Pavlac B.A. A Concise Survey of Western Civilization: Supremacies and Diversities throughout History

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mined Protestant majority intent on keepimg its domination, bloodshed escalated.

The ‘‘Troubles’’ began in 1968 as a splinter group of the long-dormant Irish Repub-

lican Army, calling itself the Provisional IRA, or Provos, began terrorist attacks. The

London government, at ﬁrst trying to be neutral, eventually sent in thousands of

troops to maintain order. The British shooting of more than a dozen Roman Catho-

lic demonstrators on ‘‘Bloody Sunday’’ (30 January 1972) convinced many Catho-

lics to consider them part of the enemy. In the following decades, more than three

thousand were killed by all sides. Agreements begun in the late 1990s ﬁnally

brought the Republic of Ireland, Great Britain, and parties in Northern Ireland

toward a permanent, peaceful resolution. In May 2007, a functional coalition gov-

ernment took control in Northern Ireland.

During the Cold War, such ethnic ﬁghting seemed insigniﬁcant to people far

away from the killing compared with the possibility of World War III. In the mean-

time, Cold War conﬂicts had spread modern military technology from the industrial-

ized West to many technologically primitive societies around the globe, whether

they were ready for it or not. At ﬁrst, the superpowers had supplied various dicta-

tors, tyrants, juntas, rebels, insurgents, and even terrorists with various kinds of

advanced weapons: automatic riﬂes, grenades, land mines, plastic explosives, anti-

tank rockets, and antiplane missiles. The superpowers had hoped to use these

weapons by proxy against one another, whether by making friendly states stronger

through armaments or hurting their rival through armed insurgencies. After the

Cold War, when the rivals reduced their gifts of arms, international drug trading

provided money for weapons. As weapons became cheaper and widespread, more

people possessed an easy ability to kill others. The result was increased violence,

for reasons of money, ideology, or power.

Much of this violence was nationalist in nature. Terrorists continued to bomb,

hijack, kidnap, and murder to create ethnic states and enclaves. Elsewhere in West-

ern Europe, terrorists lashed out in defense of their minorities, including the

Basques against Spain, the Corsicans against France, and even some South Tyro-

leans against Italy. A few Puerto Ricans set off bombs to liberate their island from

the United States. In other places of the world, civil wars and massacres broke out,

giving the Western powers the choice of either standing by or intervening to stop

the killing. After the Portuguese withdrew, East Timor in Indonesia was indepen-

dent for only nine days (November–December 1975). Then Indonesians moved in

and brutalized the native population, killing hundreds of thousands and sending

more into exile. Only in 1999 did Australian troops backed by the United Nations

begin to stabilize East Timor, creating a sovereign nation by 2002. In 1994, ethnic

Hutu regimes in Rwanda and Burundi started a butchering of ethnic Tutsis. By the

time they slacked off their massacre because of exhaustion and a small response by

the United Nations, eight hundred thousand had died.

Europeans confronted their own massacres in the Balkans of the 1990s. This

region, the starting point for World War I, burst into war again after the Cold War.

During the Cold War, Soviet troops guaranteed stability in the nations of Hungary,

Rumania, and Bulgaria. While Yugoslavia at ﬁrst looked like it too would become a

Soviet satellite, it provided an interesting exception to Russian domination. During

World War II, Communist partisans led by Josep Broz, called Tito (r. 1945–1980),

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fought both the Serbian fascist Chetnik insurgents and the Croatian fascist Ustashe

regime installed by the Nazis. At war’s end, Tito was able to establish a new kind of

regime, his own brand of Communist dictatorship.

For his People’s Republic of Yugoslavia, Tito maintained a beneﬁcial balance

between the rivalry of Communi sts and capitalists during the Cold W ar. Ofﬁcially a

Communist state, Tito quite early broke with Stalin and pursued friendship with W est -

ern European states. At home, he calmed the ethnic conﬂicts that had torn apart

the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes. Half-Croat and half-Slovene himself, he

deemphasiz ed ethnic iden tity . He set up a federal system of six states: Slovenia, Croa-

tia, Montenegro , Bosnia- Herz ego vina , Serbia, and Macedoni a. Each state remai ned

somewhat autonomous from any potential Serbian bullying. Serbian nat iona lism was

further weakened with carving out the two autonomous provinces of Vojvodina and

Kosovo, with non-Serbian ethnic majorities (Hungarian and Alban ian, respectively).

With ethnic tensions dissolved, a nd bargaining for the best from both East and West,

Yugoslavia became one of the more p rosp erou s Eastern European countries.

Tito’s death in 1980 changed little at ﬁrst. The presidents of the six republics

rotated the presidency. Already in 1981, however, disturbances began in Kosovo,

where Albanians, who made up 90 percent of the population, wanted more use of

their own languages and better living conditions. As the Cold War ended in 1989,

the then-president Slobodan Milosevic decided to use ethnic tensions for his own

political gain. A Serb himself, he fueled ethnic resentment of the small Orthodox

Christian Serbian minority in the province of Kosovo against the Muslim Albanian

majority. He proclaimed that Serbians would not tolerate subservience in their own

historic homeland.

With th is reviva l of ethnic divisi vene ss the leaders of the other feder al states wor-

ried about a possible Serbian takeover that would repeat the legacy of 1929. In June

1991, Slovenia and Croatia preemptively procla imed inde pen denc e. When an inva-

sion by the Serbian-domin ated Yugoslav army failed, both countries were internatio n-

ally recognized as sovereign states. Nonetheless, Serbian-Croatian warf are was

intense, and atrocit ies became the order of the day. The ne w term ethnic cleansing

was coined, as both sides used threats, destruction, killing, and rape to drive away

rival e thni c groups from villages and districts each wanted to claim as its own.

By early 1992, Bosnia-Herzegovina began its own attempt at independence.

Unhappily for that state, Bosnia was the most ethnically divided of all, including

large numbers of Serbo-Croatian Muslims caught in the middle. Croatia and the

shrunken Yugoslavia both attacked it. Macedonia used the opportunity to peace-

fully gain independence, leaving Serbia and Montenegro as the remnant of a Yugo-

slav Federation. Greek objections to the use of the name ‘‘Macedonia,’’ with its

Hellenistic heritage from Philip II and Alexander, forced that country to call itself

ofﬁcially the ‘‘ Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia.’’

Russia’s sympathies with its old ally Serbia limited what the United Nations

could achieve to stop the violence. Instead, Western powers turned to NATO. The

Cold War’s end and the dissolution of the Warsaw Pact had robbed that military

alliance of much of its original purpose of defending Europe against the Soviet

Union. In the 1990s, that Western military alliance system decided as a substitute

to become a peacekeeper in Europe. After the Dayton Accords of 1995, NATO sent

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in thousands of troops to end the ﬁghting in Bosnia. For a few years violence sub-

sided. Bosnia could not survive, however, without the Western occupiers to keep

the peace between ethnic groups.

Then, by the late 1990s, a new ﬁght began over ethnic Albanians in Kosovo,

where the ﬁghting about Yugoslavia had begun. The self-proclaimed Kosovo Libera-

tion Army launched a rebellion in that province on behalf of the Albanian majority.

In retaliation for what Serbia saw as Kosovar terrorism, Serbs began ethnic cleans-

ing in January 1999. NATO launched an aerial bombing campaign to stop the kill-

ings and expulsions. Soon NATO troops occupied the province and the Kosovar

Albanians formed their own self-government. About ten thousand peacekeeping

forces from NATO and from other nations, such as Switzerland and the Ukraine,

remained. On 17 February 2008, the country’s legislative assembly declared inde-

pendence. Most European states recognized the new states, but many others,

including Serbia and Russia, have not. Despite the European Union’s efforts to

support local police forces with its ‘‘Rule of Law Mission in Kosovo’’ (EULEX),

resentment by ethnic Serbs about assimilation and Kosovars about outside interven-

tion has continued to cause trouble (see map 15.2).

Many problems in the world continued to be made worse by nationalism, focus-

ing on ethnic differences instead of any common humanity. Russian domination of

Map 15.2. Europe, 2010

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Chechnya provoked open, nasty, military strikes and terrorism. The ethnic minority

of Mayan descent in the Mexican province of Chiapas organized a revolt under the

Zapatistas beginning in 1994 that is still simmering today. Other states suffered

divisions with less violence but important consequences. In Canada, beginning in

the 1960s, the Que

becois insisted on their own ethnic French identity, driving mil-

lions of citizens of non-French heritage out of the province. When Australia tried to

limit immigration by non-European citizens, it sparked riots by resident Lebanese

and resentment by its Aboriginal people. The ongoing challenge would be how

humanity balanced national and ethnic identity with civil cooperation. Western

Europe’s apparent easing of nationalism offers one hopeful sign of a revived region-

alism. Regional dialects, traditions, and even political structures are ﬂourishing.

Perhaps the rule of nations can accept diverse ethnicity.

Review: How did nationalism resurge after the Cold War?

Response:

HAVES AND CANNOTS

In the 1970s, the West’s economic success began to falter, ending years of unheard-

of growth after World War II. The oil embargo by OPEC in 1974 marked a turning

point. High fuel prices, international competition, inﬂation, the cost of good wages

and beneﬁts, and environmental regulations weakened proﬁts made from manufac-

turing in Western nations. Unemployment rates of between 5 and 10 percent bur-

dened Western economies, even if they were well below the levels of the Great

Depression. Increasingly, capitalists invested in factories built in Third World

nations, where they could pay a fraction of the wages expected by Western workers

organized in unions. Many Western nations saw high-wage manufacturing jobs dis-

appear, to be replaced by low-wage service jobs (cooking, cleaning, or clerking).

Some economists considered this as mere ‘‘creative destruction,’’ as described by

the Austrian Joseph Schumpeter. Others worried that this postindustrial economy

slowed the rise in standard of living for the lower middle class compared with the

upper and upper middle classes.

Different Western governments followed varying economic advice. Sweden and

Norway developed the welfare state to the highest possible degree outside Commu-

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nist regimes. Cradle-to-grave beneﬁts supplied sufﬁcient security and prosperity for

many Scandinavians, if not quick economic expansion. Many other countries tried

to cut back on some state-managed beneﬁts. Even the socialist leaders in the 1980s

of France (Mitterand) and Austria (Vranitzky) trimmed social programs. To compen-

sate for lower wages, Western European regimes increased vacation time, while the

Americans encouraged more women and immigrants into the workforce at lower

wages.

By the late 1970s the welfare-state concept had come under attack by econo-

mists and politicians. Most famously, the ‘‘Chicago Boys,’’ led by Milton Friedman,

promoted a stronger, renewed laissez-faire attitude, encouraging governments to

abandon Keynesian economic theory (see diagram 15.1). According to them, the

economy worked best when government did not spend on social programs. Prime

Minister Thatcher of Britain led the way, cutting subsidies and reprivatizing nation-

alized industries. Experiments by Latin American regimes such as Chile and Argen-

tina saw laissez-faire economics fail to bring the predicted prosperity. In the United

States, conservatives claimed to adopt similar policies, leading President Reagan to

reduce some tax rates. Yet his administration actually spent more on both social

and military programs, making up the difference by borrowing money from abroad.

By the end of the 1980s, America’s singular economic dominance of the West and

the world was over.

A new electronic s industry based on computers did create new jobs. The Allies

had invente d computers during World War II in order to break secret codes of the

Axis powers , and the computational ability of the compute rs quickly increa sed. As

new technologies such as transist ors and the microchip we re invented, computers

became cheaper and smaller. The computer revolution accelerated with the invention

of the personal computer. By the 1980s, desktop or personal comput ers became a

consum er product in the We st. First used as advanced typewrit ers, they soon

expanded into drawing, graphics, spreadsheets, and databases, as well as games from

simple solitaire to m ulti play er strategy a nd tactics simula tion s.

Such game players were connected by new global communication networks

such as the Internet and the World Wide Web. In modern industrialized societies,

computers control and regulate our lives more than any human bureaucrat ever

could. And, for those who can afford and spend the time to learn to use them,

computers help with the acquisition of new knowledge, which is power. Allied with

cellular phone technology, which was developed by the end of the twentieth cen-

tury, personal communications that could connect to a wealth of information

became portable and pocket-sized.

The ease with which words and images could be electronically distributed set

an example for what capitalists sought for all goods and services. Globalization

became the slogan of those who wanted to make more money by relying on the

worldwide grasp of the modern corporation, cheap transportation and communica-

tion, and low or nonexistent trade barriers and regulations. Globalization’s advo-

cates suggested that worldwide marketing strategies for material goods would be

more important than the nation-state and its politics, while a worldwide trade sys-

tem would beneﬁt rich and poor nations alike. Recognizing the new situation as

early as 1975, leaders of the most important economic powers began to hold annual

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Diagram 15.1. Economic Theories of Capitalism. To summarize the

various proposals dealing with the challenges of capitalism, these cartoons

highlight the alleged role of government (the man with the crown) in

dealing with capital (the bag of $) and contracts (the paper): 1. In

mercantilism (1600s), the government and businessmen work together by

establishing monopolies to beneﬁt the state’s balance of trade; 2. In laissez-

faire (early1800s), the government takes a hands-off approach, allowing

the businessmen to make money according to enlightened self-interest; 3.

In socialism (late 1800s), the workers demand a share of the wealth (at ﬁrst

resisted by government and business); 4. In Keynesian economics (1930s),

the government steps in with regulations and capital investment to help

the economy recover from or to prevent a depression; 5. In supply-side or

trickle-down economics or Reagonomics (1980s), a laissez-faire approach

allows businesses to make their own decisions with the expectation that

proﬁts will spread to government and workers.

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summit meetings as the G7 (the United States, Japan, West Germany, Great Britain,

France, Italy, and Canada), becoming the G8 in the 1990s with the addition of

Russia. These leaders coordinated select economic, social, and political policies as

they coped with increasing global trade.

Some economists warned about the negatives of globalization. Citizens began

to organize around issues of social justice and human rights in NGOs (nongovern-

mental organizations), ranging from Amnesty International (to stop torture

and cruelty) to Greenpeace (to protect the environment). They saw how Western

corporations paid low wages to impoverished natives for their country’s natural

resources, while charging highly proﬁtable prices to their comparatively wealthy

Western customers. Exploitation was simply the price of doing good business. An

accidental explosion of an American chemical plant in Bhopal, India, in 1984, for

example, killed four thousand and injured tens of thousands of others. Broken

wells and wrecked tankers spilled crude oil regularly. Multinational or transnational

enterprises seemed to show more loyalty to their managers and stockholders than

patriotism or sympathy toward any one country or even general human welfare.

Adam Smith’s views no longer applied, as customers bought based on price, not

country of manufacture.

Inexpensive products also ﬂowed into the West from Asia. Several Asian states

modernized their economic policies to adapt to and compete with the dominant

Western nations. Japan had led the way in the 1970s with its exports of automobiles

and electronics, supported by activist government policies working with major

manufacturing cartels. By the 1990s, the so-called Asian Tigers (Singapore, South

Korea, Nationalist China/Taiwan, and the British colony of Hong Kong) likewise

built on Western values. Leaders encouraged frugality, pushed education, protected

investments, and built a socialistic-like cooperation between governments and pri-

vate enterprise.

At the end of the twentieth century, China had recovered from the mistakes

of Mao and was becoming an economic powerhouse by activating a Western-style

economy. The regime did not, however, allow Western-style democracy. Calls for

representative government were symbolized by a crude reproduction of the Statue

of Liberty in 1989 during popular protests in Tiananmen Square in Beijing. The

totalitarian, one-party regime dispersed the demonstrators. China’s dynamism

accelerated after 1997, when the British ﬁnally returned to China their colony of

Hong Kong, which Britain had held since the Opium Wars in the 1840s. In its own

version of the Commercial and Industrial Revolutions, China became an attractive

business partner to Western companies, drawing on Western capital to rapidly

industrialize. This new Industrial Revolution repeated the exploitation of workers

of a hundred years before in the West: child and prison laborers, long hours, high

quotas, squalid living spaces. As during the Industrial Revolution in the West, the

government forbade workers to organize but was itself slow to protect workers.

Still, since workers’ wages were superior to those offered by the collapsing rural

economy, many Chinese had little choice but to adapt to this new revolution. West-

erners could then buy cheap bedding, toothbrushes, clothing, toys, and everything

at their discount warehouse stores, all ‘‘Made in China.’’

While science and technology made possible this revolution in manufacturing

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and consumerism, scientists have also raised questions about its impact on our

planet. Chemical emissions seem to have opened a hole over the Antarctic in the

ozone layer that protects the earth’s surface from destructive ultraviolet rays. Chil-

dren of European descent in Australia and New Zealand are now mandated to pro-

tect their light skin with sunscreen and ﬂoppy hats. Other scientiﬁc studies suggest

that air pollution, energy production, and deforestation have produced a green-

house effect that is heating up the atmosphere. Millions of acres of arable land in

Africa and Asia turned into desert as rivers, lakes, or even the entire Aral Sea dried

up. A debate about global climate change inclines toward ‘‘global warming’’ melt-

ing the glaciers and polar ice caps and then raising water levels to ﬂood coastal

areas. Many politicians and economists are reluctant to initiate reforms that might

threaten perceived standards of living.

As more people wanted to lead better lives, though, everything became more

industrialized, and larger numbers of people moved to bigger urban centers. Even

our food supply became mechanized. Modern factories for food crowd thousands

of caged pigs or chickens into warehouses. There they dwell in darkness and con-

sume hormones (to speed their growth), antibiotics (to prevent diseases that would

normally destroy creatures living so closely together in ﬁlth), the recycled remnants

of their fellow creatures (as cheap food), and laxatives (to make their excrement

more manageable). On the one hand, genetically modiﬁed foodstuffs offer the

potential to provide still cheaper and more nutritious edibles. On the other hand,

they might seriously damage our basic genetic structure and wreak havoc in natural

ecosystems unprepared for these artiﬁcial strains.

Genetic science has absorbed the building blocks of life into the commercial

industrial economy. The biggest leap in the study of life since Darwin was the dis-

covery in 1953 of deoxyribonucleic acid, or DNA. That double helix of molecules is

the basic building block of life. DNA science is now used in ﬁghting crime, having

replaced ﬁngerprints or dental impressions as the best means for identiﬁcation of

criminals or victims. Its real future, however, lies in scientists tinkering with DNA’s

molecular structure. In 1988, the U.S. Patent Ofﬁce granted a patent on a genetically

engineered mouse. Since then, synthetic organs, hormones, and compounds of all

kinds for humans are being worked on.

Just as with our genes, the sex lives of our bodies became increasingly commer-

cialized. The end of the Cold War brought the West’s sexual revolution to the newly

liberated Soviet bloc and even to the former colonial regions of the Third World.

Business interests using the Internet and globalization provided more access to

pornography for more people than ever before in history. Westerners traveled to

poor countries in Asia and Eastern Europe for ‘‘sex tourism.’’ The demands for the

sex trade led organized criminals to virtually enslave women from poor countries

to serve in brothels. While much of such commercial sex activity is done behind

closed doors and outside the law, new attitudes about marriage of homosexuals

came into the open. In 1989, Denmark allowed people of the same sex to enter civil

unions, with rights similar to those of marriage. Other Western European countries

followed through the 1990s along with several Latin American states after 2001,

even allowing legal marriage for same-sex couples.

Other Third World peoples, especially in Africa, resisted more openness about

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sexuality. Modernists asserted that a ll people were inheren tly equal, regardl ess of sex

or sexual orientation. Fundament alis ts argued that men and women have differen t

roles while homosexuality was a sin. Although the retired Anglican South African

archbishop Desmond Tutu was a notable exception, many African Christians pro-

tested the ordinatio ns by Western churches of women and homosexuals. Indeed,

societies throughout Africa still opposed mere civi l rights for w omen and homosexu-

als as part of their hostility toward what they saw as W este rn imperialism’s oppression

of native African identities, while many African Christians themselv es tolerated polyg-

amy. So Africans formed in tern ati onal alliances wit h tra dit iona list Christians in the

West. The question for everyon e remained whether innovation and wealth or tradi-

tion and resistance would hinder or help fam ilie s and communities to mainta in good

societ ies.

That questioning only intensiﬁed when the economies around the world suf-

fered deep blows in 2008. Many businesspeople and economists thought that the

constant capitalist cycle of boom and bust had been forever broken. Conﬁdent that

market bubbles and collapse were a relic of history, they deregulated, increased

debt, and encouraged incautious investing and rampant proﬁt reaping. Overin-

ﬂated by risky products called derivatives, the American stock markets suddenly

began to fall in 2008 after enough investors began to doubt their worth. The mar-

kets fell so fast that ﬁnancial institutions began to collapse, and vast wealth disap-

peared over the next year. The trouble in the United States quickly spread abroad

because of globalization. The major banks of Iceland failed, ruining that country’s

economy. Even Dubai on the Persian Gulf, which had been prospering as a haven

favorable toward Western investment, slowed its economic expansion. Western gov-

ernments responded with massive Keynesian spending or careful monitoring and

regulation. Which lessons, if any, capitalists would learn from these failures

remained open.

Review: How did Western economic practices dominate world trade?

Response:

VALUES OF VIOLENCE

The West’s dependence on oil imports forced its attention toward the Middle East.

Many people there disliked both Western ideology, with its acceptance of changing

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social attitudes, and economic exploitation, with its proﬁts ﬂowing out of Arab and

Muslim nations. Certain fundamentalist Muslims began to oppose the West with

force of their own.

The West could, of course, take much of the blame for the growing opposition

of some Muslims. The West did not leave Islam to ﬂourish on its own. When west-

erners took over much of the Middle East in the nineteenth and early twentieth

centuries, they were conﬁdent enough in their contradictions to try to force both

Christianity and secularism, at the same time, on their imperialist subjects. It was

merely unexpected good fortune for many Arab nations that geologists discovered

petroleum beneath their desert sands just as the imperialist experiment failed. To

more easily exploit this fuel source, Western leaders again propped up despots

and dictators with whom they could conveniently make economic arrangements.

Meanwhile the common people remained frustrated and powerless.

The tensions between aspects of Islamic civilization and a modern world cre-

ated by Western civilization were revealed with the Iranian Revolution (1978–

1980). Through much of the Cold War, the shah of Iran, Mohammed Reza Pahlavi,

had ruled as a near-absolute monarch. The CIA had put the shah in power in 1953

by overthrowing the democratically elected but socialist prime minister Mohammad

Mossadegh. Serving as a loyal ally of the United States in the region, the shah had

been somewhat progressive, carrying out land reform in the 1970s and promoting

secular modernization and westernization. By the end of the 1970s, ironically, the

rising wealth and education of the middle classes made them disgusted with Iran’s

secret police and absolutism. From exile in Paris, a religious leader, the Ayatollah

Khomeini, orchestrated a revolution that forced the shah into exile in January 1979.

Khomeini then created a new dictatorship based on his interpretation of Islam.

The Iranian Revolution kept the science needed to maintain oil wealth and

military power, but it rejected most of the rest of Western culture. The revolution

even humiliated the United States when Iranian students seized the American

embassy in Iran’s capital of Teheran. The inability of the United States to bring

home these dozens of hostages contributed to the defeat of U.S. president Jimmy

Carter in his reelection attempt. In return for the captives’ release occurring at the

same time as President Reagan’s inauguration, the United States promised never to

interfere with the Islamist regime. The new Iran championed anti-Western civiliza-

tion and called on other Muslims to support its expansionist Shi’ite agenda.

While the United States could not take direct action against Iran, it encouraged

another friendly and more secular dictator, Saddam Hussein of Iraq, to attack Iran.

The resulting Iran-Iraq War (1980–1988) killed hundreds of thousands, reviving

trench warfare and even the use of poison gas. After the war ended as a draw,

Saddam looked toward Kuwait as a way to pay for the war’s costs. In the early

1. No one has yet come up with a satisfactory name for collectively describing the wide

range of different political agents who have recently combined Islam and terrorism. ‘‘Islamo-

fascist’’ misapplies the nationalistic and state- or corporate-based ideology of fascism. ‘‘Jihadist’’

validates those who believe jihad is compatible with slaughter and suicide. ‘‘Islamist’’ may associ-

ate the name of the religion ‘‘Islam’’ too closely with those who many perceive to be betraying

their faith through indiscriminate killing. But it seems to work as distinct from ‘‘Islamic’’ for those

groups that are clearly fundamentalist, as deﬁned in the previous section.

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