Knollenberg Bernhard. Growth of the American Revolution: 1766-1775
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where for his political writings; see Klein Independent Reflector, Dillon New York Tri-
umvirate; the biographical sketch of him in D.A.B. and Livingston (Sedgwick) passim.
John Hancock was unique in being both a representative of Boston in the Mass.
House and one of the town’s selectmen, in which latter capacity, at this critical
juncture in the town’s affairs, he was vitally needed at home. His recent reelection
as selectman and representative, with the largest vote of any of the four chosen,
and his election in Oct., , as President of the Mass. Provincial Congress attest
his outstanding popularity.
John Dickinson was elected a member for Philadelphia County to the Pa. As-
sembly which convened Oct. , , Pa. Assembly VIII . The next day the As-
sembly added him to the Pa. delegation, same .
John Adams’ diary entry for Aug. , , describing Dickinson as frail but ap-
parently with strong “Springs of Life,” is in Adams Papers II . Dickinson lived
until Feb. , , Stillé Dickinson . Dickinson took his seat in the Congress
Oct. , , Journals Cont. Cong. I .
Cushing of Mass., Galloway of Pa., Tilghman of Md., Rodney of Del., Randolph
of Va., and Caswell of N.C. were currently Speakers of their respective colonial
Assemblies; Hopkins of R.I., Philip Livingston of N.Y., and Middleton of S.C. of
earlier Assemblies.
My statement concerning the delegates’ membership in the provincial assemblies
is based on biographical sketches of them in D.A.B. and published records of the
Assemblies of the several colonies represented at the Congress.
All three of the N.C. delegates were natives of other colonies, Richard Caswell of
Md., Joseph Hewes of N.J., and William Hooper of Mass., and William Livingston,
a N.J. delegate, as mentioned earlier, was a native and long a resident of N.Y.
John Adams to Abigail Adams Sept. , , speaks of Episcopalian (Church of
England), Quaker, Anabaptist, Presbyterian, and Congregationalist delegates,
Burnett Letters I , and Philip Livingston was a member of the Dutch Reformed
Church. Though there were many members of the Lutheran and Catholic
churches, particularly in the middle colonies, none of the delegates in , so far
as I know, was a member of either of these churches. Charles Carrollton of Md.
(Catholic) and Frederick A. C. Muhlenberg (Lutheran) were members of the Sec-
ond Continental Congress, but not of the First.
The delegates to the Albany and Stamp Act Congresses are listed respectively in
Gipson Brit. Empire V n., VI –.
The statement concerning the delegates is based on sketches of them in D.A.B. and
references to them in a wide range of other sources, chiefly local histories of their
home communities.
The collection in of a fund to enable Samuel Adams to make a settlement
with the town of Boston of a claim against him as collector of taxes is described in
the fourth appendix to this chapter. The gifts in of a new wig, suit, shoes, silk
stockings, and a sum of money to enable him to make a proper appearance as a
delegate from Massachusetts to the First Continental Congress is described in a
well-known letter (August , ) from John Andrews of Boston to his brother-
in-law, William Barrel of Philadelphia, “Andrews Letters” .
Samuel Adams’ finances and the charge that he embezzled public funds are dis-
cussed in the fourth appendix to this chapter.
Adams’ writings for newspapers from to and as head of the Boston Com-
mittee of Correspondence from to are in Cushing Adams I, II, III passim
and the papers of the Committee at the N.Y. Pub. Lib. Carey Warren – brings
out that Joseph Warren should be given chief credit for some of the writings gen-
erally attributed to Adams. Dickinson, William Livingston, John Adams, and Lee
had often written against various measures of the British government or Crown-
appointed colonial Governors, but, so far as is known, not so continuously as
Adams.
Resolutions or instructions for the delegates, Force I – (N.Y.); –
(Conn.); – (R.I.); – (Mass.); – (Md.); –, (S.C.); –
(Pa.); – (N.J.); – (Del.); – (Va.); and – (N.C.). The
N.H. resolutions are in Journals Cont. Cong. I . (Passage of the Quebec Act was not
yet known in the colonies when the instructions to demand repeal of the acts de-
scribed in the text were given.)
Chapter
Bryan Fairfax to George Washington July and and Aug. , , urging that
the forthcoming Continental Congress confine itself to petitioning for redress of
grievances, Hamilton Letters to Washington V –, –.
Washington to Fairfax July and Aug. , , quoted in the text, giving his rea-
sons for favoring more drastic action by the Congress than mere petitioning,
Washington III –, .
Stephen Hopkins’ statement concerning the grave danger to the colonies of Par-
liament’s claim of right to tax the colonies, quoted in the text, is in Rights of Colo-
nies () –; Bailyn Pamphlets I .
Evidence of the profligacy of the British government in the allowance of extrava-
gant salaries and fees to British officials and in granting costly sinecures and pen-
sions is given in Knollenberg Origin –, –. Probably few, if any, of the
colonists had a full conception of the enormity of the waste; but, as shown in the
statements in the text and in the documents cited in note below, they had at least
an inkling.
James Otis in Considerations () and Charles Carroll of Carrollton (the
younger) to Henry Graves Sept. , , Carroll Letters , concerning British
wastage of public revenue, quoted in the text. Other similar statements by emi-
nent colonists are quoted in Knollenberg Origin –, . The passage quoted
in same from a letter of Benjamin Franklin to Joseph Galloway, Feb. ,
(Smyth Franklin VI –) is particularly striking.
Charles Townshend’s statements to the House of Commons Jan. and , ,
quoted in the text, Charles Garth, London Agent for S.C. and a member of Par-
liament, to the S.C. Committee of Correspondence, Jan. , So. Car. Hist. Mag.
XIX () and entry in diary of Sir Roger Newdigate, member of Parliament,
Jan. , quoted in Chaffin “Townshend Acts” .
The act of Geo. III ch. reduced the land tax from four shillings in the pound
(%) levied for many years, most recently by Geo. III ch. (), to three
shillings in the pound (%).
Citations for the Acts of and and the other restrictive acts described in
later paragraphs of this chapter are given in Knollenberg Origin –. Even salt
could be legally imported directly from continental Europe under the Act of
and amendments, only into colonies north of Maryland, same , , ,
, .
The Act of restricting colonial exports to Ireland, referred to in the text, pro-
hibited the export of any colonial products to Ireland. This act was amended in
and later to prohibit only the export of colonial enumerated products to Ire-
land, Harper Navigation Laws n..
Parliament’s restrictions on the export of colonial raw products were partly com-
pensated by British tariff preferences and bounties on a number of British colo-
nial products imported into Great Britain, Dickerson Navigation Acts –, –;
and pages cited in index under “Bounties,” in Knollenberg Origin .
The Act of , Geo. III ch. secs. and () prohibited the export of
all colonial non-enumerated products to any part of Europe north of “the ports of
Spain within the bay of Biscay”; but this act was amended in to permit the
exportation of non-enumerated products to Ireland, Geo. III ch. . Earlier acts
had, as previously noted, restricted the exportation of colonial enumerated products.
The repeated election of John Wilkes as member for Middlesex County, his ex-
pulsion from the House of Commons, and the movement in England for political
reform, Rudé Wilkes and Liberty –, –, and sources cited therein. As
brought out in same – and Knollenberg Origin –, –, Wilkes had ear-
lier greatly offended the King, who now vigorously supported his expulsion, evi-
denced by his correspondence with Lord Hertford in Jan., , Geo. III II –.
The widespread knowledge in the colonies of the Wilkes affairs and the movement
in England for political reform, Maier Resistance – and sources cited therein.
Lord North’s support of Wilkes’ expulsion from the House of Commons, the King
to North Jan. , , expressing his pleasure over the large majority in the House
of Commons voting to expel Wilkes and attributing this “principally to the ability
shewn by You in planning the Measure & in the Execution of it ...,” Geo. III II .
North’s speech in the House of Commons Jan. , , in support of retaining the
duty on tea to maintain “that just right, which I shall ever wish the mother coun-
try to possess, the right of taxing the Americans,” Parl. Hist. XVI .
The ideological background: Rossiter Seedtime; Robbins Eighteenth-Century Com-
monwealthman; Colbourn Lamp of Experience; and articles by them cited in Gipson
Guide under “Rossiter,” “Robbins,” and “Colbourn”; and, most extensively, Bai-
lyn “Political Experience,” Pamphlets I passim, Ideological Origins, and Origins of Amer-
ican Politics. There is an admirable synthesis of all these writings and those cited in
note below, in Shalhope “Toward a Republican Synthesis” –.
The other writings referred to in the text include Cook Literary Influences; Mullett
“Classical Influences” –; Green “Flight from Determinism”; Buel “Democ-
racy” –; Saville Seeds of Liberty –; Handlin “Burgh” –; Pocock The
Ancient Constitution; and articles cited in Gipson Guide under “Pocock”; and Wood
Creation of the American Republic – and “Rhetoric” –.
Adams Bibliography – describes over a hundred political pamphlets published
from to Sept., , of which eleven (published in and ) are reprinted
with valuable comments in Bailyn Pamphlets I –, –. Dulany Consider-
ations (), Dickinson Farmer’s Letters (), Allen Beauties of Liberty (), and
Hancock Oration () were printed in several colonies. Also, Shipley Sermon ()
and Speech () and Robinson-Morris Considerations (), pro-colonial pam-
phlets by Englishmen and first published in London, were reprinted in several of
the colonies.
Newspapers: Schlesinger Prelude –; “Col. Newspapers” –; “Politics” –
; and “Propaganda” –; Davidson Propaganda –; Rossiter Seedtime
–, –, . Sermons: Baldwin New England Clergy, passim, and Rossiter
Seedtime , –, , –, and sources cited by him. Almanacs: same ,
, n..
The influence of Addison’s Cato is discussed in Litto “Addison’s Cato in the Colo-
nies” –.
The influence of patriotic songs is discussed in Schlesinger “Songs” –. The
words of the most widely popular of these, John Dickinson’s “The Liberty Song,”
are given in Ford Dickinson .
Washington, for example, wrote Fairfax July , , “The stopping our exports
would, no doubt be a shorter cut than the other [non-importation] to effect this
purpose [putting commercial pressure on Great Britain]; but if we owe money to
Great Britain, nothing but the last necessity can justify the non-payment of it; and
...,therefore, I...wish to see the other method tried first...,” Washington III .
The petitions of the colonial Assemblies or both the Assembly and provincial
Council in – referred to in the text as recognizing the authority of Par-
liament to regulate colonial trade are discussed and cited in Knollenberg Origin
–, –.
The members of the Va. House of Burgesses in are listed in Va. Journals (for
–) –. The names of the members of the committee to draw the
“memorial” (later termed “remonstrance”) to the House of Commons are in same
; the document, adopted Dec. , , is in same –. Peyton Randolph
is the “Mr. Attorney” referred to in the list of members of the drafting committee.
Stephen Hopkins in his Rights of Colonies () , wrote, “The Parliament, it is
confessed, have power to regulate the trade of the whole empire,” Bailyn Pamphlets
I – at . Thomas Cushing wrote Dennys De Berdt Oct. , , that
“they [the colonists]...Acknowledge the Right of the British Parliament to reg-
ulate their Trade...,” Arthur Lee Papers (Harv. Lib.).
Samuel Adams, writing as “Valerius Poplicola” in the Boston Gazette of Oct. ,
, denied the authority of Parliament to legislate in any way concerning Mass.,
Wells Adams I .
The Fairfax County Resolves quoted in the text were adopted at a meeting on July
, . The resolves and the record of Washington’s chairmanship of the meet-
ing, Force I . Washington’s friend, Bryan Fairfax, saw a draft of the proposed
resolutions, based on the ground that “The Parliament from Prescription have a
Right to make Laws binding on the Colonies, except those imposing Taxes,” Fair-
fax to Washington, July , , Hamilton Letters to Washington V .
John Adams’ diary for Aug. , , records that Roger Sherman had told him he
“thought the Reverse of the declaratory Act was true, vizt. that the Parliament of
G.B. had Authority to make Laws for America in no Case whatever,” Adams Papers
II . To same effect, Sherman to Cushing Apr. , , Boardman Sherman .
Adams did not record his own view; but later, in his “Novanglus Letters” published
early in , he stated that “all the Colonies” conceded the authority of Parlia-
ment “to regulate their trade,” Novanglus , , , , , , , , , .
Chapter
John Andrews of Boston wrote William Barrell of Philadelphia Aug. , , of
the delegates setting out in “coach and four, preceded by two white servants well
mounted and armed, with four blacks between in livery, two on horseback and
two footmen,” “Andrews Letters” . How far this retinue accompanied the del-
egates is unknown.
The itinerary from Boston to New Haven, Conn., is known from Paine’s diary
from Aug. –, , in M.H.S., quoted in part in Adams Papers II –n. and
Adams’ (meaning John Adams’) diary for Aug. , , and , same –. The
delegates stopped over for the night at Framingham, Spencer, and Springfield in
Mass., and Hartford (two nights) and Middletown in Conn.
The statements concerning Deane’s entertainment and John Adams’ impression of
Sherman, and the quotations and statements in this and the next two paragraphs
are from, or based on, Adams’ diary for Aug. –, , same –, n.
The diary of Ward of R.I. for Aug. to Sept. , , records his arrival on Aug.
and the arrival of Hopkins of R.I. and the Conn. delegates on Aug. , Burnett
Letters I . The Pa. Gazette of Aug. and reported the arrival of vessels from
Charleston, S.C., the first carrying Middleton and Edward Rutledge, the second,
Lynch, John Rutledge, and Gadsden. The journey of the Conn. delegates is de-
scribed in letters of Aug. and Sept. from Deane to his wife, Deane Papers I –.
The arrival of the N.J. delegates and two from N.Y. Sept. , , is noted in
Ward’s diary of that date, Burnett Letters I .
The Mass. House of Representatives, as mentioned in Chapter , proposed Sept.
, , as the date for the Congress to open, and this date proved acceptable to
several of the colonies. But S.C., Del., and Va. named the first Monday in Sept.
(Sept. ) and Md. and N.C., Sept. , as the date for their delegates to assemble in
Philadelphia, Force I , , , , . Washington wrote Johnson of Md.
on Aug. of the decision of S.C. and Va., Washington III , and most of the Md.
delegates were on hand by Sept. , Burnett Letters I xlv–xlvii.
Randolph, Lee, Harrison, and Bland arrived Sept. , , Adams’ and Samuel
Ward’s diaries for Sept. , same , ; also Chitwood Lee , .
Description of Lee’s supping with the Mass. delegates, Adams’ diary for Sept.
and , , Burnett Letters I –.
Journey of Washington, Henry, and Pendleton, Washington’s diary entries, Aug.
to Sept. , , Washington Diaries II . Chitwood Lee says they traveled
“on horseback,” and I think this statement probably is true, but I have found no
evidence to support it.
All or most of the delegates from every colony represented at the Congress had ar-
rived by September , , Burnett Letters xli–lxvi. Hooper and Hewes of N.C.
took their seats in the Congress on Sept. , Caswell, the third delegate from N.C.,
on Sept. , Journals Cont. Cong. I –. They could hardly have arrived much
sooner, since they had been elected as late as Aug. , Force I .
Opening entry in the records of the First Continental Congress Sept. , , Jour-
nals Cont. Cong. I .
Deane to his wife Sept. and , Burnett Letters I , , –. As to “Col. Fitch”
and the probable meaning of “hard” as used by Deane, Knollenberg Washington
.
Description of Lee in Adams’ diary for Sept. and , , Burnett Letters I .
Caesar Rodney to Thomas Rodney Sept. , , describing “the Bostonians” as
“moderate” compared with those of Va., S.C., and R.I., same . Gov. Cadwal-
lader Colden of N.Y. to Lord Dartmouth Dec. , states (quoting Galloway and
Duane) that “the Delegates from Virginia were the most violent of any—Those of
Maryland and some of the Carolinians were little less so,” Colden . Lee and
Henry of Va., Gadsden and Lynch of S.C., and Ward of R.I. were outstandingly
radical, but not, I think, the other delegates from those colonies or any of the Md.
delegates.
Deane to his wife Sept. , , stating that Gadsden “leaves all New England Sons
of Liberty far behind, for he is for taking up his firelock and marching direct to
Boston,” Burnett Letters I .
The only reference to Washington’s speaking in Congress is in a letter from Deane
to his wife Sept. , , stating, “Col. Washington...speaks very modestly and
in cool but determined style and accent,” same . But even this may refer to re-
ports as to Washington speaking in the Va. House of Burgesses as to which Deane
had referred earlier in his letter.
Washington’s speech in the Va. convention as to raising, equipping, and leading
to Boston an army of a thousand men, Adams’ diary for Aug. , , same .
Deane gives a similar report to his wife in the letter of Sept. , referred to in note
above, but, according to Deane’s version, the speech was made in the Va.
House of Burgesses, same .
Deane to his wife Aug. , , as to Washington’s having saved the remnant of
Braddock’s army, same .
I have found no evidence other than the reports of Deane and Adams of Wash-
ington’s supposed speech or of his having saved Braddock’s army, though he cer-
tainly played a gallant part in the disaster to that army, Knollenberg Washington
–, .
The descriptions of members are from Adams’ diary Aug. to Sept. , and
Oct. , , and Deane to his wife Sept. , Burnett Letters I , , , , .
In , John Adams described himself as looking, when taking notes of a speech
of Otis in , “like a short, thick, fat archbishop of Canterbury, seated at the
table with a pen in his hand...now and then minuting...notes,” Adams Works
X –, and Benjamin Blythe’s portrait of him in and many portraits in
later life, collected in Oliver Portraits of John and Abigail Adams, bear out this de-
scription. Also a letter of Abigail Adams to her sister, Mrs. Mary Smith Cranch,
in , speaks of him as “very fat,” Adams Family Corresp. I .
The resolution for secrecy Sept. , , Journals Cont. Cong. I . Such a resolution
was, of course, essential, since otherwise the members would hardly dare speak
freely for fear of prosecution for treason.
Galloway’s offer of the Pa. Assembly room at the Pa. State House for the sessions
of the Congress and the desire of “a very few...chiefly from Pennsylvania and
New York” to accept the offer, Deane to his wife Sept. –, ; Adams’ diary for
Sept. , Duane’s Notes of Sept. , Galloway to Gov. William Franklin Sept. , Bur-
nett Letters I –. The Second Continental Congress sat in this room, now known
as Independence Hall because the Declaration of Independence was adopted
there.
Offer of the Carpenters’ Hall which Deane says was made by the city of Philadel-
phia, and Duane says by the carpenters themselves, Deane to his wife Sept. –,
, Duane’s notes of Sept. , same , . As to Lynch making the proposal to ac-
cept the offer, same .
Choice of the Carpenters’ Hall by a large majority, Adams’ diary for Sept. , ,
same –.
The “excellent library” referred to by Adams belonged to the Library Company
of Philadelphia, Journals Cont. Cong. I . In the meeting room was less than
half the size of the chamber now shown as the place of meeting; the room has been
enlarged since by tearing out partitions, Plan on exhibition at Carpenters’
Hall, Philadelphia, of the room as it was in and description in Peterson “His-
toric Philadelphia” –.
“This Charles Thompson [Thomson] is the Sam. Adams of Phyladelphia
—the
Life of the Cause of Liberty, they say,” Adams’ diary Aug. , , Adams Papers II
. As to Thomson, Philadelphia merchant and former school teacher, Zimmer-
man “Thomson” –. In Oct., , he was elected one of Philadelphia City’s
representatives in the Pa. Assembly, John Adams to his wife Oct. , Adams Family
Corresp. I .
Deane to his wife Sept. and , , as to rejecting offer of the State House and
Galloway’s having prevented inclusion of Thomson in the Pa. delegation, Burnett
Letters I –, . Galloway wrote William Franklin Sept. that the choice of the
Carpenters’ Hall had been “privately settled” in advance by Mass., Va., and S.C.
delegates, same , and an entry in Adams’ diary as early as Aug. stating, with
apparent assurance, that the Congress was to sit in the Carpenters’ Hall tends to
support Galloway’s suspicion, Adams Papers II .
Duane’s “Notes” of Sept. , , state, “A Question was then put what Title the
Convention shall assume & it was agreed that it should be called the Congress; an-
other Question was put what should be the Stile of Mr. Randolph, & it was agreed
that he should be called the [without italics] President,” Duane Papers, N.Y.
Hist. Soc.
Duane’s “Notes” quoted in note above; Caesar to Thomas Rodney Sept. ,
, Burnett Letters I ; and an entry in the Congress journals of Oct. , Journals
Cont. Cong. I indicate that the official title was “President,” not “the President.”
But the journals of the Congress repeatedly refer to Randolph as “the President,”
e.g., same , , , . (The journal entry for Sept. , “The Congress proceeded
to the choice of a President,” same , is noncommittal.)
Randolph elected President and Thomson Secretary of the Congress Sept. , ,
Journals Cont. Cong. I . As to Lynch’s proposal of them, Duane “Notes of Proceed-
ings” Sept. , Burnett Letters I . Galloway and some or all of the N.Y. delegates
were unhappy over the election of Thomson, Adams’ diary for Sept. ; Galloway
to William Franklin Sept. ; and Deane to his wife Sept. and , same I , , .
Galloway thought that this, too, had been “privately settled” beforehand by the
Bostonians, Virginians, and Carolinians, one of the Rutledges excepted, same .
On Sept. , , Duane raised a question as to the status of the N.Y. delegates,
whereupon it was decided unanimously that these delegates should be on the
same footing as those from the other colonies, Duane’s notes, same .
Resolutions of Sept. , , that “no person shall speak more than twice and on
the same point, without the leave of the Congress” and that “no question shall be
determined the day on which it was agitated,” if any colony asked for postpone-
ment to a later day, Journals Cont. Cong. I .
Resolution adopted Sept. , , that the vote be by colonies, same . Isaac Low,
Chairman of the N.Y. Comm. of Corresp. wrote the Supervisors of Albany
County, July , that it was immaterial how many delegates the county might elect
to the Continental Congress “since those of each Province, whether more or less,
will conjointly have only one vote at the Congress,” Jay Papers, Columbia U.
Library. But there seems to have been no general advance agreement to this ef-
fect, since the point was raised in the Congress on Sept. , John Adams’ diary for
Sept. , Burnett Letters .
Ezra Stiles, a keen student of statistics, estimated the white population of the thir-
teen colonies (except Ga.) in to be ,,, Stiles Diary I . Jensen in his
Hist. Doc. gives an estimate for all thirteen colonies in “–” of ,,
whites as follows: N.H., ,; Mass. (including present-day Maine), ,;
R.I. ,; Conn., ,; N.Y. (including present-day Vermont), ,; N.J.,
,; Pa. and Del., ,; Md., ,; Va. (including present-day West Va.
and Kentucky), ,; N.C., ,; S.C., ,; Ga., ,. The popula-
tion of Del. in has been estimated at ,, Hist. Statistics . Assuming it
was , by , the estimated white population of Pa. would be , in
. Stiles’ estimates differ widely from Jensen’s only as to N.C. and S.C., which
Stiles gives as , and ,, respectively.
Henry’s statements as to voting, Duane’s and Adams’ notes of Sept. , , Bur-
nett Letters I , . Adams’ diary for Sept. also records Henry as pointing out the
“great injustice if a little Colony should have the same weight in the councils of
America as a great one...,” same . Though conceding that slaves were not to be
counted in computing population, Henry presumably had in mind their inclusion
in determining the factor of “opulence” mentioned in the text.
Jensen Hist. Doc. estimates the blacks, mostly slaves, of course, in the thirteen
colonies in – to be ,, as follows: N.H., ; Mass., ,; R.I.,
,; Conn., ,; N.Y., ,; N.J., ,; Pa. and Del., ,; Md., ,;
Va., ,; N.C., ,; S.C., ,; and Ga., ,. The estimates for
in Hist. Statistics and for in Stiles Diary I indicate that Jensen’s esti-
mates for N.C. are much too low.
Harrison of Va. argues for proportionate representation, Duane’s notes of Sept. ,
Burnett Letters I .
Lynch of S.C. favors proportionate representation on the basis of “a compound of
numbers and property,” John Adams’ notes for Sept. , , same . The dates of
these notes and of several other documents cited in this and the next two chapters
are supplied by Burnett as editor. Unless otherwise noted, I agree with and have
followed his dating.
Statements of Sullivan of N.H., Ward of R.I. and Gadsden of S.C. in favor of each
colony having but one vote, Adams’ diary Sept. , , Duane’s notes Sept. , and
John Adams’ notes Sept. , same , , –.
There is no record in the notes of debates on the question of proportionate vote,
Adams’ notes for Sept. , , Burnett Letters . Adams had queried in his diary
of Sept. , “whether it is possible to ascertain, at this time, the numbers of our
people or the value of our trade,” which ought to be ascertained, he added, not by
taking “each others words,” but “by authentic evidence from the records,” same .
John to Abigail Adams Sept. , , as to the “delicate course” the Mass. “em-
bassy” had to steer, same .
John Adams to William Tudor Sept. , , as to the necessity for the Mass. del-
egation to “keep...out of sight” and “to insinuate” their designs through dele-
gates from other colonies, same . Caesar Rodney, a member of the Del. delega-
tion, and Gov. Cadwallader Colden of N.Y., who had talked with Galloway,
commented (Sept. and Dec. , respectively) on the relative moderation of the
Mass. delegates compared with those of Va. and S.C., same and Colden .
Remarks of Lee and Bland as to lack of data on which to base proportionate vote,
Adams’ notes for Sept. , , Burnett Letters I . Adams had queried in his di-
ary of Sept. , “whether it is possible to ascertain, at this time, the numbers of our
people or the value of our trade,” which ought to be ascertained, he added, not by
taking “each others words,” but “by authentic evidence from the records,” same .
The O.E.D. under “Province” states that the term is “chiefly applied to those
[British] colonies which were denominated provinces in their charters....Gen-
erally...colonies having a royal governor and some having proprietary gover-
nors were ‘provinces’.” The differentiation is illustrated in the Charter of
transforming Mass. into a royal province, which speaks of “the...Colony of the
Massachusetts Bay” becoming a “reall [royal] Province by the Name of Our
Province of the Massachusetts Bay in New England...,” Mass. Acts I .
The minutes of Congress for Sept. , , as to method of voting, Journals Cont.
Cong. I . The fact that this resolution is not recorded as carried unanimously in-
dicates that one or more colonies voted against it; but I have found no evidence of
the line-up. If the delegates of a colony were equally divided on a question, the col-
ony lost its vote, Burnett Letters I , .
Statement that the words as to Congress’ not having proper materials “at present”
were added to prevent the vote in favor of one vote for each colony from being
made a precedent, Conn. delegates to the Governor of Conn. (Jonathan Trum-
bull) Oct. , , Burnett Letters I .
Retention of the rule of a single vote for each state in the proposed Articles of Con-
federation Aug. , , and those adopted Nov. , , Journals Cont. Cong. V
, IX and Jensen Articles of Confederation –. The U.S. Constitution in
effect perpetuates this rule by providing in Article that no bill shall pass without
concurrence of the Senate and in Article that each state shall have two senators,
the extreme unfairness of which is discussed in Knollenberg “Sagebrush Rule,”
Atlantic Monthly () –; June, , supplementary pp. , .
John Jay stated Sept. , , “I am not clear that we ought not to be bound by a
majority, though ever so small,” John Adams’ notes Sept. , Burnett Letters I ;
but I have found no debate on the question, and an important motion was, we
know, carried by a bare majority, Deane’s diary Oct. , , “Deane Diary” –,
with Journals Cont. Cong. I –. The Articles of Confederation agreed to by the
Second Continental Congress Nov. , , required the affirmative vote of nine
states for important decisions, same IX .
A report reached Philadelphia Sept. , , of the British cannonading of Boston
and the killing of six of its inhabitants, diary entries and letters Sept. –, Burnett
Letters I , , , , . The chief source of the report apparently was a letter from
Israel Putnam of Pomfret, Conn., to Aaron Cleveland Sept. , Force I ; Stiles
Diary –. As to the rapid progress of this report from town to town in Conn.
by messenger from one Committee of Correspondence to another, and Putnam’s
labored explanation of his error, same , –n.
The three known accounts of the incident concerning the proposal to open the
Congress with prayer are in Duane’s notes for Sept. , , Samuel Adams to
Joseph Warren Sept. , and John Adams to his wife Sept. , Burnett Letters I ,
–, . The accounts of Duane and John Adams are somewhat conflicting; I
follow Duane’s because it is the closest in time to the event, and because Adams
is inaccurate in stating that the motion was made “when Congress first met”
—it
was made the following day, Journals Cont. Cong. I . Samuel Adams’ laconic state-
ment is reconcilable with either.
Deane wrote his wife Sept. , , that Duché [the Reverend Jacob Duché of
Philadelphia] had “prayed with such fervency, purity and sublimity of style and
sentiment, and with such an apparent sensibility of the scenes and business before
us [a false rumor of the bombardment of Boston] that even Quakers shed tears,”
Burnett Letters I . John and Samuel Adams also highly praised Duché’s prayer,
John Adams’ diary for Sept. , and Samuel Adams to Warren, Sept. , same , .
The journals of the Congress do not state how the members of this and other com-
mittees were chosen; but Duane’s notes for Sept. , , remark that the com-
mittee on the statement of rights to be “appointed” should be “composed of two
members from each Colony to be recommended by their associates,” Journals
Cont. Cong. I . Hence, I infer that this committee was appointed by the President
on recommendation from the several delegations, and I suppose this method was
followed with respect to at least the more important committees later chosen.
The members, two from each colony, chosen Sept. , , to draft the important
Statement of Rights are named in Journals Cont. Cong. I . On the arrival of two of
the N.C. delegation on Sept. , they were immediately added to the committee,
and on Sept. , there was a further addition of three important members (Cush-