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categories. Early research of this kind was responsible for the famous ‘two thirds rule’: that two thirds of
the time in a classroom lesson someone is usually talking, and that two thirds of the talk in a classroom is
normally contributed by the teacher (see for example Flanders, 1970). The basic procedure for setting up
systematic observation is that researchers use their research interests and initial observations of classroom
life to construct a set of categories into which all relevant talk (and any other communicative activity) can
be classified. Observers are then trained to identify talk corresponding to each category, so that they can
sit in classrooms and assign what they see and hear to the categories. Today, researchers may develop
their own categorizing system, or they may take one 'off the shelf (see, for example, Underwood and
Underwood, 1999)-
A positive feature of this method is that a lot of data can be processed fairly quickly. It allows
researchers to survey life in a large sample of classrooms without transcribing it, to move fairly quickly
and easily from observations to numerical data (the talk may not even be tape-recorded) and then to
combine data from many classrooms into quantitative data which can be analysed statistically. Systematic
observation has continued to provide interesting and useful findings about norms of teaching style and
organization within and across cultures (see for example Galton et al., 1980; Rutter et al, 1979; Galton et
al, 1999). It has also been used to study interactions amongst children working in pairs or groups (e.g.
Bennett and Cass, 1989; Underwood and Underwood, 1999). In Britain, its findings about teacher-talk
have had a significant influence on educational policy-making and the training of teachers (for example,
in constructing guides for good practice, see Wragg and Brown, 1993).
2 ETHN OGRAPH Y
The ethnographic approach to analysing educational interaction emerged in the late 1960s and
early 1970s. It was an adaptation of methods already used by social anthropologists and some sociologists
in non-educational fields (see Hammersley, 1982, for accounts of this). Ethnographic analysis aims for a
rich, detailed description of observed events, which can be used to explain the social processes which are
involved. In early studies, ethnographers often only took field-notes of what was said and done, but fairly
soon it became common practice for them to tape-record talk, to transcribe those recordings, and to report
their analysis by including short extracts from their transcriptions. Ethnographers are normally concerned
with understanding social life as a whole, and while they will record what is said in observed events,
language use may not be their main concern. Their methods do not therefore usually attend to talk in the
same detail as do, say, those of discourse analysts or conversation analysts (as discussed below).
Early ethnographic research helped to undermine two long-standing assumptions about
communication in the classroom: first, that full, meaningful participation in classroom discourse is
equally accessible to all children, so long as they are of normal intelligence and are native speakers of the
language used in school (Philips, 1972); and second, that teachers ask questions simply to find out what
children know (Hammersley, 1974). It has also revealed how cultural factors affected the nature and
quality of talk and interaction between teachers and children, and how ways of communicating may vary
significantly between home communities and schools (as in the classic research by Heath, 1982).
Ethnographic studies have been important too for showing how teachers use talk to control classes, how
classroom talk constrains pupils’ participation (Mehan, 1979; Canagarajah, 2001; Chick, 2001) and how
children express a range of social identities through talk in the classroom and playground (Maybin, 1994).
3 SOCIOL INGUISTIC ANAL YSIS
Some research on talk in educational contexts has its roots in sociolinguistics. Sociolinguistics is
concerned, broadly, with the relationship between language and society. (See Swann et at, 2000, for a
general introduction to this field). Sociolinguists are interested in the status and meaning of different
language varieties (e.g. accents and dialects, different languages in bilingual communities) and in how
these are used, and to what effect, by speakers (or members of different social/cultural groups).
Sociolinguists have carried out empirical research in school or classroom settings; but sociolinguistic
research carried out in other settings has also implications for educational policy and practice (for
example, research on the language of children's home lives). In classroom research, sociolinguists have
investigated such topics as language use in bilingual classrooms (Martyn-Jones, 1995; Jayalakshmi,
1996), language use and gender relations (Swann and Graddol, 1994) and language and ethnicity