Щукин М.Б. Готский путь

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ГОТСКИЙ ПУТЬ (ГОТЫ, РИМ И ЧЕРНЯХОВСКАЯ КУЛЬТУРА)

The evidence for such contact are the finds of Central-European shield-bosses in

rich Sarmatian burial mounds in the Lower Don area (fig. 15), as well as tamga-

signs of the Sarmatian King Farzoi on spears from Poland and Norway (fig. 16: 22,

25), and the distribution there of golden neck rings of the Havor type (fig. 17-23).

Contact between the northern Germans and the Black Sea - Mediterranean Sea ancient

world was probably led through the Sarmatians. Master jewelers who left the Black

Sea region for Northern Europe created there decorations using filigree methods

which had not known been known previously in Northern Europe (fig. 17—23).

Written sources fix the presence of several groups of Goths on the lower Danube

in the interval between 175-238 AD. Several archaeological phenomena have been

observed from approximately this same time. Among these phenomena are the

discontinuance of burials in Wielbark burial grounds of the Odry-We_siory type in

the central part of Polish Pomerania and the appearance of such burial grounds in the

area between the Vistula River and the Western Bug River, as well as further to the

South-East in present day Byelorussia and Ukraine (fig. 5, 6). The most furthest

southern Wielbark burial grounds have been found in Moldavia on the Middle Dniestr

and in Dobrudzha beyond the Danube, while the most eastern have been found along

the river Seym in Ukraine (fig. 29, 30).

At the same time, most likely, the emigration of the Goths of King Filimer (five

generations after King Berig) to Scythia took place, as described by Jordanes (lord.

Get. 26-29). Again, this could have been only one of many such episodes.

The author proposes the idea that the events of the year of 193 AD, when the

King of the Bosphorus Sauromat II made a shattering strike against the Sarmatians —

Siraks and Scythians, of which we have evidence in his victory sign (KBN N 1237),

made the penetration of Goths from the North-West into the Black Sea region easier.

The number of Sarmatian burials in the second and third centuries is less than the

number in the prior period.

At the same time, on the border between the second and third centuries AD, and

most of all in the first half of the third century, synchronously with stages of Ci

and

of the European chronological system (see appendix 2, table 1), in Ukraine and

Moldavia a gradual process of formation of a separate culture which inhabited a

large territory began. The culture got the name Chernjakhov/Sintana de Mures.). It is

impossible in principle to establish firm calendar dates for the beginning of this

culture since, just as it is impossible to establish calendar dates for separate phases

of the evolution of this culture, since these dates can be only relative. It is only clear

that the peak of this culture came during the Kosanovo phase of evolution (fig. 32),

which is synchronous with the very end of stages of C

and the beginning of the

almost parallel stages C

and D in the understanding of K. GodJowski (Godlowski

1970) (see appendix 2, table 1). In other words the peak of the Chernjakhov/Sintana

de Mures culture came at the time after the "Scythian" or "Gothic" wars of the years

248-270, during which the Goths and other northern barbarian groups mercilessly

pillaged the Roman provinces of the Balkan Peninsula and Asia Minor (fig. 52).

Chcrnjakhov culture was a very distinct phenomenon that was new for its time.

The level of civilization of this numerous population surpasses the cultures even of

Northern Germany. The Chcrnjakhov culture peoples produced a mass of wheel-made

pottery ceramics that was bigger and better than in other spots in Barbaricum. Many

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ABSTRACT

finds have been made of glass cups and difficult-to-make combs made of horns. The

Chernjakhovs' plowing tools and millstones are also famous. Writing on ceramics

and other materials was common, and was done in Greek, Latin, and Runic inscriptions

(fig. 57, 58). It's interesting that the distribution of findings of Greek amphorae

coincides unbelievably well with the borders of the Chemjakhov culture. The number

of Chernjakhov settlements is very large. About five thousand settlements arc known

altogether. There are also many large bi-ritual burial grounds in which there are

graves with many things such as fibulae, buckles, beads, etc. The main peak of the

Chernjakhov culture came at the middle to second half of the 4

century AD.

This situation is explained by the author by the fact that the Chernjakhovs

established close and peaceful relations with the Empire. It's known that in 332 AD

the Goths struck a unioa-feodus with Constantine the Great, thereby pledging not to

allow other barbarians to the borders of the Empire, to give recruits to the Roman

army, and upon the call of the Emperor, to participate in the Empire's wars. In return

the barbarians received from the Empire payments in silver, as well as food and

clothing. Thanks to this help the Chernjakhov culture acquired its wealth and large

population. It's likely that the demographic population explosion took place at this

time, and that the Chernjakhov's got to know the "high technologies" of the age

through relations with the Roman Empire.

On the other hand, Chernjakhov culture was obviously both many-sided and multi-

ethnic. Among the carriers of this culture were, quite clearly, carriers of various

mobile groups of the comparatively rare post-Zarubintsy population as well as

Sarmatians, although the latter's participation didn't have a great effect on the external

side of the culture. The contribution of emigrants from the North-West of Europe is

also clear. Without their participation it would be impossible to imagine the appearance

of "long houses", which combined living quarters, cow and pig-sties, or a workshop

under one roof (fig. 65-68). In the early stages hand-made bowl-shaped ceramics

typical of Wielbark culture were well-represented in Chernjakhov ceramic sets.

Sometimes pottery bowls also copied Wielbark designs. Besides the carriers of

Wielbark culture, other representatives of emigrant groups from the North-West were

also present in Chernjakhov culture. The distribution of fibulae of the "Monstruozo"

type as well as metal combs (fig. 49-51) are connected by the author to the "Heruli

footprint" in the Chernjakhov culture, which passeed off Wielbark culture.

As for the origin of pottery technology, based on the findings available from one

of the kilns dug out near the settlement of Lepesovka, where shards of especially

unique ceramics were found embedded in the forge, the author suggests that the

builders of the pottery kilns were emigrants from the regions of the Roman limes,

where similar forms are found. In this connection it's important to remember the

three Moesia legions which took part in the uprising of Marinus Pacatianus in 348.

The legions were punished by Decius and left as a group to join the barbarians,

thereby inducing the Goth king Ostrogotha to make a new raid against the Empire in

351 (Jord. Get. 90, 91; Zos. 1.20,21; Zonar. 12, 19). One can't rule out the possibility

that the sources of the Chernjakhov culture of pottery can be found in the more

western regions of the Rhine-Danube limes, where old Celtic traditions were saved

both in the form of ceramics and in the shape of the kilns. Chernjakhov crockery is

one of the manifestations of the unique "Celtic Renaissance".

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ГОТСКИЙ ПУТЬ (ГОТЫ. РИМ И ЧЕРНЯХОВСКАЯ КУЛЬТУРА)

The question of glass cups made of extra-thick greenish glass with ground ovals,

whose fragments are found in almost every Chernjakhov settlement, is especially

interesting. It's unlikely that the barbarians could have known all the secrets of glass-

making. The process was too complicated, and not all necessary ingredients could

be found within the borders of Barbaricum. To transport delicate glass vessels which

were valued as much as the weight of gold over large distances would have been

next to impossible. But if wandering glass masters who came from the ancient world

would have had the chance to bring broken glass or specially made examples with

them, than all that would be left to do is acquire the technology, which could then be

done anywhere. A ball made of dark-green glass found in one of the Chernjakhov

settlements in the lower reaches of the Dnepr River (fig. 64, 3) could be one of such

examples of the raw material to be used. A map of the distribution of cups shows a

diagonal that leads from the Black Sea to Norway (fig. 63). Contact on this trail of

movement between Goths and other northern tribes obviously didn't stop.

The author relates without extra skepticism to the accounts of Jordanes about the

campaigns of the Goth king Hermanaricus against the Venetae and "arctoi gentes"

(lord. Get. Ill, 19). In his time attacks on the Empire were impossible due to a

peaceful agreement, and the energy of his subjects, who were used to living in a state

of war, demanded movement. This energy could be directed to the North with the

object of controlling the territory of the "fur trail" leading to the shores of the Kama

River. The distribution of several items (fig. 77-82) seems to support this idea,

although a reconstruction of the exact events remains very hypothetical.

The situation in Eastern and Central Europe changed very much in connection with

the unexpected invasion of the Huns somewhere between the years 369 to 376.

Hermanaricus died during fighting with the Huns, and his co-ruler and head of the

Visigoths, Athanaricus, also suffered from an invasion of the Huns, and was forced to

retreat to "Caucaland", which in all likelihood was in the Carpathian mountains or

Transylvania. The major part of Athanaricus' subjects, led by Fritigemus, begged the

Emperor Valens to be allowed to settle down on the territory of the Empire and cross

the Danube. The origin of the civil strife can be found among the Ostrogoths who were

the heirs of Hermanaricus and who stayed within the power of the Huns. Some of the

episodes of their history are reflected in Germanic sagas.

When relating these and following events, the author provides in particular his

explanation of the battle near Adrianopol in 378 (fig. 89—90) as well as his supposition

that the gold medalions of the treasure of Szilagysomlyo in Transylvania, eight of

which are stamped with the Emperor Valens or are copies of his stamp, could belong to

Fritigemus (fig. 120-130). It is known from the message of Zosim (Zos. VI, 34) that

upon fleeing to "Caucaland" Athanaricus was expelled later by Alatheus, Saphrax,

and Fritigemus, heroes of the battle near Adrianopol. As for the famous treasure from

Petrosa (fig. 124-127), near to Bucharest, the author believes that it's possible to return

to the old idea of Alexander Odobescu that this treasure belonged to Athanaricus or

that it in any case belonged to his period of time.

Here the author proceeds from earlier proclaimed ideas (Shchukin, Bazhan 1994)

about the chronology and origin of jewelry works of polychrome style and cloisonne

technology so characteristic for the time of the Great Migration. In archaeological

and historical writing the opinion (which isn't without logic) ruled for a long time

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ABSTRACT

that the appearance of gold works strewn with garnets was connected with the intrusion

of the Huns. At Atilla's headquarters on the Middle Danube such decorations were

made and were brought by the Huns around Europe, which means that they are no

older than the middle of the 5

century. This stereotypical thinking aided a somewhat

subconscious highness of the chronological system made for Eastern Europe by

A. K. Ambroz. But a whole set of contradictions arose: garnet-gold works made

before 433 are known, the year when the Huns took Pannonia, as well as earlier than

445, when Attila, having killed his brother Bleda, became the leader of the Western

part of the vast Hun powers. Technical research done by Biergit Arrhcnius shows

that the technology of the cloisonne, at least in its best examples, was too complicated

for the barbarians-Huns and demanded "high technologies". Thus the author suggests

that the origins of this technology should be searched for in the Eastern Mediterranean

region and in upper Asia, especially in Iberia (present day Georgia), Syria, and

Constantinople, and to connect the renaissance of such technology with the domestic

and foreign politics of the Sassanians and the Roman Empire from 260 onwards

(fig. 112).

The author's observations about the epoch of the Great Migration of nations from

Wolfshaim in Southern Germany deserves the reader's special interest. Wolfshaim

is the origin of details in the belts, sword-belts or bridles in the polychrome style

with the Persian inscription of Ardashir. Upon closer study of the freshly-stamped

gold coin of Emperor Valens using a binocular magnifying glass, one can see on the

reverse side scratches which, if one wishes, can be taken as runic signs (fig. 113).

In his description of the international culture of the epoch of the Great Migration

of peoples the author uses the almost commonly accepted terms and chronological

determinations of Jaroslav Tejral and Volker Bierbrauer. The D stage of the common

European chronological system, which was indivisible during Godlowski's time,

and strectched from the middle of 4

to the middle of 5

is today subdivided into

phase D, or the Villafontana horizon, phase D, or the Untrsiebenbrunn horizion,

phase D

and phase D

(See appendix 2-3, table I). The author introduces some

objective changes into the chronological determinations of these phases, basing the

changes on his own accepted method of "rhombic thought", to which Jaroslav Tejral

was also close in his own calculations (See appendix 3, table VIII).

Since the Untrsiebenbrunn border chronologically precedes the penetration of

the Huns into Central Europe and only somewhat «connects» to it, the author is

inclined to ascribe the formation of its appearance not so much to the Huns as to the

Goths and Alans who were driven away by the Huns. In particular the Alans employed

barbarian culture and barbarian fashion on works of polychrome style, as well as on

mirrors with a central lug, and onto numerous golden buttons, plaits, and buckles,

which decorated either clothing or funeral cerements, and on small golden clasps,

which were probably used on shoes, made in cloisonne technique. Such a selection

or at least a part of it is found in the burial places of the Untersiebenbrunn in Austria

(fig. 104-108), Airan in Normandy, and in other places, all the way to North Africa,

which the Huns never reached (fig. 109, 110).

On the other hand, groupings of the Alans during the epoch of the Great Migration

of peoples are represented almost everywhere, including Gaul, Spain, North Africa,

Italy, and the lower Danube. But nowhere, unlike other barbarians, did the Alans

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ГОТСКИЙ ПУТЬ (ГОТЫ, РИМ И ЧЕРНЯХОВСКАЯ КУЛЬТУРА)

strive for isolation, or to make their own state, and were always part of unions with

other peoples, such as the Vandals, Suebians, Visigoths, and the Empire.

For this reason the assumption is made that the Alans of this epoch of emigration

of peoples, like during the preceding period of the distribution of the turquoise-gold

style, were not their own race or ethnicity, but rather a military-social aristocratic

layer, a corporation of the type of later knights' orders. Alans did not form there own

state, but they incorporated themselves into the ranks of various barbarian kingdoms,

and the Empire. Women-priests could also enter into this corporation. In such a case

the archaeological situation of the first half of the 5

century becomes more or less

explainable.

After having retold in a short form the order of political events in Europe from

the battle of Adrianople to the crash of the Visigothic Toulusa kingdom in Gaul in

507 and of the Ostrogothic kingdom of the inheritors of Theoderic the Great in Italy

in 552 (See chapters VI-VIII), the author moves to a question which has tormented

historians and archaeologists for a long time: in which way are these events affirmed

by archaeological materials? The author arrives at the almost inconsolable conclusion

for archaeologists that there is no accurate correspondence between events and

findings, even in places where the Goths were known to have been present and where

they played a very important political role. It's likely that their presence was too

short each time for a specific, localized archaeological expression of their culture to

take shape.

In the Balkans the wanderings of the Visigoths of Alaricus went on for about

30 years (counting from 376 to 408), but the Visigoths never did settle down there.

Ostrogoths, who were under the control of the Huns, lived on the middle Danube for

about 20 years (433 to 454), and then lived just as independently in southern Pannonia

(from 454 to 474). In Italy the power of Theoderic the Great and his heirs lasted for

about 40 years (from 493 to 552). These periods were all to short for a specific

archaeologically expressed culture to take shape. Even in southern Gaul, where the

Visigoths lived for 97 years from 410 to 507, this people didn't achieve its own

culture. If it weren't for written accounts we would know nothing about these peoples.

We don't know about their settlements or about their burial sites. Only various

accidental findings, separate burial sites and treasures mark the archaeological path

of the movement and settlements of the Goths in the lower Danube area to the

Pyrenees. It's hard to differentiate in the middle Danube area between the cultural

types of the Huns and those of the actual Ostrogoths and other Germanic peoples,

who were the subjects of Attila. In Italy the Goths of Theoderic were almost

indifferentiable (in their material culture) from the Scyri and other Germanic peoples,

who arrived here 17 years earlier with Odoacer as their head in 476.

The situation can also be explained by the fact that having become a federation of

the Empire, and formally a main part of the Empire's army, as well as having been

transformed from an ethnicity in the full sense of the word to a "people-army" in the

words of Hcrwig Wolfram, the Goths had the right to take quarters in cities and

villas, among the local population, which was more numerous, and thus didn't form

their own settlements and burial sites.

Nevertheless, during the time of the Great Migration the barbarians who arrived

on the territory of the Empire were different in their culture and dress from the local

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•ЧЩл

inhabitants. The barbarians wore decorations with precious and half-precious stones,

which was prohibited to citizens of the Empire by the "law against luxury". To wear

things with stones was only a prerogative of Emperors and their surroundings.

Barbarian women wore dresses which were fastened on the shoulders by a pair of

big, if not at times huge double-lamellar silver fibulae, which, in their typological

development, went back to the small double-lamellar fibulae of the Chernjakhov

culture. Sometimes these women's fibulae were made using cloisonne techniques in

the shape of a predatory bird. Towards the end of the period, in the 6

century, these

women's fibulae were forced out by the new fashion for double-lamellar "finger-

like" fibulae with Kerbschnitt carved ornaments, which also looked quite extravagant.

The belt was fastened with a large clasp made in the cloisonne technique or

Kerbschnitt. It's not out of the question that a large part of such decorations was

made in the Empire by special workshops known as barbaricatii, and which worked

on orders of the barbarians. The Empire was forced to deal with the presence in the

state of a barbarian sector of society. Things of the types mentioned above were

well-known from the Caucasus to the Atlantic, and Goths probably played an

important role in the distribution of the fashion for such ornaments. If one likes, it's

possible, with some subjectivity, to name this fashion "Gothic".

Things of this fashion are quite well-represented in Spain, where, after the year

507, the Toledo Visigothic state was formed. On this territory of Spain the Visigoths

managed to make and create their own Visigothic culture in their 264 years of

existence, right until 711 when the Arabs invaded (fig. 142-149). Archaeologists

have dug up a large number of large burials of the time with many finds of "Gothic

fashion". These digs include Duraton, Castiltierra, and others, and each includes

several hundred burials. The author supports the idea of Patrick Perin and Michel

Kazanski that the "Danube fashion" could have been brought into southern Gaul and

Spain by the Ostrogoths of King Vidimir, who, having left lands given to them in the

south of Pannonia, tried to resettle in Italy in 476, but were destroyed. The captured

Ostrogoths were transferred to the Visigoths, and were resettled among them.

The culture of the Spanish Visigoths is also analyzed in the book. The author

pays attention to the incredible fact that in many burial sites, for example Castiltierra,

there are large amounts of amber beads (fig. 149), more, in fact, than anywhere in

Western and Southern Europe. Amber could be brought to Spain in such quantities

only from the coasts of the Baltic Sea.

The fact that inhabitants of Spain had contact with peoples of North-Eastem

Europe even in the 4

and 5

centuries is also explained by the amazing find in the

Leningrad Oblast of Russia, in the village of Turovo, near the town of Luga. This

find features a one-edged dagger with a fine bronze handle (fig. 150). Analogous

daggers are known only in Spain (fig. 151, 152).

It's quite difficult to archacologically determine the dates when the Goths

were in the Crimea. The Goths were without doubt present in the Crimea, and in 488

they refused to go with Theoderic to Italy. The Goths could have entered the Crimea

in the middle of the 3

century during their sea raids in Asia Minor. It's known that

the inhabitants of the Bosphorus gave the Goths their boats for the purpose of raiding

others (Zos. I, 32, 2). In the middle of the second half of the 3

century the

archaeological situation changed in the Crimea. At this time "later Scythian" burials

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and sites of ancient settlements ceased their existence. Burials of a new type

appeared — Druzhnoe, Neiszatz, Chernaya Rechka, and others for example.

Colleagues from the Crimea consider these burials to be of the Alan type, comparing,

as right they are, the similarity of the these materials with those of the Caucasus or

even more Eastern territories, although there are no written records which can fix the

presence of the Alans in the Crimea until the 13'

' century. These burial sites also

have several elements of North-Western cultures, such as tied-up fibulas, Chernjakhov

ceramic pottery, and other things. It's not out of the question that the Goths, Herules,

and other participants of "Scythian wars" of the middle of the 3 century were combined

into the new environment of the Crimea in some way, however they were called.

Emigrants from the north did not determine the form of the culture of the region

however.

More hope for finding traces of the presence of the Goths is placed by Crimean

colleagues on several findings present on several of the above-mentioned burial sites

based on rites of corpse-burning, which was completely unknown to the inhabitants of

the Crimea of earlier times. In this connection two small burial sites have special interest;

Harax near to Yalta, and on the mountain of Chatyr-Dag near Alushta. Here corpse-

incinerations of two types are definitely found. One type is found in simple, shallow

holes, and the other in stone boxes with the amphora as the urn. These findings are

dated using the further findings of many coins of the epoch of Tetrarchy, in other

words on the border of the 3

and 4

centuries. Weapons and agricultural tools like

sickles and hammers were often put into these graves (fig. 154-162).

As Michel Kazanski noted (Kazanski 1991, p. 478) such a combination of a stone

box, urn with incinerated remains, and weapons and tools is known in only one place

in Europe, which is on graves in southern Norway, in the region of Oslo. It's clear

that in this case we are dealing with a group of Germanic peoples, emigrants from

the north, who, having become a federation of the Empire and having been placed in

the epoch of Tetrarchy in strategically important points, controlled paths along the

southern shore of Crimea. If they, in the understanding of the Greeks, were Goths,

then they are an entirely different group than those Goths who appeared in the Black

Sea region with Filimer as their head, and who had Wielbark traditions. The upper

chronological border of these graves is not very clear.

A set of formerly "alanic" burial sites, which appeared at the beginning of the 4th

century, such as Luchistoe, Skalistoe, Suuk-Su, and others, demonstrate the amazing

similarity between findings of the middle Danube, Italy, southern Gaul, and Spain.

These findings include paired double-lamellar silver fibulas, which were then replaced

by bronze gold-plaited five-fingered Kerbschnitt clasps, massive silver buckles with

the shape of a of the head of a predatory bird on the facing, and earrings with large

octaedric beads, decorated with colorful stones (fig. 167-172). These very burials

are originally linked by researchers to those Goths who made up the federations of

the Empire, and whose presence in Crimea was fixed using the written works of

Procopius of Cesarea (Proc. Bell. Got. VII. 1-5; Proc. Aed. Ill, VII, 35), who lived in

the epoch of Justinian (537-565) and was a great political leader of the time.

Having carefully read the text of Procopius, the author suggests his own hypothesis

of the events that took place. After the last battle in Mons Laclaris in 552 those

Goths who were still alive asked the Byzantine commander Narses to allow them to

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ABSTRACT

leave Italy together with their families and possessions (Proc. Bell. Got. VII, 35). It's

not excluded a part of these troops moved to the Crimea, where their kinsman were,

who had refused in their day to go with Theoderic to Italy. Fugitives from the west

could bring or intensify the unique "Gothic tone" of the culture of the inhabitants of

mountainous Crimea.

As far as events which took place in Crimea in the 4"' to 6

centuries are concerned,

the author refers with some skepticism to later testimonies of the Byzantinian Emperor

Constantinus Porphyrogenetus. While the latter's accounts may have some value,

their source, for sure, isn't very trustworthy.

Describing as he does the later fate of the Goth inhabitants of the Crimea, the

author most of all follows the fundamental works of A. A. Vasiliev (Vasiliev 1936)

and R.-H. Beyer (Beyer 2001). References about a particular "Goth Kingdom" in

mountainous Crimea are quite common on the pages of sources from the 8"' to the

centuries. Such a kingdom was referred as an autonomous kingdom, then as a

part of the Khazar caganat, then as apart of the "Golden Horde", then later as part of

the Byzantinian Empire. The kingdom had difficult relations with Kiev, then with

Muscovite Rus, the Genoese colonies in the Crimea and with the Moldovian state of

Stefan-del-Mare.

An end to the autonomy and independence of the «Gothic kingdom» was placed

by the invasion of the Turks-Osmans, who seized a large part of the Crimea in 1457

and cut off a large part of the local population. Later, in 1560, the ambassador of the

Austrian Emperor in Istanbul met with people from Crimea who still remembered

Goth language. The ambassador even made, then later published a dictionary with

80 Gothic words. Finally in 1799, after the seizure of the Crimea, Catherine the

Great moved the remainder of the Christian population of peninsula to Mariupol on

the northern bank of the Sea of Azov by writing a special decree about their transferal.

It's possible that among these Mariupol Greeks there were heirs of the Gothic

population of the Crimea, although we can't know this for sure. This was the final

stage of the "Gothic Path".

CONTENTS

Chapter I. IN PLACE OF A PROLOGUE 9

1. A lost people 9

2. On ethnicity, culture, chronology, etc. What is archaeology capable and not capable of? .... 12

3. Jordancs — Historian of the Goths 20

Chapter II. SKANSA, GOT1SKANSA AND EUROPEAN SARMATIA 25

1. Was there an exodus from Scandinavia? 25

2. Wielbark culture, the Goths, and the Gothons 28

From the history of research and interpretation 28

Caesar, Burebista, Marobod and Catualda 4!

The archaeological reflection of the events 45

3. In search of a pre-homeland 48

4. "European Sarmatia" — Sarmaths, Bastarns, Venets 58

Sarmaths 61

Late Bastarns and Venets 67

5. The first Sarmato-Gcrmainic contacts and the problem of Northern-European

filigree style of Havor 72

Chapter III.GOTHS AND THE PROBLEM OF THE RISE OF THE CHERNJAKHOV

CULTURE 90

1. Information from written sources about the first appearance of the Goths in the South

of Europe 90

2. Archaeological evidence 93

3. The problem of absolute chronology 97

4. Two waves of Wielbark penetration and the problem of how to date them 103

5. The problem of the beginning of Chernjakhov culture 109

6. The problem of the origin of Chernjakhov wheel-made ceramic 117

7. Chernjakhov culture and its predecessors in the Black Sea region 129

8. Historical background of the period of the formation of Chernjakhov

culture. "Scythian wars" 134

Chapter IV. THE PHENOMENON OF CHERNJAKHOV CULTURE OF THE EPOCH

OFCONSTANTINE-CONSTANCE 152

1. From the history of discussion about the Chernjakhovs: were they Germans-Goths

orSlavs-Antae? 152

2. The origin and peak of Chernjakhov culture 160

Once again about the Chernjakhov phenomenon 160

In search of a chronology 161

About abundance and local variations 162

Once again about wheel-made pottery and the "Celtic renaissance" 164

Chernjakhov vases from Lepcsovka 168

About Runic and other inscriptions 171

About combs and hairstyles 173

About glass , 177

About long houses 182

Brangstrup and Skvira 185

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About backct-like pendants and other amulets 188

About arbralet garter-type fibulae 191

Two-lamellate fibulae 194

Conclusion and questions 195

3. Tetrarchs, Constance, Goths, and Chernjakhov culture 195

Chapter V. "THE POWER" HERMANARICUS — ATANARICUS 207

1. Hermanaricus, "arctoi gentes" and the "Fur trail" 207

2. Athanaricus and Valens 219

3. The Huns, the death of Hermanaricus and the beginning of the epoch

of the Great Migration of peoples 223

4. Athanaricus, the Huns, and Fritigernus 233

5. The problem of the end of Chernjakhov culture 235

Chapter VI. GOTHS IN THE EMPIRE. FROM ADRIANOPLE TO ROME 255

1. The battle of Adrianople 255

Events on the eve of the battle 255

The first stage. The march and deployment of troops 259

The second stage. Negotiations about negotiations and their disruption 259

The third stage. The attack of the Alans 262

The fourth stage. Fight in the center 262

The fifth stage. The unsuccessful attack from the left flank 262

The sixth and final stage 262

2. Gratianus, Ataulf and Galla Placida 264

3. Eastgoths after Hermanaricus 278

Chapter VII. FROM ATTILA TO THEODERICUS 285

1. The situation in the first half of the 5"' century: from Toulusa to Nedao 285

2. From Nedao to Ravenna. The decline of the Western Empire 297

3. The power of Theodericus the Great 303

4. After Theodericus 312

Chapter VIII. THE ARCHAELOGY OF THE EVENTS OF THE EPOCH OF THE GREAT

MIGRATION OF PEOPLES 317

1. A new epoch 317

2. Three styles 320

3. The Central-European system of chronology of the epochs of the Great Migration 323

Several basic ideas 323

The early phase of provincial-Roman culture 326

The late phase of provincial-Roman culture 326

Phase D,, or the Villafontana horizon 327

Phase D

;

, or the Untersiebenbrunn horizon 330

Phases D,/D, and D

335

Phase E.."..... 339

4. The problem of the origin of polychrome style and cloisonne jewelry technology 340

5. Treasure chests of the age 359

Tourne. The grave of Hildericus 360

Szilagysomlyo (Simleul Silvaniei) and Fritigernus 363

Petrosa 374

Contesti 379

Sudja 381

Apahidal 383

Apahidall 383

Domagnano 384

Reggio-Emilia 386

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