Theakston K. After Number 10. Former Prime Ministers in British Politics

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commissioner 1995–99 and was a central ﬁgure in the corruption and

incompetence scandals that brought down the Santer commission. Santer

himself was the second former prime minister of Luxembourg to be head

of the European commission, following in the footsteps of Gaston Thorn

(and after he resigned as president of the commission, Santer became an

MEP from 1999 to 2004). Romano Prodi was EU commission president

1999–2004 after being Italian PM 1996–98, later plunging back into Italian

politics and becoming prime minister again 2006–08. José Manuel Barroso,

who had been Portuguese PM from 2002 to 2004, succeeded him.

A couple of former prime ministers have, at one time or another, been

appointed as EU ambassadors: Dries van Agt (Dutch PM 1977–82) was the

European community’s ambassador to Japan and then to the USA between

1989 and 1995, while John Bruton (Irish PM 1994–97) became EU ambas-

sador to the USA in 2004. Former Swedish prime minister, Carl Bildt wore

several different caps during his time as a mediator in the Balkans in the

1990s, including being the EU’s special envoy to the former Yugoslavia. He

was also at different times co-chairman of the Drayton peace conference,

High Representative for Bosnia and Herzegovina, and the UN secretary

general’s special envoy for the Balkans.

A strong supporter of the idea of a United States of Europe, Giscard

D’Estaing presided over the Convention on the Future of Europe 2001–03,

drafting the EU constitution rejected by voters in his native France in the

2005 referendum. Three former PMs from different countries were closely

involved in that Convention’s work: John Bruton, Giuliano Amato and

Jean-Luc Dehaene. In 2007 Felipe González of Spain (prime minister

1982–96) was put in charge of a special high-level group to write a report

on the future of Europe and the challenges the EU will face from 2020

to 2030.

As with Tony Blair’s Middle East envoy role, global diplomacy has

offered opportunities for some former leaders. Bill Clinton claimed his

post-presidential ‘dream job’ was secretary-general of the United Nations,

though he admitted it was not a realistic prospect. Jimmy Carter once

said he would have taken that job if offered it.

Former Danish prime

minister Poul Hartling was the UN high commissioner for refugees

1978–85, with former Dutch PM Ruud Lubbers later holding that post

2001–05. Gough Whitlam served for three years as Australian ambassador

to UNESCO in the 1980s. Joe Clark served as the UN secretary-general’s

special representative for Cyprus in 1993–96. Gro Harlem Brundtland,

former prime minister of Norway, ran the World Health Organisation

1998–2003 and is now the UN secretary-general’s special envoy on climate

change. In retirement former Australian PM Malcolm Fraser was active in

international efforts to end apartheid and secure reform in South Africa,

chairing various UN and Commonwealth ‘eminent persons’ panels and

high-level groups.

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Money matters

Former presidents, argued Harry Truman, should not ‘use their special

experience for private and personal gain’ or permit themselves to be ‘used

by any private interests’ because of the ofﬁce they had held. When he left

the White House in 1953, Truman’s only income initially came from an

army pension of $1,300 a year – he rejected several big-money offers of

business appointments but eventually received $600,000 for writing his

memoirs. In 1969 de Gaulle took himself off to Colombey-les-Deux-Église

to write his memoirs and brood on ‘France’s slide into mediocrity’, turning

down the pensions he was entitled to as a former president and retired

general, and living modestly on a colonel’s pension.

Many of today’s

former leaders, in contrast, seem only too willing to ‘cash in’ on their status

as an ex-prime minister or ex-president, in addition to enjoying substantial

ofﬁcial support and retirement ‘perks’.

In the USA pensions and other support, for staff, travel, ofﬁce-rental, tele-

phones and postage, were introduced in the 1958 Former Presidents Act

– the $25,000 per year pension of 1958 growing to $191,000 by 2008. The

total annual pensions and expenses bill for the three living current former

presidents in 2008 is $2.5 million. The Presidential Transition Act of 1963

provides ex-presidents with funds to cover expenses in the ﬁrst six months

out of ofﬁce. Clinton received $1.8 million for the 2001 transition. On top

of all this is the bill for secret-service protection for former presidents and

their spouses, introduced only after the 1963 Kennedy assassination and

estimated as running to $24 million a year in 2000. Nixon gave up his

secret-service protection in 1985 but Ford’s bodyguards, shadowing him

round some of the lushest golf courses in the US, used to boast of having

the best jobs in government. The US taxpayer also funds the maintenance

and operating costs of the presidential libraries built by every former presi-

dent since Hoover to house their papers and serve as museum, monument

and shrine, though the former presidents themselves have to take on the

heavy burden of raising privately the large sums of money needed to build

these institutions.

Though some are sceptical about what former top politicians can bring

to the boardroom, their contacts, name-recognition, presentational and

networking skills, and ability to open doors with foreign governments

are valuable assets, as many ex-leaders around the world have found. Bob

Hawke, the former Labor prime minister in Australia became wealthy – poss-

ibly worth $50 million – reportedly through the property market and busi-

ness deals in China. Former Spanish PM Aznar joined Rupert Murdoch’s

News Corporation media conglomerate. Many former leaders can quietly

make their money in this sort of way. Sometimes there are controversies,

as over the links of both Carl Bildt, former Swedish PM and, more recently,

former German chancellor Schroder with the Russian energy company

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Gazprom, and sometimes there are odd surprises, as when Mikhail Gorbachev

appeared in a Pizza Hut commercial and in adverts for Louis Vuitton’s luxury

luggage (to raise money for his foundation), or when Gerald Ford and Henry

Kissinger appeared in the American TV soap opera ‘Dynasty’.

In contrast with Truman, former US presidents are nowadays million-

aires. Money was never a problem for Lyndon Johnson, then the richest

ex-president in American history, owner of TV stations, banks, property

and ranches worth $15–20 million. Gerald Ford was described as the

ﬁrst person ‘to make a job – a very lucrative one – out of being a former

president’, raking in large sums through speaking engagements (the so-

called ‘mashed potato circuit’) and from sitting on corporate boards, soon

earning over a $1 million a year from these activities. Ronald Reagan banked

$2 million from an eight-day speaking tour of Japan. Bill Clinton’s earnings

have been enormous. He can easily make more from just one speech than

his annual presidential pension. He is reported as having earned a total of

nearly $40 million on the international lecture circuit since leaving ofﬁce

in 2001. The Clintons left the White House with an estimated $12 million

legal debts, but by 2007 were worth somewhere between $10 and $50 million,

according to Hillary Clinton’s Senate disclosure forms.

Putting pen to paper

Former presidents and prime ministers ‘sell their lives dearly’, as Roy Jenkins

once put it. Bill Clinton, who is reported as having a $12 million advance

for his memoirs, holds the record. Clinton’s My Life, published in 2004,

went on to sell a record 400,000 on its ﬁrst day and a million copies in

the ﬁrst week.

However, one suspects that more copies of former leaders’

memoirs are sold than read.

Although one former president, Ulysses S. Grant, in 1885 wrote memoirs

which are an acknowledged literary masterpiece, the ex-leader’s anxiety

about his or her ‘legacy’ and the aims of detailed historical self-justiﬁcation,

settling of scores and making of money often combine to produce some-

thing weighty, stilted and tedious. ‘Good God, what crap!’, wrote Harry

Truman after reading the manuscript of his memoirs. Clinton’s memoirs

run to 957 pages and were described in a devastating New York Times review

as ‘sloppy, self-indulgent and often eye-crossingly dull’.

Some former leaders range more widely. Books on foreign policy and

broader world problems are a favourite genre – as seen in Paul Keating’s

book Engagement: Australia Faces the Asia-Paciﬁc (2000), George H.W. Bush’s

book (co-authored with Brent Scowcroft), A World Transformed (1998), and

various publications by Helmut Schmidt. Thatcher’s (2002) book Statecraft

is of this type. As part of his careful campaign to rehabilitate his reputation

in the eyes of history, Richard Nixon published ten books, largely about

foreign policy and global issues. Jimmy Carter has been the most proliﬁc

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former president, writing over 20 books, including memoirs, policy books

(including a controversial book on the Middle East), a self-help book, poetry,

a children’s book and the ﬁrst novel to be written by a former US president

(a not-very-good one, about the American revolutionary war in the South).

Giscard D’Estaing also wrote a novel of dubious quality, panned by the critics.

Neither Carter nor Giscard measure up against Disraeli. Vaclav Havel, the

former Czech president, has written a play called ‘Leaving’ about a politician’s

painful adjustment to a new life after relinquishing ofﬁce.

Health and age factors

Longevity and good health are essential ingredients for a successful post-

presidency or post-premiership. ‘I outlived the bastards’, the long-lived

Herbert Hoover is supposed to have said of his political critics and foes.

Leaving ofﬁce at 58, Hoover lived to the age of 90 and had the longest post-

presidency in American history, of over 31 years, for the ﬁrst third of which,

when FDR was in the White House, he was almost an ‘unperson’, but he

was then able to play a useful, non-partisan public service role.

Gerald Ford,

who died aged 93 in 2006, had the second-longest post presidency: 29 years

and 11 months.

‘There is nothing left … but to get drunk’, moaned one particularly

depressed 19th century ex-US president – and there have been similar cases

since in other countries. Deprivation of power, status, public attention and

high-octane political activity – combined with general ageing effects – can

make ‘letting go’ and retirement difﬁcult, even traumatic. Lyndon Johnson

was only 60 when he swopped the presidency for a lonely and bitter exile

in Texas, where he went into a pretty steep decline and died, exhausted

and depressed, only four years later.

The average age at which postwar British prime ministers left that ofﬁce

was 63; excluding the assassinated John F. Kennedy, postwar US presidents

left the White House at an average age of 64; German chancellors left ofﬁce

at an average age of 68, French Fifth Republic prime ministers at 56, and

French presidents at average age 70. There are large variations in the ﬁgures.

In all countries former leaders who leave ofﬁce in their forties or just under

– such as Laurent Fabius (39), Joe Clark (40), Carl Bildt (45) Kim Cambell (46),

Jenny Shipley (47) – are in a different position from those stepping down

or forced out in their late-sixties, seventies or older – such as Adenauer

(87), Churchill (80), de Gaulle (79), Reagan (78), Chirac (75), Mackenzie King

(74), Menzies (72), Eisenhower (70), George H. W. Bush (69) or Kohl (68).

The 40-something ex-prime minister has plenty of time in which to try to

rebuild a political or public position, or to start a wholly new career in a dif-

ferent ﬁeld. Those in their ﬁfties are usually still full of beans, too. Bill Clinton

(54) was the youngest former US president since Theodore Roosevelt, who

became an ex-president at age 50 in 1909. Jimmy Carter left the presidency

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aged 56 – at the same age Ronald Reagan was still nearly 14 years off enter-

ing the White House. ‘The younger [former leaders] are, the more oppor-

tunities they are likely to seize. They have more energy. They need more

money for the years ahead. They often have more to prove. They have more

time in which to carry out their plans.’

Institutionalising the ex-leader’s role?

Over the last two decades, some former leaders have carved out a new sort

of role, involving public service and public-policy advocacy and activism,

together with the creation of an eponymous institutional base to support

and further these activities on an international level. Jimmy Carter was the

trailblazer, in some eyes redeﬁning the ex-presidency and extending its

scope and potential.

Bill Clinton has explicitly cited Carter as the model

for his own post-presidential path. Carter is often described as one of the

best, if not the greatest of US ex-presidents, a status underlined by his win-

ning the Nobel Peace Prize in 2002. Widely seen (but not by himself) as

having been a failure as president, loathed by the Reaganites in the 1980s

and with his own party keeping its distance, his self-reinvention as a global

peacemaker gave him a new sense of purpose, and brought political resur-

rection and public acclaim, including higher poll ratings than he had enjoyed

when in the White House. However, his post-presidential role has been more

ambiguous than it appears at ﬁrst glance.

The image of the ex-president ‘citizen Carter’, wearing a hard-hat and

wielding a hammer, working, along with his wife, to build houses for the

poor with the Christian organisation Habitat for Humanity is well-known.

His wider activities come under the umbrella of the Carter Center, based in

Florida, launched in the 1980s as a non-proﬁt organisation. It has a staff of

150, an annual budget of $35 million and has worked in over 60 countries

around the world, promoting peace, democracy and human rights, mon-

itoring elections, mediating in conﬂicts, and tackling poverty and disease

in developing nations. Carter sees the Center as continuing the unﬁnished

business of his presidency and has played an active and hands-on role in

its work. Carter’s strong religious faith, boundless energy, integrity and

idealism are all to the fore in this humanitarian work.

In less positive terms, critics have also seen naivety, egoism and self-

righteousness. Carter was an outsider and a maverick as president, and remained

so as an ex-president. His successors in the White House have frequently been

wary about his ‘freelance’ diplomacy, grandstanding and ‘unconscionable

glory-hogging on CNN’. He appalled the ﬁrst Bush administration by privately

writing to world leaders in the 1990–91 Gulf War, urging them not to back

the US-led response to Saddam’s occupation of Kuwait. He was seen by the

White House as a former president treacherously trying to sabotage US gov-

ernment policy on the eve of a war. Carter then antagonised and annoyed

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Clinton and his administration with his activities in North Korea, Haiti and

Bosnia, and on other issues, in the 1990s. More recently he described the

foreign policy of the George W. Bush administration as ‘the worst in

history’. The danger is that an activist ex-president pursuing a strong per-

sonal agenda may at times seem like a loose-cannon, meddling in or blur-

ring the foreign policy pursued by the incumbent leader and government.

By setting up foundations, other former leaders ‘have sought to capitalise

on their prestige and personal contacts … [aiming to continue their presi-

dency or premiership] by other means, with less power, but without the

boring bits, the same level of scrutiny or the opposition and other con-

straints that handicapped them in ofﬁce’. Gorbachev and Yeltsin estab-

lished foundations after leaving power, as did Nelson Mandela and Jacques

Chirac. Clinton has a foundation and launched in 2005 the Clinton Global

Initiative. Tony Blair was inﬂuenced by Clinton’s record. Both Mandela

and Clinton have been able to exploit their global celebrity status to raise

large amounts of money to campaign about, raise awareness of, and help to

address pressing world problems like AIDS, education, poverty, democratic

development and environmental issues. Mandela has also been active as a

peace-maker and conﬂict-mediator in Africa.

There are now collective organisations of former world leaders. Ex-US

President Gerald Ford used to host annual meetings of the ‘Vail Group’,

which included ex-Chancellor of Germany Helmut Schmidt, ex-British PM

James Callaghan and ex-French President Giscard D’Estaing, to discuss inter-

national issues. In 1983 Schmidt helped to found the InterAction Council

with over 30 former heads of state and heads of government. A notable

product of this grouping was the idea of a ‘Universal Declaration of Human

Responsibilities’ to counterbalance the Universal Declaration of Human

Rights. The Club of Madrid, founded in 2001, has an even larger membership

of former leaders and is focused particularly on promoting democracy;

in addition to its public programme of meetings, conferences and reports

it offers conﬁdential ‘peer-to-peer advice and counselling to current leaders

struggling to build or consolidate democracy’. In 2007 another group called

‘The Elders’ was formed, aiming to address world problems, and including

Mandela, ex-UN secretary general Koﬁ Anan, Jimmy Carter and ex-Irish presi-

dent Mary Robinson among its members.

Sceptics argue this model of

‘all-star teams’ of ‘hipster statesmen’ cannot work for all policy problems,

that politicians in ofﬁce can make more happen, and that calling attention to

a problem is not the same as solving it.

This observation might be true in

general but may underestimate the impact and leverage of these groups/

networks and activities in particular cases. For those former leaders who do

not want to retire or move completely into private or business life, they offer a

new role and an institutionalised and globalised way of using their talents and

experience.

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Notes

Chapter 1

1 ‘How to be Ex-Prime Minister’, BBC2, 17 July 2007 [http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/

uk_politics/6233470.stm].

2 Peter D. Just, ‘United Kingdom: Life after Number 10 – Premiers Emeritus and

Parliament’, Journal of Legislative Studies, vol. 10, no. 2/3, 2004, pp.66–78.

3 A.J.P. Taylor, British Prime Ministers and Other Essays (London: Penguin, 1999),

p.13.

4 Philip Williamson and Edward Baldwin (eds), Baldwin Papers: A Conservative

Statesman 1908–1947 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004), p.475;

Henry Taylor, The Statesman (New York: New American Library, 1958 [ﬁrst pub-

lished 1836]), p.154.

5 Terry Coleman, Movers and Shakers (London: Andre Deutsch, 1987), p.117;

John Sergeant, Maggie: Her Fatal Legacy (London: Macmillan, 2005), pp.186,

202.

6 David Marquand, Ramsay MacDonald (London: Jonathan Cape, 1977), p.696;

David Carlton, Anthony Eden (London: Allen and Unwin, 1981), p.469.

7 The Guardian, 26 May 2007; Alistair Horne, Macmillan 1957–1986: Volume II of

the Ofﬁcial Biography (London: Macmillan, 1989), p.567.

8 Roy Jenkins, The Chancellors (London: Macmillan, 1998), p.187.

9 The Times, 2 August 1976; D.R. Thorpe, Alec Douglas-Home (London: Sinclair-

Stevenson, 1996), p.404.

10 Anthony Trollope, The Prime Minister (Oxford: Oxford World’s Classics, 1999),

vol. II, pp.305, 350, 359, 362; Anthony Trollope, The Duke’s Children (Oxford:

Oxford World’s Classics, 1999), p.622.

11 Philip Ziegler, Addington (London: Collins, 1965), p.260.

12 James Margach, The Anatomy of Power (London: W.H. Allen, 1979), p.34;

The Guardian, 7 June 2006; Williamson and Baldwin (eds), Baldwin Papers, p.475;

The Times, 23 June 2007.

13 H. Montgomery Hyde, Neville Chamberlain (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson,

1976), p.86; The Observer, 3 December 1978.

14 Roy Jenkins, Gladstone (London: Macmillan, 1995), p.190.

15 Robert Stewart, The Penguin Dictionary of Political Quotations (Harmondsworth:

Penguin, 1984), p.13; Robert Rhodes James, The British Revolution: British Politics

1880–1939 (London: Methuen, 1978), p.474; The Guardian, 8 February 2007;

Keith Kyle, Suez (London: I.B. Tauris, 2003), p.508.

16 Trevor Lloyd, ‘Thatcher and Her Ministers’, Albion: A Quarterly Journal Concerned

with British Studies, vol. 26, no. 4, 1994, p.645; The Observer, 4 October 1998; The

Times, 8 October 1998.

17 H.C.G. Matthew, Gladstone 1875–1898 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1995),

p.369.

18 Select Committee on the Remuneration of Ministers, HC 241 (1920), qs.145,

169–70, 193–202; Select Committee on Ministers’ Remuneration, HC 170

(1930), qs.177, 319–20, 324–9; The Times, 1 February 1924; House of Commons

debates, 12 April 1937, col. 650.

238

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19 Review Body on Top Salaries, Report no. 64, Review of Parliamentary Pay, Pensions

and Allowances 2007, vol. 1 – Report, Cm 7270-1, pp.32–3, 39, 40; House of

Commons debates, 16 January 2008, col. 34WS.

20 The National Archives, PRO, PREM 16/109; House of Commons debates,

12 March 1974, col. 86.

21 Daily Telegraph, 6 October 2009; Tony Benn, More Time for Politics: Diaries

2001–2007 (London: Hutchinson, 2007), p.50; The Times, 11 September 2009;

information from the Metropolitan Police (FoI request 2006060003055); BBC

‘Open Secrets’ blog: http://www.bbc.co.uk/blogs/opensecrets/2006/05/callaghan_

left_unprotected.html; http://www.bbc.co.uk/blogs/opensecrets/2006/06/post_3.

html

22 The Times, 26 April 2007; The Guardian, 11 January 2008.

Chapter 2

1 A term used by his 18th century biographer, William Coxe, in his Memoirs of the

Life and Administration of Sir Robert Walpole, Earl of Orford (London: Longman,

Hurst, Rees, Orme and Brown, 1816 [ﬁrst published 1797]), vol. 4, pp.300, 322,

323.

2 Coxe, Sir Robert Walpole, vol. 4, pp.258, 324–5; Jeremy Black, Walpole in Power

(Stroud: Sutton Publishing, 2001), p.177; Jonathan Oates, ‘Sir Robert Walpole

after His Fall from Power, 1742–1745’, History, vol. 91, issue 302, 2006, p.221.

3 Black, Walpole in Power, pp.174–5; John W. Wilkes, A Whig in Power: The Political

Career of Henry Pelham (Chicago: Northwestern University Press, 1964), pp.21,

24; H.T. Dickinson, Walpole and the Whig Supremacy (London: The English

Universities Press, 1973), p.189.

4 Black, Walpole in Power, pp.176–7; Oates, ‘Sir Robert Walpole after His Fall from

Power’, pp.221, 222; Wilkes, A Whig in Power, p.27.

5 Oates, ‘Sir Robert Walpole after His Fall from Power’, p.229; Brian W. Hill,

Sir Robert Walpole (London: Hamish Hamilton, 1989), pp.214–16; Wilkes, A Whig

in Power, p.29.

6 Black, Walpole in Power, p.178; Coxe, Sir Robert Walpole, vol. 4, pp.329–38;

Stephen Taylor, ‘Walpole, Robert, First Earl of Orford (1676–1745)’, Oxford

Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, Sept 2004, online edn,

Jan 2008 [www.oxforddnb.com].

7 Coxe, Sir Robert Walpole, vol. 4, pp.375–8; Chris Boxall, Bob of Lynn: The First

Prime Minister: A History of Sir Robert Walpole and Houghton Hall (King’s Lynn:

King’s Lynn Press, 2007), p.32; Edward Pearce, The Great Man: Sir Robert Walpole:

Scoundrel, Genius and Britain’s First Prime Minister (London: Jonathan Cape, 2007),

p.423.

8 A.J.P. Taylor, British Prime Ministers and Other Essays (London: Penguin, 1999),

pp.13–14; Pearce, The Great Man, p.419; Plumb quoted in Oates, ‘Sir Robert

Walpole after His Fall from Power’, p.229.

9 Edmund A. Spriggs, ‘The Illnesses and Death of Robert Walpole’, Medical History,

vol. 26, 1982, pp.421–8; Arthur J. Viseltear, ‘The Last Illness of Sir Robert

Walpole, First Earl of Orford’, Bulletin of the History of Medicine, vol. 41, no. 3, 1967,

pp.195–207.

10 Coxe, Sir Robert Walpole, vol. 4, p.376.

11 Aubrey Newman, ‘Henry Pelham’, in Herbert Van Thal (ed.), The Prime Ministers,

vol. 1: Sir Robert Walpole to Sir Robert Peel (London: Allen and Unwin, 1974), p.64;

Notes 239

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Dermot Engleﬁeld, Janet Seaton and Isobel White, Facts About the British Prime

Ministers (London: Mansell, 1995), p.410.

12 John Wilkes, A Whig in Power: The Political Career of Henry Pelham (New York:

Northwestern University Press, 1964), pp.212, 214–15; P.J. Kulisheck, ‘Pelham,

Henry (1694–1754)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University

Press, Sept 2004, online edn, Jan 2008 [www.oxforddnb.com].

13 Philip Lawson, ‘William Cavendish, Fourth Duke of Devonshire’, in Robert

Eccleshall and Graham Walker (eds), Biographical Dictionary of British Prime Ministers

(London: Routledge, 1998), p.35.

14 Peter D. Brown and Karl W. Schweizer (eds), The Devonshire Diary: William

Cavendish, Fourth Duke of Devonshire: Memoranda on State Affairs 1759–1762

(London: Royal Historical Society, 1982), p.8.

15 Karl W. Schweizer, ‘Cavendish, William, Fourth Duke of Devonshire (bap. 1720,

d. 1764)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, Sept

2004, online edn, Jan 2008 [www.oxforddnb.com]; G.M.D. Howat, ‘The Duke

of Devonshire’, in Van Thal (ed.), The Prime Ministers, vol. 1, Sir Robert Walpole to

Sir Robert Peel, p.99.

16 Reed Browning, The Duke of Newcastle (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press,

1975), p.291.

17 Reed Browning, ‘Holles, Thomas Pelham-, Duke of Newcastle upon Tyne and

First Duke of Newcastle under Lyme (1693–1768)’, Oxford Dictionary of National

Biography, Oxford University Press, Sept 2004, online edn, Jan 2008 [www.

oxforddnb.com]; Browning, The Duke of Newcastle, pp.322–3.

18 Browning, The Duke of Newcastle, pp.306–16.

19 Browning, The Duke of Newcastle, pp.322–7, 330–3.

20 Browning, The Duke of Newcastle, pp.325–7; Browning in ODNB; Ray A. Kelch,

Newcastle: A Duke Without Money – Thomas Pelham-Holles 1693–1768 (London:

Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1974).

21 Kelch, Newcastle: A Duke Without Money, p.185; Browning, The Duke of Newcastle,

pp.331, 334.

22 John Brewer, ‘The Misfortunes of Lord Bute: A Case-Study of Eighteenth Century

Political Argument and Public Opinion’, Historical Journal, vol. 16, no. 1, 1973,

pp.3–43.

23 Karl W. Schweizer, ‘Introduction: Lord Bute Interpreted in History’, in Karl

W. Schweizer (ed.), Lord Bute: Essays in Re-interpretation (Leicester: Leicester

University Press, 1988), pp.6, 10; Alice M. Coats, Lord Bute: An Illustrated Life

of John Stuart, Third Earl of Bute 1713–1792 (Aylesbury: Shire Publications, 1975),

pp.33, 35, 42.

24 Peter D. Brown, ‘Bute in Retirement’, in Schweizer (ed.), Lord Bute: Essays in

Re-interpretation, p.241.

25 Frank O’Gorman, ‘The Myth of Lord Bute’s Secret Inﬂuence’, in Schweizer (ed.),

Lord Bute: Essays in Re-interpretation, pp.57–81.

26 O’Gorman, ‘The Myth of Lord Bute’s Secret Inﬂuence’, p.66.

27 Brown, ‘Bute in Retirement’, p.259.

28 The Times, 13 March 1792.

29 Philip Lawson, George Grenville: A Political Life (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1984),

pp.v–vi.

30 J.V. Beckett, ‘George Grenville, Prime Minister 1763–1765: Career Politician or

Country Gentleman?’, Parliamentary History, vol. 14, no. 2, 1995, pp.139–48;

John Beckett, The Rise and Fall of the Grenvilles: Dukes of Buckingham and Chandos

1710 to 1921 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1994), pp.84–5; Lawson,

240 Notes

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George Grenville, p.154; J.V. Beckett and Peter D.G. Thomas, ‘Grenville, George

(1712–1770)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press,

Sept 2004, online edn Jan 2008 [www.oxforddnb.com].

31 Lawson, George Grenville, pp.2, 219, 241–2, 246; Beckett and Thomas in ODNB.

32 Lawson, George Grenville, pp.vi, 224, 226.

33 Marie Peters, The Elder Pitt (London: Longman, 1998), pp.224–6; William Hague,

William Pitt the Younger (London: HarperCollins, 2004), pp.xxi–xxiv.

34 Jeremy Black, Pitt the Elder (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992),

p.274; Peters, The Elder Pitt, pp.182–3, 189.

35 Peters, The Elder Pitt, pp.2, 190, 209; Karl W. Schweizer, review of Jeremy Black,

Pitt the Elder, in Albion: A Quarterly Journal Concerned with British Studies, vol. 25,

no. 4, 1993, p.712.

36 Peters, The Elder Pitt, pp.10–11, 210, 221.

37 Peters, The Elder Pitt, pp.210–13; William Stanhope Taylor and John Henry Pringle

(eds), Correspondence of William Pitt, Earl of Chatham (London: John Murray, 1840),

vol. 4, p.197, n.1.

38 Peters, The Elder Pitt, pp.187–97, 209; Black, Pitt the Elder, pp.276–87.

39 Peters, The Elder Pitt, pp.222–5; Black, Pitt the Elder, pp.29, 297–8.

40 Sir William Anson (ed.), Autobiography and Political Correspondence of Augustus

Henry, Third Duke of Grafton KG (London: John Murray, 1898), p.234.

41 Peter Durrant, ‘The Duke of Grafton’, in Van Thal (ed.), The Prime Ministers,

vol. 1, Sir Robert Walpole to Sir Robert Peel, pp.157–8, 159.

42 Anson (ed.), Autobiography, pp.viii, xxi.

43 Anson (ed.), Autobiography, pp.1–2.

44 Peter Durrant, ‘FitzRoy, Augustus Henry, Third Duke of Grafton (1735–1811)’,

Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, Sept

2004, online edn, Oct 2008 [www.oxforddnb.com]; Anson (ed.), Autobiography,

pp.xxxv–xxxviii, xl, 258–9, 264.

45 Marjorie Bloy, ‘Duke of Grafton’, in Eccleshall and Walker (eds), Biographical

Dictionary of British Prime Ministers, p.63; The Ipswich Journal, 23 March 1811.

46 Peter Whiteley, Lord North: The Prime Minister Who Lost America (London: The

Hambledon Press, 1996), pp.201, 204; Peter D.G. Thomas, Lord North (London:

Allen Lane, 1976), p.132.

47 Alan Valentine, Lord North (Norman, OK: University of Oklahoma Press, 1967),

vol. 2, p.320.

48 Whiteley, Lord North, pp.209–11.

49 Valentine, Lord North, vol. 2, pp.350, 358–9; Whiteley, Lord North, pp.215–16.

50 Whiteley, Lord North, p.217.

51 Thomas, Lord North, pp.136, 143–4, 146–7; Whiteley, Lord North, p.219.

52 Valentine, Lord North, vol. 2, p.452.

53 Ross Hoffman, The Marquis: A Study of Lord Rockingham, 1730–1782 (New

York: Fordham University Press, 1973); Stephen Farrell, ‘The Practices and

Purposes of Party Leadership: Rockingham and the Lords, 1765–82’, Parlia-

mentary History, vol. 22, no. 1, 2003, pp.13–28; Marjorie Bloy, ‘In Spite of

Medical Help: The Puzzle of an Eighteenth-Century Prime Minister’s Illness’,

Medical Hisory, vol. 34, no. 2, 1990, pp.178–84; S. M. Farrell, ‘Went-

worth, Charles Watson-, Second Marquess of Rockingham (1730–1782)’,

Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Sept 2004, online edn, Jan 2008

[www.oxforddnb.com].

54 Harold Wilson, A Prime Minister on Prime Ministers (London: Michael Joseph,

1977), p.15.

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