Langbein Hermann. People in Auschwitz

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cal prisoners.The atmosphere of the extermination camp frequently removed

all inhibitions. The principle that many vips lived by was to reach unhesitat-

ingly for any pleasure without thinking of tomorrow. German criminals set

the tone in this by virtue of their privileged position, their lesser moral inhibi-

tions, and theirample experience with incarceration. However, in this respect

aconsiderablenumberof other vips were hardlydiﬀerentfromGermancareer

criminals.

In deﬁance of all prohibitions and punishments, this group of privileged

prisonersfoundwaysofcomingin contact withinmates of thewomen’s camp.

According to Ella Lingens, every girl who, because of her position, was able

to feed and groom herself to some extent had a lover, and quite a few children

were fathered in the camp. A relationship was a lifesaver for many because

men who were able to gain access to the women’s camp also had a chance to

‘‘organize.’’ As Krystyna Zywulska reports, the role played by ﬂowers in nor-

mal life was taken by margarine; when a man came to see his girlfriend, he

brought her a stick of margarine.

Olga Lengyel says that buxom women were regarded as the ideal of beauty,

which is understandable in the Auschwitz milieu. She has also made this pithy

statement about prostitution: ‘‘Often a potato suﬃced.’’ According to the ex-

periences gathered in 1944 by Gisella Perl in the section of Birkenau where the

able-bodied women deported from Hungary were waiting for a transfer, men-

struation had ceased but ‘‘sexual desire was still one of the strongest drives.’’

Men came to this camp for various chores, including the cleaning of the la-

trine. Perl writes that ‘‘the latrine was used as a love nest’’ where the women

showed their appreciation for the food the men had brought along.

The experimental Block 11 in the main camp was strictly isolated; its gate

was always locked, and there always was a female warden on duty. However,

functionaries found pretexts toenter the block,or else they bribed thewarden.

According to Sara Spanjaard van Esso, the men brought their women parcels.

Since there was no privacy in the big living quarters and only the block elder

had herown room, shewas also given a present,whereupon she permitted the

couple to use her room for a short time. In the ﬁnal six months Spanjaard’s

compatriots—thatis,deporteesfromHolland—had so acclimated themselves

that ‘‘everyone had her kochany.’’ She used the Polish word for ‘‘lover’’ that was

customary in the camp lingo, and this also indicates the nationality of most

of the kochanys.

Rudolf Vrba has described the methods that were used. One room in the

camp area was always kept locked because the poison gas Zyklon B was stored

there. Otto Graf, an ss sergeant, had the key to this room, and for a bribe he

occasionally let a pair of inmates use it. They made love next to the containers

of poison gas.

404 n the jailers

n A remedy for sexual distress that was customary in other concentration

camps, in which no women were interned next to men, was frequently used in

Auschwitz as well. Capos kept Pipel, young fellows who in return for personal

services were exempted from hard labor and enjoyed other privileges. Quite a

numberof capos abused their boys sexually.Thomas Geve, who was in Ausch-

witz as a young man, was told by an acquaintance of the same age that his

capo was exploiting him sexually. ‘‘What else could have protected me from

heavy labor, hunger, and disease?’’ With this question the lad gave the reason

forsubmitting to the capo. ElieWiesel, like Geve an inmate of Monowitz at an

early age, mentions a Green capo who procured bread, soup, and margarine

for boys, though of course not altruistically. Abraham Matuszak reports that

what functionaries in Auschwitz did with their Pipel cried to high heaven. If

the boys were not willing, they were sent the way of all ﬂesh.

H. G. Adler has described one Pipel in Birkenau. ‘‘With the barracks assis-

tant comes the runner of the block elder, his fourteen-year-old darling. He is

fat and has rosy cheeks. He does not even come up to the shoulders of most

inmates but is a strong lout who can do whatever he likes, an aggressive, can-

tankerous creature. His slaps in the face are well aimed; he is permitted to

ﬂog the strongest men, and they cannot defend themselves because the young

rascal is under the protection of the block elder, who might kill anyone his

darling complains about.’’

Thomas Geve sums it up when he writes that ‘‘homosexuality was an open

secret despite all eﬀorts to eradicate it.’’ Even though a capo had opportu-

nities to bribe those who knew about it, a homosexual aﬀair was sometimes

busted. In the intrigues of the privilegedprisoners, this weapon was also used.

If a homosexual relationship was exposed, the ss locked the capo, usually a

German, and his Pipel, most of the time a young Pole or Jew, in the bunker.

The German had to sign a declaration that pledged him to have himself cas-

trated. After the surgical procedure he was released and usually given his job

back. The young fellow who had done his bidding to safeguard his life was

shot at the BlackWall. During mydetention in the bunker, I overheard in quiet

evening hours many a conversation from one cell door to another across the

echoing corridor. Often the lads desperately begged for help, and the capos

answered them with sentimental phrases.

If a German inmate was castrated because of homosexual activities, this

had to be reported to the Central Oﬃce, and thus Himmler was informed

of the number of sterilized Germans. Since the German prisoners were the

only ones whose release was expected and the infertility of many of the men

released from the camp might inhibit the desired rapid proliferation of the

‘‘master race,’’ Himmler ordered the establishment of bordellos in the con-

centration camps.This was intended to combat homosexuality. On one occa-

Sexuality n 405

sion Himmler said that these brothels also were supposed to constitute an

‘‘incentive for greater achievements’’; an inmate had to pay for visits to the

brothel with bonus coupons that were awarded for good work. However, the

ﬁrst reason mentioned above was probably the decisive one. Wirths once told

me this in a conversation, and Franz Ziereis, thecommandant of Mauthausen,

also reported that the combating of rampant homosexuality was the reason

for the establishment of bordellos. In the literature other reasons are given,

such as the breaking of the political prisoners’ will to oﬀer resistance and the

undermining of their morale, but this cannot be documented.

The fact that the order to establish brothels was issued around the time

when German career criminals began to be recruited for the special Dirle-

wanger Unit also speaks for the version conﬁrmed by Wirths and Ziereis. On

June 30, 1943, a brothel was opened in Block 24 of the main camp, and a sec-

ond brothel followed in Monowitz. The central order must have been issued

earlier because in a letter dated March 5 Himmler expressed his surprise that

he had not been able to inspect a bordello on a visit to Buchenwald.

ss camp leader Mandel took great care to have women assigned to this

duty on a voluntary basis. We have a description of the recruitment from Ella

Lingers. ss camp leader Hössler had young girls line up who were forced to

work hard under the open sky, sleep in crowded quarters without facilities for

washing and changing their underwear, and live in constant fear of ﬂoggings.

He announced that anyone who volunteered as a ﬁlle de joie would be given her

own room, clean clothes, suﬃcient food and cigarettes, and the opportunity

to bathe every day. He also intimated that occupants of the brothel might be

released ‘‘on good behavior.’’ It went without saying that only ‘‘Aryans’’ were

acceptable and that Jews were not permitted to visit the brothel.

The volunteers were presented to the camp physician. ‘‘It was one of my

duties to select women for the brothel,’’ said Dr. Fritz Klein. ‘‘Fifteen were

brought to me, and I picked out the ten who were most qualiﬁed.’’ The records

of those who had come forward were checked because there had to be order.

ss Corporal Pery Broad performed this task with pleasure. Dounia Ourisson-

Wasserstromheard himshoutgleefullywhen a woman’s personal recordlisted

her profession as prostitute: ‘‘In our camp every inmate can practice his or

her profession! Isn’t this a model camp?’’ Alina Brewda, who as the physician

in charge in the experimental block had to examine the occupants of the bor-

dello regularly, remembers that most of them were Germans and that there

also were a few Poles and Russians.

n Tadeusz Borowski has described the brothel on the ﬁrst ﬂoor of Block 24

in this satirical fashion:

406 n the jailers

There are windows that are half open even in winter. After the roll call one

sees women’s heads of all colors and shades in the windows, and from

the blue, rose-colored, and light green robes emerge arms that are whiter

than sea foam. Fifteen heads, I believe, and thirty arms, not counting the

old madam, whose heavy, epic, legendary bosom watches over the heads,

necks, arms, and so on. Madam usually does not stand by the windows but

acts like a Cerbera at the cathouse door.

The camp vips crowd around the bawdy house. If there are ten Juliets,

there are at least a thousand Romeos, and, by God, they are not the worst.

There is pushing and shoving and keen competition for every Juliet. The

Romeos stand by the windows of the opposite block, shouting, signaling

with their arms, and beckoning.The camp elder is among them, and so are

the camp capo, the physicians from the inﬁrmary, and the capos of various

details. Many a Juliet has a regular swain, and in addition to vows of eternal

love and promises of a better and happier life together after the camp, in

addition to disputes and reproaches one can hear conversations that pri-

marily concern soap, perfume, silk panties, and cigarettes.This is how the

cathouse looks from the outside. One can enter it only by way of the oﬃce

and with a card that one receives as a reward for good, industrious work.

Borowski describes how a camp-wise Pole from the ﬁrst transport—‘‘his

number is smaller by a third than the last digits of my number’’—gained ad-

mittance to the brothel.

He gallops into the oﬃce, stops, and as soon as one of the approved num-

bers is called and not claimed, he cries, ‘‘Here,’’ grabs the pass, and trots

over to the madam. He presses a pack of cigarettes into her fat paws, she

gives him a whole series of mainly hygienic treatments, and the freshly

sprayed young man rushes up the stairs with big leaps. In the corridor the

Juliets from the windows are walking around with their robes nonchalantly

wrapped around their bodies. From time to time one of them approaches

him and asks en passant, ‘‘What number do you have?’’ ‘‘Eight,’’ he says and

looks at his card to make sure. ‘‘Oh, that’s not me, that’s Irma, the little

blonde,’’ shewhispers a bit disappointed and ﬂits oﬀ in the direction of the

window.The young man walks up to door numbereight. He quickly reads a

posted notice that says that one pleasure or another is forbidden on pain of

internment in the bunker, speciﬁes the things that are permitted, and gives

the number of minutes one can stay. He heaves a deep sigh in the direction

of the spy (the peephole in the door) through which the female colleagues

sometimes look, occasionally the madam, the leader of the Whorehouse

Commando, or even the ss camp leader himself.

Sexuality n 407

Robert Waitz has given a more sober description of the Monowitz brothel:

The bordello is reserved exclusively for Aryan vips, but the German Reds

make no use of it. The institution itself is located in a block that is fenced

oﬀ with barbed wire. There the Green gentlemen and the Poles vie for the

favors of the ladies, who lack nothing. In the bordello there are alcohol,

food,wine, clothes, and perfume.The ssroll call leader,who is in charge of

it, attaches great importance to its good functioning.Everyday he takes his

ladies for a walk outside the camp and has them call him ‘‘Papi’’ (Daddy).

On three evenings each week, the lovers come at intervals of twenty min-

utes in accordance with a prearranged timetable, and an Aryan physician

is available for prophylactic measures.

The political prisoners generally did not visit the brothel in the main camp

either. Exceptions became the subjects of conversation and sometimes pro-

vided merriment. Once, a Red capo who shunned the brothel during oﬃcial

visiting hour because he would be embarrassed in front of his friends tried

to get in with the aid of a ladder. He fell oﬀ and sustained broken bones. His

adventure could not be kept secret. A young Austrian who had been arrested

for resisting the Nazi regime before he had met any women experienced his

ﬁrst great love in the Auschwitz bordello. For me it was no temptation; the

other problems were too great, and the facility was too grotesque for that.

When a young and exceptionally thin inmate passed the brothel windows,

the women threw some bread down. Geve, who reported this, wrote: ‘‘A

woman’s heart remains motherly despite everything.’’

n Anyone who knows how little attention members of the ss paid to prohi-

bitions will not be surprised to learn that despite all those strict prohibitions

many of them started sexual relationships with prisoners. It is understand-

able that this gave rise to numerous rumors in the camp, but some of these

relationships can be documented.

Willi Wildermuth remembers a colleague in the motor pool named Fritz

Schrammewhowas given a punitive transfer in 1943becauseit became known

that he had impregnated a prisoner. A femalewarden who had exchanged love

letters with an inmatewas personally punished by Himmler whenthe relation-

ship was detected. He ordered that the warden, whose name is said to have

been Buchhalter, be given twenty-ﬁve strokes on her buttocks, after which she

was probably admitted to the camp as an inmate.

Thecase of thenotorious ssroll call leaderGerhard Palitzsch causeda great

sensation. He was one of the few who looked the way Nazi propaganda loved

to present ss men: athletic, blond, well built. His wife, with whom he lived

in the camp area, died of typhus in the fall of 1942. This was an indication

408 n the jailers

that Palitzsch had ‘‘organized’’ clothes for her in Canada because this was the

only way the woman could have come in contact with an infected louse. ‘‘The

death of his wife,’’ wrote Höß, ‘‘made him lose his last inner ﬁrmness and his

last inhibitions. He began to drink to excess and constantly had aﬀairs with

women. In his apartment there was a steady stream of women coming and

going.’’

Palitzsch did not content himself with that.Therewere many rumors about

his various relationships with prisoners. One day he was caught in an unmis-

takable situation in the Gypsy camp. There are various versions of this aﬀair.

According to Tadeusz Joachimowski, the roll call clerk of the camp, Palitzsch

fell in love with a woman named Wera Luca and made her the elder of the chil-

dren’s block.The camp elder, a German criminal who was reputed to have had

an earlieraﬀair with the beautiful Wera, is said to have informed on Palitzsch,

who was caught in a compromising situation by members of the Political De-

partment and taken away. Broad gives a similar report of this incident but calls

the woman Vera Lukans. Felix Amann recalls that Wera Luca was from Riga.

Deviating from these accounts, Höß wrote that Palitzsch had an aﬀair with

a Jewish inmate from Latvia. Jan Pilecki, the clerk of the bunker block, also

learned that Palitzsch was arrested because of intimate relations with a Jewish

woman; he heard that she was Katja Singer, the roll call clerk of the women’s

camp. It is entirely conceivable that in the course of the investigation several

aﬀairs with women were uncovered.

It is certain that it was this Rassenschande (race deﬁlement) that brought the

all-powerful ss roll call leader down. At ﬁrst there was an attempt to hush the

case up. On October 1, 1943, Palitzsch was transferred to Brno, the satellite

camp situated at the greatest distance from Auschwitz, as the ss camp leader.

This attempted cover-up failed; it may have been foiled by Höß, who was not

on good terms with Palitzsch. Soon Palitzsch was arrested and taken to the

bunker that he knew well from selections and subsequent shootings. The fact

that he was not immediately arrested permits one to conclude that serious

crimes were uncovered in the course of the investigation.

When Palitzsch was locked up in a cell of the bunker, a Pole with a low in-

mate number was being detained there. He has reported that ‘‘in private,’’ as

he put it, Palitzsch was a completely diﬀerent person. At that time Palitzsch

begged inmates who used to tremble before him for bread. He told the Pole

that he was locked up because of an aﬀair with a Jewish inmate. Otto Küsel,

whoas inmate numbertwo knew Palitzschvery well and alsowas in thebunker

at that time, having been arrested in Warsaw after his escape, reported that as

a matter of course Palitzsch used the familiar address du that was customary

among the inmates.

Various rumors about Palitzsch’s further fate circulated as well. According

Sexuality n 409

to camp gossip, he was sentenced to death for Rassenschande and appropria-

tion of other people’s property, but Broad, who ought to know, writes that

Palitzsch was sentenced to several years in prison. Documents indicate that

Palitzsch was expelled from the ss on June 1, 1944. His sentence is said to

have been ﬁnally suspended, as was usual at the time, and he is supposed to

have been assigned to a probationary unit and to have fallen in the ﬁght for

Budapest in December 1944.

Other ss men had less trouble because of their aﬀairs with female pris-

oners. Physician Franz von Bodman had an aﬀair with such an inmate. In

order to be with her undisturbed, he ordered a very strict camp rest in the

inﬁrmary of the women’s camp between one o’clock and two o’clock in the

afternoon, during which time no one was permitted to go from one room to

another. Adjutant Robert Mulka remembersan argument he once had with the

physician because of this aﬀair, but no proceedings against him ever became

known.

Both Max Sell, the Labor Service leader, and Viktor Capesius, the phar-

macist in charge, are said to have had aﬀairs with prisoners that had no un-

toward consequences for them. Sometimes, however, there were severe con-

sequences, though not for the ss men. A man named Storch, the women’s

KlesgrubeCommandoleader,impregnated his forewoman.Whenthis became

known, he simply shot her, but he was still relieved of his duties. Richard

Böck, who reported this murder, writes that after three weeks Storch resumed

his position as though nothing had happened. Böck knows only that the vic-

tim’s ﬁrst name was Rosa and that she was from Rosenheim. Karl Hölblinger

remembers a colleague named Koch who had an aﬀair with a female inmate

and also shot her. Hewas sent to thebunker, but his further fate is not known.

Grabner, who dealt with such matters as head of the camp Gestapo, con-

ﬁrmed that many ssmen did not hesitate to kill their lovers as soon as their re-

lationship put them at risk. According to him, his subordinateWilhelm Boger

killed a Polish woman for the same reason. Grabner did not say why Boger

remained unpunished even though he evidently knew about his misconduct.

I have already reported about the bloody consequences of the intimate rela-

tions that a guard of the penal company in Budy had with a German prostitute,

an incident that has become known as the Budy Revolt.

The reverse of these murderous episodes occurred as well. Thus Krystyna

Zywulska tells about an ss man who came every day to see a Jewish woman

from the Canada Detail with whom he had fallen in love and whom he assured

that he was not to blame for what was happening in Auschwitz. Ernst Müller

recalls Franz Wunsch, who was in charge of the property depot in Birkenau

and whom heat ﬁrst experienced as a brutal Jew-baiter.‘‘Hebeat prisoners, in-

cluding women, hard,’’ writes Müller. Others have severely incriminated that

410 n the jailers

man.Wunsch soon fell in love with a young woman from Slovakia, and her in-

ﬂuence on him was so great that he became a changed man. Müller observed

that Wunsch thereafter got out of duty at the ramp whenever he could and

helped prisoners. On one occasion, when he had to escort selected inmates to

the crematorium, he vomited. It cannot be established whether Zywulska and

Müller were reporting about the same man or whether two ss men underwent

a similar development.

When Wunsch was a defendant in a Vienna trial in the spring of 1972, he

described this episode from his point of view and in his defense. He said that

the girl was more helpless than the others on the detail that he was in charge

of.When she came down with typhus, she asked him to help her because she

had to expect to be selected if she was admitted to the inﬁrmary. After inner

struggles (‘‘I had been raised diﬀerently,’’ said Wunsch) he decided to help

her; he concealed her in the property depot and cared for her in that hiding

place. Wunsch concluded his testimony by saying that ‘‘we grew fond of each

other.’’ He emphasized that Helene did not betray him when she was interro-

gated by the Political Department and faced the threat of being shot. Rumors

about this relationship had reached that department.

n Even though the best documentation is of Commandant Höß’s aﬀair with

the prisoner Nora Mattaliano-Hodys, what became known about it sounds

more improbable than other relationships.When an ss investigating commis-

sion commenced its work in Auschwitz, it also came upon the Hodys aﬀair.

Dr. Gerhard Wiebeck, a member of that commission, seems to recall that it

was brought to the judges’ attention by an ss man who was awaiting trial

in a Weimar jail. Wiebeck presumes that this was Palitzsch. ss camp leader

Hofmann has conﬁrmed that Palitzsch had testiﬁed in the Grabner trial in

Weimar and had been demoted. The theory that Palitzsch was the informer is

buttressed by the assumption that he wanted to get even with Höß, who had

probably seen to it that the charges against him were not dismissed.

At a later date, Dr. Konrad Morgen,who headed the commission, described

the case as the most ﬂagrant abuse of power that he had encountered. After

Höß’s aﬀair with Hodys had resulted in repercussions, Höß ‘‘attempted to

murder this female inmate in conspicuous fashion—for example, by having

her locked up, completely naked and in utter darkness, in a so-called stand-

up bunker in the cellar and depriving her of most of her food ration. I was able

to save this woman in the nick of time and have her sent to a Munich clinic.

...Aftershehadrecovered there, I interrogated her. She trusted me and fully

revealed the whole state of aﬀairs to me.’’

The transcript covers twenty-four pages. Hodys was born in Vienna in 1903

and, according to statements she made after the war, was sentenced in 1930

Sexuality n 411

(in Hamm, Westphalia) to a prison term of two-and-a-half years for break-

ing the Heimtückegesetz (law against defamation of the state) and preparing

to commit high treason. After she had served her prison term, she was sent

to the Ravensbrück concentration camp and from there transferred to Ausch-

witz. Dr. Wiebeck seems to remember that Hodys was sent to a kz because

of fraud involving the misuse of an nsdap badge. His recollection may be

correct because after the war she was sought by the police for minor fraud.

Here is an excerpt from Hodys’s transcript: ‘‘ss Lieutenant Colonel Höß

had a warden named Langenfeld assign a private room to me in Block 4. A few

days later I was ordered to see the commandant because an embroiderer was

needed. In the commandant’s house I was received by Frau Höß, who showed

me a carpet in the hall and asked whether I could mend it. I took the job.’’ She

then made two Gobelin tapestries as well as silken Gobelin pillows, bedside

rugs, and blankets there. Hodys testiﬁed: ‘‘I sat in a room all by myself and

received the same food as the commandant.This consisted of soup, appetizer,

meat, vegetables, pastry or cookies, fruit salad, and coﬀee.’’

One day, when his wife was not at home, Höß is supposed to have ap-

proached her in the villa. Hodys asserted that she was permitted to leave the

camp over the weekend on the honor system and slept outside the camp; she

was even invited to the Höß villa on her birthday. She said that shewas locked

up in the bunker in October 1942 but initially received preferential treatment.

In her transcript we read: ‘‘I usually had a cell that was furnished with a good

bed and a good mattress. I had a table and a chair and was able to read, write,

and smoke.’’ Normally the furnishings of a bunker cell consisted only of a

bunk bed without a straw pallet, blankets, and a pail.

Höß is said to havevisited herstealthilyat night and impregnated her. After

a futile attempt on her part to end her pregnancy, an abortion was performed,

after which she was incarcerated in the stand-up bunker, fell ill, and was re-

leased and taken to Munich. In Nora Hodys’s transcript, recollections seem

to be intermingled with a sick person’s fantasies. On the one hand, names are

named and incidents are described that are correct and could not have been

known by anyone who was not an eyewitness. Other details are incorrect, par-

ticularly demonstrable errors in the chronology. This is the least surprising

thing, for experience has shown that former prisoners are most likely to err

in specifying the times when events occurred. Thus this testimony must be

critically examined. To be sure, there is no reason to make it inaccessible to

historians. The Institut für Zeitgeschichte, where the document is preserved,

informed Rolf Hochhuth that it must be treated conﬁdentially because of its

explicit erotic content. For this reason he was not able to examine the docu-

ment and refers to Hodys as Höß’s ‘‘Jewish mistress,’’ even though she had

been interned in the camp as an ‘‘Aryan.’’ It is not likely that Rassenschande on

412 n the jailers

Höß’s part would have been condoned. I was able to obtain the transcript in

another way and found no explicit erotic content in it.

I made an eﬀort to check the statements in this document. Hodys was

originally employed in the property depot. Hugo Breiden, a capo in Birkenau,

remembers that ‘‘she was in charge of the jewelry in Birkenau.’’ This is also

indicated by the nickname by which she was known in the camp: ‘‘Diamond

Nora.’’ According to Grabner, Hodys had to bring the commandant jewelry;

when this smuggling became known, he had her locked up and tried to elimi-

nate her. Grabner does not suggest that the two had intimate relations.

Since Hodys reports in her testimony about the Jewish seamstresses who

worked with her in the Höß villa, she must really have been employed there,

for otherwise she could hardly have learned details about these seamstresses.

Both her detention in the bunker and her privileged treatment during her early

period there are documented. She was even allowed to keep a cat in her cell.

Dr. Alina Brewda conﬁrms that in the spring of 1944 Hodys was transferred

fromthe bunker to theexperimental block, where she occupied a single room.

She remembers that Höß came to that room one night and that she was or-

dered to perform an abortion on Hodys. Ruth Friedhoﬀ, who was in the same

block, knows about a woman who cameto the block in winter 1943–44, some-

one ‘‘whom no one really knewanything about. Shewasregardedas somewhat

mysterious and had her own room. She had a bad foot and was bedridden.’’

Ella Lingens, for her part, remembers that one day a very ill looking woman

was brought into the inﬁrmary of the women’s camp on a stretcher and that

an ss leader (evidently Wiebeck) was especially interested in her. The woman

claimed that the commandant had had an aﬀair with her, but Lingens did not

believe her.

At the Frankfurt trial Wiebeck testiﬁed that ‘‘Höß wanted to kill this in-

mate’’ by letting her starve to death in the bunker. Wiebeck, however, took

her out of there. ‘‘She was placed on a stretcher; I believe she had bone tuber-

culosis. I had Hodys put in a private room.’’ It can be shown that Hodys was

in Munich from July 22, 1944, onward.

Finally, the ss judges conﬁrm that this aﬀair prompted them to start pro-

ceedings against Höß. However, his superior, Pohl, trivialized the case by say-

ing, ‘‘What of it?’’ The case was dismissed.

Sexuality n 413