Housden Martyn. Forgotten Pages in Baltic History: Diversity and Inclusion. (On the Boundary of Two Worlds: Identity, Freedom, and Moral Imagination in the Baltics) (ENG)
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Martyn Housden and David J. Smith
176
someone for whom anti-communism counted for more than defence of liberal
principles.
Mikhail Kurchinskii was born in 1876, the same year as Paul
Schiemann. A native of Radom in the Polish provinces of Russia, he spent
his teenage years in Kaluga before studying law at the University of St
Petersburg. Having obtained a master‘s degree in financial law in 1902,
Kurchinskii spent extensive periods in Berlin, Paris and Dresden during the
early 1900s, collecting material for a doctoral dissertation on municipal
finances in Prussia (Gorodskie finansy, 1911) and on municipal government
in Europe more generally (Munitsipal’nyi sotsialism, 1910). Kurchinskii‘s
work in this area meant that he was well qualified to engage in the
discussions surrounding Estonia‘s cultural autonomy legislation after he
opted for Estonian citizenship and settled permanently in the newly-
established Baltic republic during 1921.
An economic liberal by conviction, Kurchinskii was also evidently
well-versed in the German intellectual currents of the late nineteenth and
early twentieth century. The final work he published before leaving Soviet
Russia was a study of the philosophy of Max Stirner, the nineteenth century
German ―individualist-anarchist‖ and author of The Ego and his Own. While
rejecting Stirner‘s nihilistic denial of all moral values, Kurchinskii
emphasised the anti-authoritarian spirit of Stirner‘s study. The latter, he
maintained, was a work in which ―the human personality is raised to
unaccustomed heights. It recognises no earthly or heavenly tsars, whom it
strips of the thrones which hold back the human spirit‖.
67
Here one clearly
sees echoes of Paul Schiemann‘s own emphasis on ―personality‖ as the
defining characteristic of the free individual. Another striking similarity can
be found in Kurchinskii‘s assertion that ―to the fundamental principles which
humanity has elaborated in its cultural evolution (...) such as religious and
personal liberty (...) must now be added national liberty and the possibility of
free development of national culture, not only for the single individual, but
also for every national group.‖
68
In Kurchinskii‘s further assertion that
without ―national-cultural self-government, enshrined in law‖, Russians
risked denationalisation and transformation into ―human dust‖, one also sees
how his conception of nationality was shaped by romanticist thought.
69
In the context of early twentieth century Russia, Kurchinskii was
clearly on the political left. His earliest publications and involvement with
societies promoting economic liberalisation landed him in trouble with the
tsarist authorities, earning him a period of banishment from St. Petersburg to
Archangelsk in 1902. Upon his return, Kurchinskii affiliated himself
politically to the Constitutional Democrats (Kadets) and witnessed tsarist
Russia‘s experiment with parliamentary politics as a correspondent to the
first Duma and member of the legislative department of the second. Having
worked at the University of Dorpat (Tartu) during 1915–18, Kurchinskii was
able to opt for Estonian citizenship following the 1920 peace treaty between
A Matter of Uniqueness?
177
Estonia and Soviet Russia. He left Petrograd in 1921 following an invitation
to take up a Chair in Tartu. Once settled in his new homeland, Kurchinskii
joined the centre-right Russian National Union and became an outspoken
opponent of the Bolshevik regime whose policies had driven him to emigrate.
The Soviet OGPU would later paint Kurchinskii as someone who had
undergone a political journey from ―Leftist Professor‖ to reactionary
upholder of ―Russia One and Indivisible‖.
70
The latter depiction hardly rings
true when one considers Kurchinskii‘s work to build up the Estonian
Republic and his contribution to its political life. With regard to Russian
nationhood, however, he was able to assert that if a nation can be called a
―unity of historical fate‖, such fate had bound together the Great Russians,
Ukrainians and Belorussians into a single nation.
71
Many residents of Ukraine
and Belorussia would doubtless have concurred with Kurchinskii‘s
assessment. Nevertheless, his insistence on this ―historical fact‖ appears
firmly at odds with his insistence on the possibility of free development for
all national groups and disregards the aspirations of Ukrainian national
minority activists within the nationalities congress.
Kurchinskii, however, was no narrow Russian nationalist. In his
journalism and in his interactions with Russian minority leaders across
Europe, he emphasised that minority activism should not be seen as directed
towards struggle with the majority or with states that rightly cherish their
own cultural values. Minorities, argued Kurchinskii in 1929, understand best
of all the cultural values and statehood of other nations and are least of all
inclined towards conflict. Rather, their ideal is the peaceful resolution of all
relevant questions and disputes within the context of a domestic legislative
framework. Resolving minority disputes was first and foremost a question of
international peace and the construction of a United Europe, an ideal that
Kurchinskii evidently felt passionate about.
72
In his most important work on
the subject—Soedinnenie Shtaty Evropy, published in 1930─Kurchinskii
insisted that any talk of a future ―United States of Europe‖ would be
meaningless were Russia to be excluded from the equation. In this regard, he
differed sharply from Coudenhove-Kalergi and from Paul Schiemann, both of
whom defined Russia as a ―Eurasian‖ rather than a European entity.
Kurchinskii did not dispute the claims of ―Eurasianism‖ in relation to the
Soviet regime. However, he insisted that ―Bolshevism will disappear but
Russia will remain!‖ This post-Bolshevik Russia would inevitably be
required to return to the more ―natural‖ path of drawing upon the experiences
of its western European neighbours.
73
In reviewing Kurchinskii‘s, printed output from the late 1920s (and
indeed beyond) one comes back to the question of how he was able to
reconcile these ideals with his continued participation in a congress that by
the mid-1930s was little more than a tool of Nazi German foreign policy.
Kurchinskii‘s death from heart disease in June 1939 was premature but also
spared him from a terrible dilemma that would have been arisen further to the
Martyn Housden and David J. Smith
178
Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact in August of the same year. As a prominent
Russian émigré, Kurchinskii would have been amongst the very first to be
arrested and almost certainly executed following the Soviet takeover of June
1940. Faced with this clear prospect after August 1939, could he have
brought himself to join the Nazi-instigated exodus of Baltic Germans from
Estonia at the end of that same year? Kurchinskii‘s descendents in today‘s
Estonia insist that he could not have subscribed to such an arrangement. But,
like so much else about the man, this must remain the object of speculation.
Conclusion
So was Paul Schiemann unique? Certainly he had touching points with men
like Ammende and Kurchinskii. This is only to be expected given that for
years they lived in the same region, tried to work for the benefit of national
minorities and promoted their causes in the media. Comparabilities exist, but
miss something important. The impression remains that Schiemann had a
clarity of intellect, independence, consistency and commitment to
transferring his principles into practical life which was not so evident in those
around him. Deficiency left Ammende using a vocabulary of ethics and
nationality rights to cover up the reality of dire anti-Semitic persecution
implemented by his own national group. He became guilty of professional
hypocrisy, a moral entrepreneur behaving in an immoral way.
Leo Motzkin once put it like this:
―…the right sort of nationalism only begins at the point you act
on behalf of a different national group. If you only act for your
own benefit, creating a religion which declares your own race
the most superior one, then it is an anti-national idea; it is a mis-
use of nationalism.‖
74
Although talking in general terms, he could have been describing
Ammende‘s ultimate failing specifically. The General Secretary‘s saving
grace is that, if he were reading this article today, he would probably admit
his fault and declare an intention to do better next time. As a younger man at
an earlier stage of his development, perhaps he had been aware of being in
Schiemann‘s shadow. Maybe this characteristic bred a desire to assert himself
and coupled with a liking for adventure fed an unhelpful ambition. But
whatever the precise reason, had he known where he would end up, most
likely Ammende would not have started the journey. In retrospect he would
also have had to admit that Schiemann lived as a moral ideal-type to which
–
–
–
–
most people Kurchinskii included could only aspire.
A Matter of Uniqueness?
179
Notes
1. Taube,Thomson and Garleff, 1995 also Garleff, 1994.
2. Garleff, 1980 also Nunez Seixas, 2001, p. 450. See also Hackmann‘s
essay in this collection.
3. See memoranda referenced at NG-3908. They are on microfilm at the
Institute for Contemporary History, Munich.
4. Hiden, 2004, p. 114.
5. For general studies in which Ammende appears at some length, see
Garleff, 1976 and Schot, 1988. For a study where Ammende‘s work is
central, see Bamberger-Stemman, 2000.
6. Nunez Seixas, 2001, p. 450.
7. See Housden, 2000 followed by Housden, 2004.
8. For example, at the World Jewish Congress of 1932, Zionist Jew Leo
Motzkin (who originated from Ukraine) criticised the Centralverein
deutscher Staatsbürger jüdischen Glaubens (representing German Jews) for
combating anti-Semitism in the wrong way.
9. Shor, 1998, p. 1.
10. Smith, 1999.
11. See: Isakov, 1996; Shor, 1998; Boikov, 2000.
12. For a discussion of the anational state, see Schot, 1988, pp. 123–25.
13. See, for example, his discussion in Schiemann, 1927b.
14. Schiemann, 1927a.
15. Ijabs, 2009, p.498.
16. Ibid, p.502.
17. Schiemann, 1927a and Sandinsky, 1921.
18. Nachlass Boehm, 1077 / 14. Koblenz.
19. Schiemann, 1932.
20. Schiemann, 1932, p. 809.
21. Sitzungsbericht of the 1932 congress. The full set of the reports are
available at the Herder Institute, Marburg.
22. Schiemann, 1932 is at least available in translation at www.ceer.org.uk,
Central and Eastern European Review, volume 1.
23. Schiemann, 1930a. The series of essays about National Socialism can be
found in Donath, 1992. II, p. 14.
24. Schiemann , 1930b.
25. Weyrauch quoted in Grundmann, 1977. p. 287.
26. Nachlass Boehm, 1077 / 14, Koblenz.
27. This was reproduced in Ammende, 1932.
28. Ammende to Oerl, 25 June (1923?). Ammende papers, 1502–1–23,
Moscow.
29. ―Gorky―The Humanitarian‖, pp.351─3. Ammende, 1921a, chapters 3
and 5.
Martyn Housden and David J. Smith
180
30. Ammende, 1921b and 1921c. Copies of Revaler Bote are available in
Tallinn. For Moscow‘s attempts to stir up revolution, see famine articles,
1922. Moscow‘s plot articles. Also Ammende, 1925a.
31. For an example of his journalism about the South Tyrol, see Ammende,
1923. His early papers are full of material about this issue, see Ammende
papers, 1502–1–61, 1502–1–23 and 1502–1–60, Moscow . His voluminous
handwritten notebooks recording his travels in South Tyrol are also present in
Moscow but are extremely difficult to read.
32. Ammende, 1924 and 1925b.
33. Ammende, 1925c.
34. Copies of the memorandum ―Gründe, Richtlinien und Programm für eine
Tagung der Vertreter aller nationalen Minderheiten in Europa‖ are located at
R60462, Berlin also Ammende papers, 1502–1–53, Moscow.
35. The nationalities movement experienced some difficulty Jewish fitting
groups into their frame of reference. Zionist groups clearly fitted, but the
relationship with more assimilationist-minded groups was difficult, most
obviously because they would not claim simply to be a separate national
group. This issue became critical for the congress in 1933. But the question
of whether or not Jewish groups were national groups generated genuine
thought even before Hitler‘s politics was important, see Schiemann, 1927.
36. Sitzungsbericht of the 1925 congress, p.79.
37. Ibid.
38. Junghann, memorandum of 27 October 1925. R60463, Berlin.
39. Köster, memorandum of 22 February 1926. R60463, Berlin.
40. Ammende, 1928.
41. Ammende, 1932.
42. Ammende papers, 1502–1–110, Moscow.
43. Sitzungsbericht of 1932 congress.
44. Bruns‘s papers are located in Marburg.
45. Hiden, 2004, p. 184.
46. Memorandum of 28 August 1930. R60528, Berlin.
47. Motzkin originated from the Ukraine but had offices in Paris.
48. 24 June 1932, Motzkin to Ammende. Nachlass Wilfan. 1250, FC4407,
Koblenz.
49. Motzkin to the World Jewish Congress, August 1932. MS341, A4013,
Cincinnati.
50. Sitzungsbericht of 1932 congress. See page 91 for comments by Nurock.
51. Guerke, 1932.
52. 16 November 1932, Motzkin to Ammende. Nachlass Wilfan. 1250,
FC4407, Koblenz.
53. Kahany, 1932 available Nachlass Wilfan. 1250, FC4407, Koblenz.
54. Ammende, 1933.
A Matter of Uniqueness?
181
55. In one private letter, he expressed the hope that events in Germany would
lead to a clarification of the relationship between Jews and other nationalities
in Europe. 16 August 1933, Ammende to Wilfan. Nachlass Wilfan. 1250,
FC4407, Koblenz.
56. For example 11 April 1933, Ammende to Feinberg. A306/113, Jerusalem.
57. 8 October 1934, Ammende to Goldmann. A306/113, Jerusalem.
58. For a description of Ammende‘s worries, see Krabbe, ―Neuvieme
Congress des Nationalites Européennes tenu a Bern du 16 au 19 Septembre
1933‖. 4/6638/6638, S338, Geneva. For comments about Ammende being in
poor form, see Graebe to Schiemann, 21 September 1933. Schiemann
papers, Riga.
59. 1 January 1934, Margulies to Wilfan. Nachlass Wilfan. 1250, FC4407,
Koblenz.
60. Perhaps not totally free from all prejudice himself, Margulies added ―To
that place where the gypsies stand.‖
61. 6 February 1934, Ammende to Margulies. Nachlass Wilfan. 1250,
FC4407, Koblenz.
62. 16 February 1934. Margulies to Ammende. Nachlass Wilfan. 1250,
FC4407, Koblenz.
63. 2 July 1935, Schiemann to Ammende. Schiemann‘s papers, Riga.
Schiemann wrote to Ammende: ―Today you are one of the few of whom it
may be said that his work is necessary.‖
64. Undated text by Paul Schiemann. Nachlass Wilfan. 1250, FC4407,
Koblenz.
65. 8 October 1934, Ammende to Goldmann. A306/113, Jerusalem.
66. Sitzungsbericht des Kongresses des Organisierten Nationalen Gruppen in
den Staaten Europas, Bern, 16 bis 18. September 1933, pp. 70–71. In
response, Josip Wilfan simply remarked that Kurchinskii had surely voiced
the opinion of all members of the congress, and repeated his hope─absurd
under the circumstances─that Motzkin and other Jewish colleagues would
continue their participation. Ibid.
67. Kurchinskii, 1920, p.251.
68. The Congress of the European National Minorities, London Meeting
14th-15th July 1937, p.32.
69. Kurchinskii, 1930a, pp.8-12.
70. ―No.1 Russkie v Estonii (Svodka Inostrannogo Otdela OGPU SSSR)‖,
cited in Abyzov, 1999.
71. Kurtschinsky, 1929, p.255.
72. ―Do not let it be thought that our whole movement and the work of our
congresses could in any way threaten this or that state formation, that
minorities are directing their efforts against majorities. On the contrary, (...) it
is in essence a peace movement: in valuing and respecting its own culture, it
appeals for the respect of all other cultures; and in this regard the minority
Martyn Housden and David J. Smith
182
movement is one of the cornerstones of the future peaceful development of
Europe, it works for the task of preserving peace‖. From a contribution by
Kurchinskii to the Estonian newspaper Staryi Narvskii Listok, 1 October
1929, cited in Boikov, 2000, p. 64.
73. Kurchinskii, 1930b, esp. pp. 27–33.
74. Motzkin to the World Jewish Conference, 1933. He was referring to a
speech he had made some years earlier to the European Nationalities
Congress. Protocole de la IIe Conférence Juive Mondiale. Genève, 5–8
Septembre 1933. p. 84. Copy located in Cincinnati.
Bibliography
Archives
Berlin: Political Archive of the German Foreign Office, Berlin, Germany.
Cincinnati: Hebrew Union College, Cincinnati, USA.
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Marburg: the Herder Institute, Marburg, Germany.
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Riga: Baltic German Library, Riga, Latvia.
Tallinn: National Library, Tallinn, Estonia.
Literature by main historical figures
Ammende, E. (1921a), Europe and Soviet Russia. Riga: R.Ruetz and Co..
Ammende, E. (1921b), ―Die deutschen Wolgakolonisten vor dem
Untergang‖, Revaler Bote, 2 August.
Ammende, E. (1921c), ―Den an der Wolga untergehenden Menschen muß
geholfen warden‖, Revaler Bote, 29 October.
A Matter of Uniqueness?
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Ammende, E. (1923), ―Der Untergang der deutschen Schulen in Süd-Tirol‖,
Revaler Bote, 14 November.
Ammende, E. (1924), ―Auf dem Wege zur Kultur-Autonomie―, Revaler Bote,
22 March.
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January.
Ammende, E. (1925b), ―Zur Frage der Annahme des Autonomie-Gesetzes‖,
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Ammende, E. (1925c), ―An die Gegner der Autonomie!‖ Sonderausgabe.
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Ammende, E. (1928), ―Zwiespältige Mentalität. Ein Beitrag zur
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Ammende, E. (1933), ―Zur Frage der Juden in Deutschland‖, Europäische
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Kurchinskii, M. A. (1920), Apostol Egoizma: Max Stirner i ego Filosofiia
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Kurtschinsky, M. A. (1929), ―Die slavischen Minderheiten‖, Nation und
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Schiemann, P. (1927a), ―Volksgemeinschaft und Staatsgemeinschaft‖, Nation
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Schiemann, P. (1927b), ―Die Spaltung im Nationalitätenkongreß‖, Nation
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