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of concern about population decline, and
policy makers are interested in tracking and
understanding growth and change in the com-
position of population by age, sex, marital and
socio-occupational status and ethnic origin.
Many of the features characteristic of the
French population in the twentieth century
were already present at the turn of the cen-
tury. Compared with its neighbours, France
was well advanced in the demographic transi-
tion from high to low mortality and birth rates,
primarily as a result of voluntary birth control
and medical and social advances in the care of
infants and young children. In less than a cen-
tury, life expectancy at birth has increased by
thirty years: at birth, men in France may ex-
pect to live almost to the age of 74, and women
to 82 (the largest age difference between men
and women among EU member-states). Over
the same time span, infant mortality rates have
fallen dramatically from above 160 to below
6.5 deaths per 1,000 live births.
The second half of the twentieth century
has been marked by fluctuations in family
building patterns. In the immediate postwar
years, France shared with its neighbours a sig-
nificant increase in birth rates, described as
the ‘baby boom’. A peak was reached in 1946
for total fertility rates, with 2.98 children per
woman. From the mid-1960s, the birth rate
fell, and family size decreased. In the 1990s,
France was still above the European average,
with a fertility rate of 1.66, but below the re-
placement level needed to ensure continued
population growth. The fall in birth rates has
been attributed to a number of factors, in par-
ticular the widespread use of effective forms
of contraception combined with changing as-
pirations. By the 1990s, fewer couples were
choosing to have two children than one child,
but France remained above the European av-
erage for the proportion of couples with three
and four children. While most French women
are producing a smaller number of children,
fewer women are remaining childless: about
10 per cent of the women born in the early
1940s will have no children, compared with
20 per cent half a century earlier.
The continued growth in population size
can be explained by the combined effect of
the reduction in mortality rates, the increase
in the number of women of child-bearing age
(the baby boomers) and immigration. Between
1955 and 1971, during the years of economic
expansion (les trente glorieuses), immigration
was encouraged to bolster the workforce. It
was fuelled by decolonization, particularly in
1962 with the repatriation from Algeria fol-
lowing independence. From 1974, as France
entered recession in the wake of the oil crises,
restrictions were introduced to curb immigra-
tion, resulting in the stabilization of the for-
eign population, which accounted for 6.3 per
cent of total population in the mid-1990s.
The effect of declining birth rates at a time
of increasing life expectancy was to stimulate
population ageing. The second half of the
twentieth century has seen continuing change
in the age structure of the population as the
baby boomers move through the generations.
The proportion of young people (under 20)
has fallen slightly from 29.5 per cent in 1946
to 26.8 per cent in 1993, while the population
over 60 (statutory retirement age) has risen
from 16.0 to 19.7 per cent, and that over the
age of 75 from 3.4 to 6.3 per cent. The pro-
portion of the population of working age (20
to 59 years), after falling between 1965 and
1975, has regained its 1950 level with 53.6
per cent. Because of the intensity of the baby
boom, the full effect of population ageing will
not, however, be felt in France until the year
2020, when the baby boomers have reached
retirement age. Already by the mid-1990s, care
for older people was recognized as a growing
social problem. Because female life expectancy
is greater than that of men, women are
overrepresented among older people. They are
also less likely to have contributed to occupa-
tional pension schemes and are, therefore, ex-
pected to place an increasingly heavy finan-
cial and physical burden on a diminishing
population of working age.
LINDA HANTRAIS
See also: abortion/contraception; family; so-
cial policy; social security; women and em-
ployment; women and social policy
demographic developments