubourg and Vaudreuil. As Richard approached, the two
nervously withdrew to Paris. The king landed in England on 13 March; within
a month the kingdom was pacified. By May Richard was back on the continent
and never returned to England again. The kingdom’s governance was entrusted
to Hubert Walter, a relative and former prot
´
eg
´
eofHenry II’s justiciar, Ranulf
Glanville. Hubert had been promoted to the see of Salisbury in 1189 and
had accompanied Richard on crusade. He had been translated to the see of
Canterbury in 1193 at the king’s insistence and later took over the office of
justiciar from Archbishop Walter of Rouen. Not since Roger of Salisbury in
Henry I’s day had the kingdom had so willing and able a prelate-administrator.
Indeed, what Henry II had wished for in Becket, Richard found in Hubert,
whose loyal service brought him and his see the Kentish tenures Becket had
sought in 1163:Rochester, Saltwood, Hythe, Tonbridge and the Ros barony.
With England at peace and in capable hands, all of Richard’s attention could
be focused on throwing back the French from their foothold in Normandy. To
this end, the better part of the next five years and considerable treasure were
spent on wars with the king of France.
In the last months of Richard’s reign, all the varied elements of past Angevin
politics seemed to replicate themselves. In December 1198 anew pope, Innocent
III, anxious for a crusade, tried to negotiate a peace between the warring kings
of western France. Richard refused anything more than a truce as long as King
Philip still held Norman territory, especially the castle of Gisors, taken during
his German captivity. With Gisors went domination of the Vexin, the strategic
region on the Franco-Norman frontier protecting the eastern approaches to
Rouen and Upper Normandy on the one side, and the French royal domain
on the other. The Vexin had long been a zone of conflict between the Norman
dukes and Capetian kings. Henry I and Louis VI fought over its control. Count
Geoffrey Plantagenet pledged the region to Louis VII in 1141 for recognition
as duke of Normandy. Henry II was compelled to do the same in 1151.It
formed the dowry of Margaret, Louis VII’s daughter, who married Henry the
younger in 1160. Their early marriage and Henry II’s subsequent occupation
of the Vexin caught Louis VII by surprise. Louis felt betrayed and never ceased
trying to recover his daughter’s dowry. After the death of the young king,
Henry II allowed the Vexin to be counted in Alice’s dowry in order to avoid
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578 thomas k. keefe
its return becoming a cause of war for Philip. Gisors fell into Philip’s hands
in 1193 when its castellan Gilbert of Vascoeuil turned it over without a blow
having been struck. Its loss forced Richard to counter with the building of
Ch
ˆ
ateau-Gaillard in 1196–8 at enormous cost. Alice mercifully was removed
as the bride-pawn in the struggles for the Vexin through her marriage in 1195
to William of Ponthieu. Under the truce of 1198,however, it was stated that
Gisors should become the marriage gift of Philip’s son, Louis (VIII), and one
of Richard’s nieces, a daughter of Eleanor of Castile. If so, a source of conflict
for almost a hundred years might continue for another generation without
closure. That was the Angevin fate. No matter how much power the house of
Anjou amassed, no matter how often or cleverly they defeated their enemies,
conflicts were never resolved completely. They were never at peace, save for the
few years following Henry II’s triumph in 1174.Perhaps Richard could have
changed this, but he died at the siege of Chalus-Chabrol on 6 April 1199, struck
down by a cross-bow bolt. And when he died at the age of forty-one, he left
no children by Berengaria, his wife of seven years.
Eleanor had been summoned to Richard’s bedside from her retirement at
Fontevrault. She arrived only hours before his death. She concurred with his
wishes for the disposition of England and the Angevin dominions. They were
to pass intact to John, with whom Richard had been fully reconciled. The suc-
cession itself was not quite this simple. At word of Richard’s death, Constance
of Brittany entrusted the twelve-year-old Arthur, son of Geoffrey, John’s elder
brother, to King Philip and moved with a Breton army to claim Maine, Anjou
and Touraine in his name. After the Bretons took Angers, the local barons
declared Arthur their count. As a French army came in to support the Bretons,
John, who was in the area on his way to Normandy from Richard’s funeral and
burial at Fontevrault, barely avoided capture. He found safety in Normandy,
where the leading men of the duchy, unable even to consider having a Breton,
a child at that, as their duke, invested him with the duchy at Rouen on 25
April. He then took a Norman army into Maine and flattened the castle and
city walls of Le Mans for failing to support him. The need he felt to take
this brutal action against the city beloved by Henry II and the burial place of
Count Geoffrey Plantagenet, together with the declaration on Arthur’s behalf
at Angers, show how distant the Angevin house had become from its roots.
The English, like the Normans, found it difficult even to conceive of a Breton
on the throne, although Hubert Walter at first is said to have preferred Arthur
to John.
20
Indeed, a baronial council at Northampton held a lengthy debate
before finally agreeing to John’s coronation, which took place at Westminster
on 27 May, two days after he had landed in England. Meanwhile, Eleanor went
20
Histoire de Guillaume le Mareschal, iii,pp.159–60.
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England and the Angevin dominions, 1137–1204 579
on a political tour of her own dominions of Poitou and Aquitaine, travelling
from Loudon to Poitiers and on to Saintes and Bordeaux. With great wisdom
and awareness of the dangers of the moment, she granted charters of liberties to
cities and towns along the way, making the townspeople responsible for their
defence and creating a militia.
21
In mid-July she met King Philip at Tours and
did homage to him for her lands. What feelings swept over her as she kissed in
submission the hand of this man, the son of her first husband, who had done
so much, and would do more, to destroy Angevin fortunes, are lost to us. Her
homage protected Aquitaine, and that was what was important. For his part,
Philip was probably relieved not to have to occupy himself with Aquitaine just
yet.
In September 1199 Angevin fortunes changed for the better. A dispute be-
tween King Philip and his ally the seneschal of Anjou led Constance and Arthur
to seek a peace with John. A few months later the prospect of a papal inter-
dict on the French kingdom, stemming from a dispute with Innocent III over
Philip’s repudiation and treatment of his second wife, caused him to recognize
John as Richard’s heir. For this important recognition John in May 1200 ceded
Philip by the treaty of Le Goulet the Norman Vexin, much of the county of
Evreux and a number of frontier castles already in French possession. The treaty
was solemnized by the wedding of Blanche of Castile, recently brought from
Spain by her grandmother, Eleanor, and the young Capetian prince, Louis.
Afew months afterwards, John himself wed, having had his marriage to the
countess of Gloucester annulled. His new wife was the youthful heiress to
the county of Angoul
ˆ
eme, Isabel. While this alliance could have strengthened
John’s feudal hold over his mother’s Aquitainian duchy, it alienated the pow-
erful Lusignan family, a member of which had been betrothed to Isabel. Their
appeal for justice to Philip as John’s overlord in 1202 gave the French king just
the opportunity he was looking for to renew the war. He summoned John to
Paris in April and when John failed to appear the French court declared all his
continental fiefs forfeit. In the war that followed Arthur of Brittany besieged
his grandmother, Eleanor, at Mirebeau, only to be captured by John. It was the
most fateful sequence of events in Angevin history. For the Angevins to fight
among themselves was nothing unusual, in fact it had become normal. But
no one was prepared for what occurred next. Arthur was murdered while in
custody and everyone thought John responsible. Suspicion of Arthur’s death
gave the Bretons and French a certain moral justification for their attacks on
John’s lands. Worse, Norman and other barons began to desert him and castles
capitulated. Fearing treachery, John left Normandy for England in December
1203.
21
Pernoud (1967), p. 250.
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580 thomas k. keefe
John, like Stephen after he had abandoned Normandy in 1137, never re-
turned. The Angevin loss of Normandy is usually marked by the surrender
of the fortress of Ch
ˆ
ateau-Gaillard, which took place in March 1204, after a
five-month siege by Philip. However, it is arguable that the real end came with
the capitulation of Rouen in June, as it had in 1144 when Count Geoffrey
Plantagenet conquered the duchy. Eleanor, one of the few who could recall
that conquest first hand, died in April and was buried alongside her husband,
Henry II, and her son, Richard, in the abbey church of Fontevrault. Count
Geoffrey lay at le Mans, William fitz Empress and the young king at Rouen,
and the empress Matilda close by at Bec-Hellouin. What had happened to
their world? Born in a time of civil war, it had been torn apart by succession
disputes and family rivalries. Fortune’s Wheel had come full circle.
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