Danver Steven L. (Edited). Revolts, Protests, Demonstrations, and Rebellions in American History: An Encyclopedia (ENG)

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Quartering Act of 1765, in which ﬁre wood and candles, as well as housing, should be

giv en to British soldiers who were stationed permanently in the colonies.

The Townshend Acts revived colonial hostility that had died down followi ng

the repeal of the Stamp Act. This time, the new laws drew a much quicker and

angrier response by the people. Protest and rebellion sprang up throughout the col-

onies. One of the most inﬂuential pieces of rebellion p ropag anda was written by

John Dickinson, a lawyer from Pennsylvania. He posed as a humble farmer when

he penned “Letters from a Farmer in Pennsylvania.” His basic argument was that

Parliament could regulate colonial trade, but it could not exercise that power just

to ra ise revenue. In other words, Parliament did not have the authority to impose

new taxes on the colonies just to make more money for Britain.

The Massachusetts Assembly circulated a letter to other colonial legislatures

calling for unity and a joint petition of protest of the Townshend Acts. Parliament

acte d swiftly to dissolve the Massachusetts legislature. This gave the other colo-

nies a reason to unite in protest. After all, if Parliament could disband the gov-

erning bo dy of Massac husetts and New York, what was to stop them from doing

so in the rest of the colonies? The Sons of Liberty helped to establish and enforce

a boycott of British goods, causing trade to dry up. It was not long before the

British merchants stepped in on behalf of the colonies and the Townshend Acts

were repe aled in 1770, except fo r the tax on tea. This would lead to one of the

most infamous chapters of American history, the Boston Tea Party.

—Lorri Brown

Further Reading

Faragher, John Mack, Mari Jo Buhle, Daniel Czitrom, and Susan H. Armitage. Out of

Many: A History of the American People. Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice Hall, 1995.

Norton, Mary Beth, David M. Katzman, Paul D. Scott, Howard P. Chudacoff, and Thomas

G. Patterson. A People and a Nation: A History of the United States. Boston: Houghton

Mifﬂin Company, 1994.

USHistory.org. “Townshend Acts.” http://w ww.ushistory.org/Declaration/related/

townshend.htm (accessed September 23, 2008).

George R. T. Hewes’s Account

of the Boston Tea Party (1773)

In December 1773, when the British Parliament attempted to confer a monopoly on the impor-

tation of tea into America on the East India Company, angry colonists in Boston dressed as Indi-

ans, boarded the tea ships, and threw over 300 chests of tea into the harbor. This incident

became famous in American history as the Boston Tea Party. Sixty years later, in 1833,

91-year-old George R. T. Hewes, the last surviving member of the group of colonists who

boarded the tea ships in 1773, gave the following account of the Boston Tea Party.

204 Boston Tea Party (1773)

The tea destroyed was contained in three ships, laying near each other, at what was called

at that time Grifﬁn’s wharf, and were surrounded by armed ships of war; the commanders

of which had publicly declared, that if the rebels, as they were pleased to style the

Bostonians, should not withdraw their opposition to the landing of the tea before a certain

day, the 17th day of December, 1773, they should on that day force it on shore, under the

cover of their cannon’s mouth. On the day preceding the seventeenth, there was a meeting

of the citizens of the county of Suffolk, convened at one of the churches in Boston, for the

purpose of consulting on what measures might be considered expedient to prevent the

landing of the tea, or secure the people from the collection of the duty. At that meeting a

committee was appointed to wait on Governor Hutchinson, and request him to inform

them whether he would take any measures to satisfy the people on the object of the meet-

ing. To the ﬁrst application of this committee, the governor told them he would give them a

deﬁnite answer by ﬁve o’clock in the afternoon. At the hour appointed, the committee

again repaired to the governor’s house, and on inquiry found he had gone to his country

seat at Milton, a distance of about six miles. When the committee returned and informed

the meeting of the absence of the governor, there was a co nfused murmur among the

members, and the meeting was immediately dissolved, many of them crying out, Let every

man do his duty, and be true to his country; and there was a general huzza for Grifﬁn’s

wharf. It was now evening, and I immediately dressed myself in the costume of an Indian,

equipped with a small hatchet, which I and my associates denominated the tomahawk, with

which, and a club, after having painted my face and hands with coal dust in the shop of a

blacksmith, I repaired to Grifﬁn’s wharf, where the ships lay that contained the tea. When!

ﬁrst appeared in the street, after being thus disguised, I fell in with many who were dressed,

equipped and painted as I was, and who fell in with me, and marched in order to the place of

our destination. When we arrived at the wharf, there were three of our nu mber who

assumed an authority to direct our operations, to which we readily submitted. They di-

vided us into three parties, for the purpose of boarding the three ships which contained

the tea at the same time. The name of him who commanded the division to which I was

assigned, was Leonard Pitt. The names of the other commanders I never knew. We were

immediately, ordered by the respective commanders to board all the ships at the same

time, which we promptly obeyed. The commander of the division to which I belonged, as

soon as we were on board the ship, appointed me boatswain, and ordered me to go to

the captain and demand of him the keys to the hatches and a dozen candles. I made the

demand accordingly, and the captain promptly replie d, and delivered the articles; but

requested me at the same time to do no damage to the ship or rigging. We then were

ordered by our commander to open the hatches, and take out all the chests of tea and

throw them overboard, and we immediately proceeded to execute his orders; ﬁrst cutting

and splitting the chests with our tomahawks, so as thoroughly to expose them to the

effects of the water. In about three hours from the time we went on board, we had thus-

broken and thrown overboard every tea chest to be found in the ship; while those in the

other ships were disposing of the tea in the same way, at the same time. We were sur-

rounded by British armed ships, but no attempt was made to resist us. We then quietly

retired to our several places of residence, without having any conversation with each other,

Boston Tea Party (1773) 205

or taking any measures to discover who were our associates; nor do I recollect of our hav-

ing had the knowledge of the name of a single individual concerned in that affair, except that

of Leonard Pitt, the commander of my division, who I have mentioned. There appeared to

be an understanding that each individual should volunteer his services, keep his own secret,

and risk the consequences for himself. No disorder took place during that transaction, and

it was observed at that time, that the stillest night ensued that Boston had enjoyed for many

months.

During the time we we re throwing the tea overboard, there were several attempt s

made by some of the citizens of Boston and its vicinity, to carry off small quantities of it

for their family use. To effect that object, they would watch their opportunity to snatch

up a handful from the deck, where it became plentifully scattered, and put it into their

pockets. One Captain O’Co nner, w hom I well knew, came on b oard fo r that purpose,

and when he supposed he was not noticed, ﬁlled his pockets, and also the lining of his

coat. But I had detected him, and gave information to the captain of what he was doing.

We were ordered to take him into custody, and just as he was stepping from the vessel,

I seized him by the skirt of his coat, an d in attempting to pull him back, I tore it off; but

springing forward, by a rapid effort, he made his escape. He had however to run a gaunt-

let through the crowd upon the wharf; each one, as he passed, giving him a ki ck or a

stroke.

The n ext day we nailed the skin of his coat, whi ch I had pulled off, to the whipping

post in Charlestown, the place of his residence, with a label upon it, commemorative of

the occasion which had thus subjected the proprietor to the popular indignation.

Another attempt was made to save a little tea from, t he ruins of the cargo, by a tall

aged man, who wore a large cocked hat and white wig, which was fashionable at that

time. He had slightly slipped a little into his pocket, but being detected, they seized him,

and taking his hat and wig from his head, threw them, together with the tea, of which

they had emptied his pockets, into the water. In consideration of his advanced age, he

was permitted to escape, with now and then a slight kick.

The next morning, after we had cleared the ships of t he tea, it was discov ered that

very considerable quantities of it was ﬂoating upon the surface of the water; and to pre-

vent the possibility of any of its being saved f or use, a number of small boats were

manned by sailors and citizens, who rowed them into those parts of the harbour wher-

ever the tea was visible, and by beating it with oars and paddles, so thoroughly drenched

it, as to render its entire destruction inevitable.

Source: James Hawkes, A Retrospect of the Boston Tea-Par ty, with a Memoir of George R. T.

Hewes (New York: S. S. Bliss, Printer, 1834), 38–41.

206 Boston Tea Party (1773)

Shays’ Rebellion (1787)

On a blustery cold day in January 1787 , a force of 1,500 men descended on the

armory in Springﬁeld, Massachusetts, in hopes of procuring muskets and gun-

powder. These men came from all over central and western Massachusetts, a

majority of them farmers. Led by Revolutionary War veteran Daniel Shays, these

men gathered in protest of high taxes and unfai r debt collection. Hidden within

the armory was General William Shepard, who commanded 1,000 militiamen.

Shepard, not wanting bloodshed over the armory, sent two aides to warn the rebels

of the impending attack. Undeterred, the farmers, who called themselves the New

England Regulation, advanced on the armory, urged on by one of their l eaders,

Danie l Shays. Shepard ﬁred two cannons above the farmer’s heads as a warning,

and still they advanced. Reluctantly, Shepard ordered his men to ﬁre directly at

the rebels. Four men died, 20 were wounded, and the farmers scattered to the sur-

rounding ﬁelds, woods, and hills. Just six years earlier, these two opposing groups

had been comrades during the American Revolution. What caused this rift in

Massachusetts? The incident, which would go down in history as Sha ys’ Rebel-

lion, was brou ght on by social divisions and economic hard ships that f ollowed

the end of the American Revolution. High taxes and debt-ridden f armers in the

west clashed with wealthy eastern merchants. Though it was only a small event

and virtually bloodless, this backcountr y rebellion proved a pivotal turning point

for the ﬂedging American republic. The rebellion highlighted the many weak-

nesses the central government suffered when faced with a crisis. In response to

Shays’ Re bellion, the newly established democra cy of the former colonies wa s

put to the test and brought about many changes that helped establish the

Constitution of the United States of America.

To understand the causes of Shays’ Rebellion, one must ﬁrst look back to the

American Revolution. During the Revolution, there was a great business boom

for East Coast merchants. Goods were scarce, since a majority of imports into

America came from Great Britain, who maintained a block ade on American sea-

ports. Therefore, all goods were in high demand and fetched high prices. Anyone

with something to sell, from equipment to textiles to livestock, was sure to make

a tidy proﬁt. The economy ﬂourished, with people buying goods with paper money

or through bartering goods. Like all boom-and-bust cycles, the war proﬁts came to

an abrupt end following the peace at Yorktown. The stark changes to the American

207

economy would play a vital role in Shays’ Rebellion and the effects it had on

government policies, both at the state and federal levels.

Even before the end of the Revolution, the new federation suffered its ﬁrst

growing pains in the form of massive inﬂation. During the war with Great Britain,

Congress and the 13 states (formerly colonies) ﬂooded paper currency into the

economy, in an effort to meet the needs for supplies for the army and militia. In

addition, each state issued its own paper currency. There was no way to determine

the value of all this different paper money. What was the value of a New York dol-

lar versus a Rhode Island dollar or a Pennsylvania dollar? No one had a deﬁnitive

208 Shays’ Rebellion (1787)

A creditor is attacked while a mob cheers during Shays' Rebellion, an insurgent movement

led by Daniel Shays during 17861787. During the financial depression following the

American Revolution, farmers in western Massachusetts rose up to force the government

to decrease taxes and issue paper money. (Hulton Archive/Getty Images)

answer. By 1779, this paper curre ncy was worth a fra ction of its face value. For

example, a Continental dollar compared to a Spanish d ollar was 146 to 1. After

the end of the Revolution in 1783, an economic depression settled in over the

economy. Causes included inﬂation during the war and the United States’ role as

primary producer of raw materials. Until the United States could produce ﬁnished

goods, it would still import a majority of ﬁnished goods from Europe, especially

from Great Britain, who was still its most vital trading partner. Due to a lack of

exports and too many imports, from 1784 to 1786, the trade deﬁcit with Great

Britain increased to £5 million. This deﬁcit drew hard currency (gold and silver)

out of the American economy. This in turn caused commercial banks to insist on

immediate repayment of old loans and refusal to issue any new loans. By 1786,

prices for g oods fell to their lowest level, dropping 25 percent. With hard money

disappearing from the economy and paper money viewed as worthless, consumers

stopped spending on goods and land. At the same time Congress, who lacked the

power to raise taxes, petitioned each of the states to do so instead. Many citizens,

especially farmers already burdened with debts and low prices for crops, could not

pay higher taxes. The depression would last until 1788, at which time the central

government would be called upon to act in new ways.

The depression hit those already in debt the hardest, particularly the New

England states. With no gold or silver available, many families could not repay

debts or their taxes. This was especially true f or rural farmers throughout New

England, as well as other s tates. During the prosperous war years, many farmers

took out loans to improve their farms, purchasing equipment, livestock, and land.

When the depression brought about sharply low prices for crops and other goods,

farmers found themselves struggling to feed and ho use their families. There was

no money left for repayments of debt or taxes. In western Massachusetts, the

depression was keenly felt by many farmers. According to state records, in 1784

in Worcester County, 2,000 lawsuits were brought about by debt alone. If a man

could not pay his debt, he could be thrown into debtors ’ prison , until it was paid

off or he could even sold into servitude to work off his debt. Debtors’ prisons were

often small, cramped cells, ﬁlled with mold and mildew. Those incarcerated for a

long period of time suffered health problems, ranging from malnutrition to boils

and putrid s ores. Once in prison, there was no way to work off one’s debt.

Throughout Massachusetts, men, m any of whom had fought for American

independence, were being thrown into debtors’ prison over the smallest of debts.

In 1785, in Worcester County, 94 of the 104 people jailed were jailed for debt.

Massachusetts was considerably harsher on residents than other New England

states. Rhode Island, for example, passed a law making it illegal for creditors to

refuse the state’s pap er money. In 1785, Massachusetts levied t he heaviest poll

tax of the period—£1 per poll, versus £1.4 in other states. A poll tax was a ﬂ at

Shays’ Rebellion (1787) 209

tax levied on any male, age 16 or over. Since it was not based on income, the poll

tax was much more difﬁcult for those already in debt to pay. Governor James Bow-

doin and the l ocal legislature refused to shape taxes to reali stically mirror the

economy. Oth er states were far more lenient than Massachusetts. In Conn ecticut,

for example, tax collection was abated over time, as needed. In Virginia, sheriffs

either did not or could not follow through with f oreclosure sales. But Massachu-

setts remained ﬁrm about its taxation policies. The hopelessness of t he situation

in western Massachusetts, as well as the rest of New England, caused a ﬂood of

immigration to the newly ope ned-u p Northwest Territory. People fro m Portland

and Salem in New E ngland left their famili es and friends behind to travel thou-

sands of miles to set up new homes and farms in outlying areas. The result of emi-

gration caused land prices to plummet, further worsening the economic situation

in New England.

Farmers in Massachusetts petitioned against what they saw as unfair debt collec-

tion practices and high lawyer and court fees. Many of them had fought valiantly in

the American Revolution, without pay, only to return home to be hauled into court

for debts. The men appealed to Governor Bowdoin and the council of Massachu-

setts, proclaiming their loyalty to the nation, but opposing the state’s policies around

debt and taxes. The governor and the council, which was made up in large part of

eastern merchants, rejected the farmers’ pleas. Bowdoin did not think it fair to pun-

ish those who lent the money (mainly merchants) just because those who borrowed

could not repay their debts. In the case of Massachusetts, a bulk of the debt was

owned by merchants and creditor groups who had a ﬁrm grasp on local government.

It was these groups who put in place high poll taxes, which affected farmers more

than any other group, shifting the debt burden onto those who could least afford it.

It is estimated that one-third of a farmer’ s income went to taxes after 1780. Bowdoin

and the rest of the government ignored the political discontent and opted to ride out

the storm, believing it would soon subside.

The state’s indifference to the plight of rural residents angered farmers through-

out central and western Massachusetts. They began meeting in places such as Con-

key’s Tavern in Pelham, where ﬁery speakers like Daniel Shays, Samuel Ely, and

Luke Days p reached for more paper money, tax r elief, relief for debtors, and the

end of debtors’ prisons. Shays, a former captain in the Revolutionary War, admit-

ted to crowds gathered at the tavern that even th ough he had not l os t his farm to

foreclosure, he doubted he would be able to hold onto it m uch longer. He railed

against lawyers and their high fees and how to the courts worked only fo r the

wealthy. Shays further emphasized the line between eastern and western

Massachusetts. The division between farmers and merchants within the state had

existed since its earliest colonial days. The farmers formed the New England Regu-

lation, though they would go down in history as Shaysites, as their opponents called

210 Shays’ Rebellion (1787)

them. At ﬁ rst, they modeled their tactics after those used during the American

Revolution. They used liberty poles and liberty trees and believed they were acting

in the spirit of the Re v olution.

For his part, Daniel Shays always denied being the chief leader of the group. He

pointed out that decisions w ere made collectively by the regulator s. Shays, the

poor son of Irish immigrants, was reluctant to le ad any of his fellow farmers into

battle. He believed, however, that he could help maintain peace, while still con-

vincing the government to revise its policies on debt collection and taxation. One

farmer described Shays as “a ﬁrm leader and a man that is capable of keeping

his h ead in case of emergency.” Other men who helped l ead Shays’ Rebellion

included Luke Da ys, Moses Sash, Job Shattuck, Henry Gale, and William

Whiting, who was a jud ge from Berkshire County. These men all fought in the

Revolutionary War, some achieving heroic honors. Shays himself was commended

for his bravery at Stony Point in New York by General Lafayette. But in the eyes of

the Massachusetts government, they would all be branded traitors and charged

with treason and other crimes.

The earliest actions taken by the New England Regulation took place in the

summer of 1786. In August, the regulators stormed the Northampton courthouse,

where they successfully stopped the trial and imprisonment of many debtors. Even

though Shays refused to head up t he Pelham contingent of Regulators for the

Northampton courthouse, he reluctantly agreed to head up the group one month

later, as they marched on the Springﬁeld courthouse. He hoped to keep the men’s

tempers at bay and keep the situation from getting out of hand. Shays negotiated

with General W illiam Shepard, who commanded the militia troops stationed in front

of t he courthouse. In the end, Shepard agreed that the judges and militia would

peaceably abandon the courthouse and that the Regulators would march and demon-

strate outside of it, rather than by taking it by force. The New England Regulators

traveled to Berkshire, Hampshire, Middlesex, and Worcester counties, where they

met little to no resistance. All over central and western Massachusetts, legal proceed-

ings were halted. Through the summer and fall of 1786, Shaysites traveled around

Massachusetts preventing foreclosures on farms and keeping courts from opening,

thereby spurning the collection debts. They fought to keep honest men from going

to jail and opened debtors’ prisons to free those incarcerated.

Encouraged by their easy early victories, in which no blood was shed nor a bul-

let ﬁred, the Shaysites continued their own brand of justice, throwing caution to

the win d. However, as winter approached, confrontations grew angrier. Governor

Bowdoin and the merchants and creditors of Boston, grew frustrated with the cen-

tral government’s apparent lack of ability to deal with the rabble-rousers. So they

funded a special private militia of 4,400 men, led by General Benjamin Lincoln .

Shaysites heard rumors of brutal conduct by militia, particularly to innocent

Shays’ Rebellion (1787) 211

bystanders including w omen and children. They deci ded that stronger measures

were needed, and to do that, they needed weapons.

Despite early victories, the Shaysites were badly organized, poorly armed, and

not up to ﬁght a real militia. T hey had yet to encounter armed forces of a ny real

size, and w he n they se t off for the Springﬁe ld armory, they did n ot expect to be

ﬁred upon . In an effort to reason with Shays, whom th ey perc eived a s the head

of t he insurrection, the government sent General Rufus Putnam, Shays’ fo rmer

commander during the Revolution, to speak with Shays about surrender. After a

series of talks with Putnam, Shays, still conﬁdent with his early victories, refused

to submit, proving to be just as stubborn as Bowdoin and his Boston merchants.

On January 25, 1787, Shays led a group of 1,500 farmers and other citizens to

Springﬁeld Armory, which housed 7,000 muskets and 1,300 barrels of gunpowder.

Fellow New England Regulator Luke Days was to lead a force of men from West

Springﬁeld to the armory to meet up wit h Shays’ men. However a message that

Days would be delayed by one day was intercepted by Shepard, who stationed a

group of 1,000 men within the armory. Even after they learned that the armory

was ﬁlled with militia, Shays and his men continued to advance. From inside the

armory, Shepard warned Shays and his men, “come any nearer at your peril” and

ﬁred two warming shots, still wanting to avoid bloodshed. However, as the Regu-

lators continued to advance, Shepard ordered his men to ﬁre into the crowd. Four

Regulators were killed, and 20 were wounded. The shocked Regulators could not

believe Shepard and his men had actually ﬁred on them. There were cries of “Mur-

der!” before Shays’ men dispersed, and the rebellions leaders scatte red to other

states. General Benjamin Lincoln and his forces captured Luke Day in West

Springﬁeld. Shays retrea ted to Pelham, Massachusetts, and then on to Vermont,

which was not part of the Union. Lincoln marched through subzer o temperatures

and a snowstorm to Petersham, where many insurgents ﬂed. He and his men

covered an impressive 30 miles in 13 hours on foot. The surprised rebels were cap-

tured. After a monthlong pursuit, many Shaysites were captured and sentenced to

death, though they would eventually be granted general amnesty in 1788.

Following the uprising at the Springﬁeld Armory, Bowdoin offered amnesty for

those involved in the New England Regulation. He passed the Disqualifying Act

on February 16, 1787, which set forth conditions for granting pardons to the par-

ticipants of Shays’ Rebellion. Rebels were required to turn in their guns and

pledge a n oath of allegiance to the governm ent. Their names would then be sent

to their town clerks, and they would then be prevented from holding public ofﬁce

or voting. Even po sitions such as schoolmaster or tavern k eeper were forbidden.

Attorney General Robert Treat Paine was put in charge of prosecuting offenders,

and he started a blacklist of those he believed to be in cahoots with Shays and

his ilk. This harsh measure did not please the public, who saw the D isqualifying

212 Shays’ Rebellion (1787)

Act as a smokescreen for Bowdoin and his supporters to keep power. Even Benjamin

Lincoln, who was a foe of Shays right from the start, believed the governor and his

advisors were going too far.

Popular support for the Shaysites was apparent immediately following their

capture, not just in Massachusetts, but in all of the New England states as well as

New York. During the hunt for Shaysites, th e government tried to intimidate the

women of many of the men involved. These women, hardened already from the

Revolution, did not give in to the harassment. In fact, the women of central and

western Massachusett s were instrumental in organizing a campaign for leniency

once their husbands, sons, fathers, or brothers were captured, traveling many miles

to Boston to plead for their release. Bowdoin, always a friend of eas tern mer-

chants, remained ﬁrm that the rebels be dealt with in the harshest of terms, and

he offered up w arrants and rewards for the Shays ites. Two rebels were execut ed

before Bowdoin lost the 1787 gubernatorial election to federalist John Hancock.

In fact , political unhappiness w ith the administration in M assachusetts was

painfully clear in the 1787 election. Voter turnout was three times larger that year

than the previous year, despite hundreds of men not being able to vote because of

the Disqualifying Act. Not only was James Bowdoin ousted from ofﬁce as gover-

nor, half of the state’s legislature was replaced as well. New Governor Hancock

proved to be much m ore sympathetic to the plights of poor prisoners. Lincoln

was put in charge of a commission to pardon the Shaysites, extending pardons to

790 men who did take the oath of the Disqualifying Act. He pardoned all but

one of the condemned men, including Daniel Shays. The one man who did hang

had been found guilty of theft, and so went to the gallows for criminal activities

rather than for debt or unpaid taxes.

The e ffects of Shays’ Rebel lion were felt both i mmediately and in the long

term. It revealed the ineffectuality of the new government in dealing with political

stress, such as economic unrest, and it brought to many peop le’s a ttention how

wel l—or in this case, poorly—the centra l government was operating. The rebel-

lion convinced a powerful group of Americans that the national government

needed more power so that it could strengthen economic policies and protect prop-

erty owners from attacks by local majorities, like merchant creditors. It came

down to private liberty versus public liberty, or keeping unrestrained power in

the hands of all citizens, not just the wealthy, landed ones. James Madison pointed

out that “Liberty may be endangered by the abuses of liberty as well as the abuses

of power.”

While the wealthy classes saw Shays’ Rebellion as an attack on them, believing

paper currency to be as bad as taxation without representation, many others, like

the Federalists, saw a need for reforms. Shays’ Rebellion reached across all 13 states,

evoking similar movements in New York, Connecticut, and New Hampshire. After

Shays’ Rebellion (1787) 213