Jones G.S., Claeys G. The Cambridge History of Nineteenth-Century Political Thought
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Contents
5 Marx’s theory of the advent of communism 575
6 The critique of the state 579
7 Marx’s critique of political economy 585
8 After Capital:Engels 590
9 After Capital:Marx 592
10 Conclusion 598
Part IV: Secularity, reform and modernity
18 Church and state: the problem of authority
603
john e. toews
1 Romantic reframing: church and state as expressive polarities 605
2 Systematisation: church and state in the totality of history
and culture 616
3 Practice: the intellectual movements of the mid-nineteenth century 628
4 Historicism and church–state relations: the case of Ranke 639
19 The politics of nature: science and religion in the age of Darwin
649
daniel p ick
1 Introduction 649
2 Science and authority 664
3 Nature and inequality 672
4 Uncertain futures 680
20 Conservative political thought from the revolutions of 1848 until
the fin de si
`
ecle
691
lawrence goldman
1 The emergence and definition of the conservative tradition 691
2 The development of conservatism: European politics and society
after 1848 695
3 Conservative cultural and political thinkers in Britain 699
4 The conservative tradition in America 708
5 The ‘revolt against positivism’: conservative irrationalism in late
nineteenth-century Europe 712
21 Modern liberty redefined
720
james thompson
1 Introduction 720
2 Liberty, good government and the state 723
3 Citizenship, democracy and the constitution 736
4 Conclusion 746
x
Contents
22 Political economy 748
em ma rothschil d
1 Introduction 748
2 A universal science 751
3 Economic cultural history 760
4 Abstract and deductive ideas 764
5 Money, empire and race 767
6 The politics of political economy 772
23 German socialism and social democracy 1860–1900
780
vernon l. lidtke
1 Origins of s ocialist political thought 780
2 Ferdinand Lassalle 783
3 The Volksstaat 788
4 State socialism 794
5 Parliamentary participation 796
6 The road to power 798
7 The socialist society of the future 804
8 Eduard Bernstein 806
24 Russian political thought of the nineteenth century
811
andrezj walic ki
1 The epoch of Alexander I 811
2 The Nicholaevan Russia 814
3 Liberals and radicals of the period of reforms 818
4 Populism and anarchism 821
5 Ideologies of reaction 825
6 Vladimir Soloviev and Boris Chicherin 828
7 The controversy between populists and Marxists 830
25 European political thought and the wider world during the
nineteenth century
835
christopher bayly
1 The Righteous republics worldwide 840
2 The advent of liberalism 843
3 From liberalism to cultural protectionism 847
4 National essences and race 850
5 Liberalism and culture in South Asia 852
6 The African triangle: religion and emancipation 858
7 Conclusion 862
xi
Contents
26 Empire and imperialism 864
duncan be ll
1 Introduction 864
2 Mapping the imperial imagination 867
3 Liberalism and empire: glory and civilisation 876
4 Liberalism and empire: ambivalence and critique 886
5 Conclusions 891
Epilogue: French Revolution to fin de si
`
ecle: political thought in
retrospect and prospect, 1800–1914
893
jose harris
1 An overview from 1900 893
2 Issues and problems 898
3 New wine in old bottles 906
4 Political thought on the brink of the twentieth century 916
5 Conclusion and postscript: rationality and violence 928
Biographies
934
Bibliography 988
Index 1092
xii
Contributors
christopher bayly
Vere Harmsworth Professor of Imperial and Naval History and Fellow,
St Catharine’s College, University of Cambridge
duncan bell
Lecturer, Department of Politics and International Studies and Fellow,
Christ’s College, University of Cambridge
frederick c. beiser
Professor of Philosophy, Syracuse University
john breuilly
Professor of Nationalism and Ethnicity, London School of Economics and
Political Science
gregory claeys
Professor of the History of Political Thought, Royal Holloway,
University of London
lu c y del ap
Fellow and Director of Studies in History, St Catharine’s College,
University of Cambridge
lawrence goldman
Editor, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Tutor in Modern History and
Fellow, St. Peter’s College, Oxford
jose harris
Emeritus Professor of Modern History and Fellow, St Catherine’s College, Oxford
ross harrison
Professor of Philosophy and Provost of King’s College, University of Cambridge
xiii
List of contributors
jeremy jennings
Professor of Political Theory, Queen Mary, University of London
donald r. kelley
James Westfall Thompson Professor of History, Rutgers, The State University of
New Jersey
christine lattek
Formerly Lecturer, Department of History, University of Cologne
vernon l. lidtke
Emeritus Professor, Department of History, Johns Hopkins University
douglas moggach
University Research Chair in Political Thought, University of Ottawa
wol fgang j. mom mse n
Late Emeritus Professor, Heinrich Heine University, D
¨
usseldorf
john morrow
Deputy Vice-Chancellor (Academic), University of Auckland
daniel pick
Professor of History, Birkbeck, University of London
frederick rosen
Emeritus Professor of the History of Political Thought and Senior Research Fellow,
Bentham Project, University College, London
emma rothschild
Jeremy and Jane Knowles Professor of History, Harvard University
gareth ste dman jone s
Professor of the History of Ideas at Queen Mary, University of London
james thompson
Lecturer in Modern British History, University of Bristol
john e. toews
Professor of European Intellectual and Cultural History, University of Washington
k. steven vincent
Professor of History, North Carolina State University
andrezj walicki
O’Neill Professor Emeritus of History, University of Notre Dame
xiv
List of contributors
cheryl b. welch
Professor of Political Science, Chair of Political Science and International Relations,
Simmons College
bee wilson
Formerly Research Fellow in the History of Ideas, St John’s College, University of
Cambridge
james p. young
Emeritus Professor of Political Science, State University of New York,
Binghampton
xv
Acknowledgements
This is the last volume to appear in the Cambridge History of Political Thought
series and it has been a long time in the making. We are especially grateful
to Richard Fisher at Cambridge University Press, who has provided wise
advice and patient encouragement throughout the period of preparation of
the volume. We would like to extend our special thanks to the contributors
who have responded so willingly to editorial suggestions.
For help and encouragement in the early stages of the volume we wish
to record our gratitude to two distinguished scholars who died before their
contributions could be completed; Professor John Burrow of Oxford and
Sussex Universities and Professor Sir Bernard Williams of Berkeley and
Oxford Universities. They provided invaluable advice on the overall shape
and the content of the volume. It is also a matter of deep regret that one
of our contributors, Professor Wolfgang Mommsen of Heinrich Heine
University, D
¨
ußeldorf, died before this volume was complete.
Susanne Lohmann, Inga Huld Markan, Jo Maybin and Amy Price offered
practical support in the making of the volume. We are especially grateful
to Mary-Rose Cheadle who expertly supervised the final preparation and
editing of the manuscript.
Most of the editorial work on the volume was carried out at the Centre
for History and Economics in Cambridge. In this connection we would
like to acknowledge the generosity of a number of foundations. We would
especially like to thank the Edmond de Rothschild Foundation and its
Executive Director, Firoz Ladak. We would also like to thank the John
D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation and the Andrew W. Mellon
Foundation who provided support at earlier stages.
Finally we would like thank at Cambridge University Press, Jo North
for her conscientious copy-editing, Auriol Griffith-Jones who compiled
the index, and most importantly Dan Dunlavey for managing the final
production process.
xvi
Introduction
The aim of the nineteenth-century volume of the Cambridge History of
Political Thought is to provide a systematic and up-to-date scholarly account
of the development of the central themes of political and social think-
ing in the century following the French Revolution. Its purpose is not to
reinforce a canon but rather to trace the emergence of particular preoccu-
pations and to delineate the development of distinctive forms and languages
of political thinking. As in the preceding volumes, the aim will be to ana-
lyse the provenance and character of leading political ideas, to relate them
to the specific historical contexts within which they arose and to examine
the circumstances in which their influence made itself felt. This thematic
approach has many advantages. But we do not consider it appropriate in
every case. In a few instances – those of Hegel, Marx, Bentham and Mill –
we have largely devoted chapters to a single author. For in assessing such
major thinkers, whose influence and reputations have reached down to the
present, we have considered it important that readers be enabled to evaluate
their work as a whole.
A volume devoted to nineteenth-century political thought poses special
problems of scope and scale not encountered in earlier historical periods.
The first problem is that of scope. In the nineteenth century, the boundary
between political and other types of thought cannot be drawn with the pre-
cision which may be possible in other periods. For if the definition of the
political is too narrowly drawn, much of the most important political think-
ing of the nineteenth century would fall outside it. The formal boundaries
of political thought were already breaking down in the eighteenth cen-
tury. But the process was greatly accentuated in the period following the
French Revolution in which so many inherited political categories were
thrown into disar ray. Natural jurispr udence which had provided a frame-
work for so much systematic political theorising from Grotius to Rousseau
and Kant was largely discarded. The juridical framework which had been
1
The Cambridge History of Nineteenth-Century Political Thought
appropriate to the discussion of sovereignty, contract and representation
could no longer encompass new conceptions derived from political econ-
omy, medicine, social science, history and aesthetics. Novel thinking about
politics to a large extent developed within these ancillary areas and some
of the most important political thinkers of the nineteenth century – Marx
and Tocqueville, for example – never wrote a formal treatise on politics. In
the face of this intellectual shift, any attempt to confine this volume to a
study of nineteenth-century political theory, narrowly defined, would have
produced a seriously lopsided picture of the character and range of political
thinking in the period. For this reason, considerable attention has been paid
to the development of political economy, to changes in the conception of
law and history, to social and natural science and to aesthetics.
The second problem is that of scale. Until the late eighteenth century, a
history of political thought could by and large concentrate upon the writings
of small learned groups in Western Europe with a sidelong glance at the
American colonies. But in the nineteenth century, the number of authors
and readers increased immeasurably. The American and French Revolutions
stimulated political debate among groups and in regions where, before, it had
barely existed. The spread of democratic radicalism, nationalism, socialism
and feminism were in large part products of this seismic shift in political
expectations. Furthermore, European expansion, the growth of world trade
and the formation of new nation states spread new political ideas across
the world. There were followers of Comte and Mill to be found from
Brazil to China and from such tiny groupings were to develop traditions
of Europeanised political and intellectual debate that interacted in various
ways with indigenous political cultures. In Europe itself, the growth of
population, urbanisation and the spread of literacy brought a f ar broader
spectrum of the ‘people’ within the ambit of informed political discussion.
The proliferation of newspapers, periodicals and tracts testified to this vast
increase in demand. In sheer bulk, the volume of political writings in the
nineteenth century probably outweighed that of all preceding centuries
combined.
One favoured way of attempting to characterise and chart the develop-
ment of nineteenth-century political thought has been to tell a story about
the triumph and faltering of the idea of ‘progress’. Such an idea was well
established by the French Revolution, but was lent enormous impetus by
scientific discoveries and inventions and a steadily rising standard of living
at least for the middle classes, and after mid-century often for the working
classes as well. At its peak around the middle of the century, the pervasiveness
2
Introduction
of this idea was captured particularly in notions of ‘civilisation’, of the sharp
division between ‘advanced’ and ‘backward’ societies or sometimes between
‘white’ and other races, and of the vaunted superiority of the morals and
manners attendant upon science, Christianity and commerce. Conver sely,
the period from the 1880s to the First World War is often depicted as that of
a crisis of reason, in which various forms of nationalism, neo-romanticism,
irrationalism, mysticism, political pessimism and cults of violence captured
the imagination of the new, uprooted and restless intelligentsias thrown up
by the social, scientific and political changes of the period.
There is no doubt that this approach captures some of the most significant
as well as most eye-catching developments of the period. But such an
interpretation, as this volume demonstrates, also has real limitations. Its
vision is too selective. In the first half of the century, it underplays the
traumas attendant upon the decline or loss of the religious and political
hierarchies of the ancien r
´
egime, not to mention new Malthusian anxieties
about overpopulation. Conversely, its depiction of intellectual, political and
cultural developments after 1870 is inescapably coloured by a sense of the
tragic denouement to come in the First World War. Consequently, it misses
equally prominent expressions of optimism about education, international
arbitration, peaceful economic development, social security and civic and
democratic participation in the new conditions of urban life. For these
reasons, we have made no attempt to construct an overarching picture of
the direction of political thought in the century as a whole or to reduce the
diversity of developments recounted in individual essays.
Since the size of this volume is limited, there is no optimal, let alone com-
prehensive, way in which all this diversity of topics can be accommodated.
We have devoted more space to the literature of nationalism, socialism,
republicanism and feminism than is customary in more traditional pictures
of nineteenth-century political theory and we have attempted to consider
the impact of Western political thought viewed from outside Europe, as
well as investigating changing European conceptions of empire. Generally,
we have avoided a country-by-country enumeration of forms of political
thought, in favour of a more thematic organisation of the subject matter.
But once again, this rule has not been applied rigidly. In certain cases, we
have found a national framework to be the most illuminating way of con-
sidering a particular body of political literature. Thus the development of
American and Russian political thought has been given separate treatment
(Chapters 12 and 23), while other chapters discuss the peculiar problems of
German liberalism and German social democracy (Chapters 13 and 22).
3