Gairdner J. History of the Life and Reign of Richard the Third: To which is Added the Story of Perkin Warbeck from Original Documents

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230 LIFE OF RICHARD III. CH. VI.

Lichfield, the next place on Henry's route, as if flying before

him, just two days before Henry entered it

Lord Stanley truly had reason to be cautious lest Richard

should inflict the penalty of his treason upon his son. By

temporising he saved the young man's life; but in the mean-

while he disappointed Henry almost as much as Richard,

for Henry had greatly relied on his assistance in undertaking

the expedition. Full of anxious thoughts one evening the

earl loitered in the rear of his army on the road from Lichfield

to Tamworth. As night came on he lost sight of his men,

and wandered about in considerable apprehension of falling

into the hands of Richard's soldiers. At last, not daring

either to advance or recede, nor even to ask his way, he

remained at a small village till daybreak".

Next morning he rejoined his army, to the great joy of

all his followers, who had been no less perplexed by his ab-

sence than he had been troubled at finding himself left behind.

He excused the circumstance to

his-

friends by pretending that

he had gone out of the way on purpose to receive a secret

message from some allies who were unwilling at that juncture

to declare themselves openly, and that the result of the in-

terview had been highly encouraging. Having thus turned

the misadventure to his own advantage, to make the excuse

all the more plausible he again quietly left the army and went

on to Atherstone in advance of them. He could do so, in

fact, with little danger, as he knew the troops of Lord Stanley

and his brother Sir William were between him and the king,

and it was to secure a private interview with them that he

Meeting of

ma(

e tne m

ove. They met in a little close, where

Henry^and they cordially embraced and congratulated each

leys at other on the state of affairs, of which they were

Atherstone. . .

most hopeful, discussing plans for future action.

Lord Stanley, however, was hampered by the consideration

Polydore Vergil, 560, 561. Hall, 411, 414.

Hardyng, 543, 544. Polydore Vergil, 562. Hall, 413.

A.D.

1485. RICHARD LEAVES NOTTINGHAM. 231

that his son was in Richard's hands, and that the tyrant would

almost certainly put him to death as soon as he saw evidence

that his father was in concert with the enemy. He was there-

fore for the present compelled to act a double part

During these few days the earl gained continual acces-

sions to his strength. Sir Walter Hungerford and Sir Thomas

Bourchier, two captains who had been summoned from London

under Brackenbury, being informed that Richard held them

in suspicion, deserted their leader a little beyond Stony

Stratford, and wandering about by unknown paths, joined

themselves at last to Henry's army on the way between

Lichfield and Tamworth. Next day, after his interview with

the Stanleys at Atherstone, there came to him Sir John Savage,

Sir Brian Sanford, Sir Simon Digby, and many others, de-

serters from King Richard, with a select body of men

We have said that when Richard determined to put off

his departure from Nottingham till after the feast of the As-

sumption of Our Lady he had probably heard nothing more

of the movements of his rival than the fact that he had landed

in Wales. But the spies that he had sent out presently in-

formed him that Henry had crossed the Severn at Shrewsbury,

without having met with any opposition in his progress. The

intelligence struck him with dismay. He saw that he had

been deceived by those in whom he trusted, and it was in

vain that he implored vengeance on their perfidy. He could

not but doubt the fidelity of many others. News came next

that the earl was encamped at Lichfield, so that the direction

of his movements was clear. The king marched

out of Nottingham with all his host and took leaves Nof-

the road to Leicester. He marshalled his men in Leicester."

ranks four abreast, placing the baggage in the

middle. He himself and his body-guard followed the baggage,

the cavalry forming wings on either side. The long array of

Polydore Vergil, 562. Hall, 412, 413.

16.

232 LIFE OF RICHARD III. CH. VI.

his great army must have had a most imposing effect. It

seems to have been an object with the king to display all

the pomp he could make; but those who saw him near,

mounted on his great white courser, noted a troubled ex-

pression on his countenance, in which his natural ferocity

seemed aggravated by a dismal and truculent frown'. After

sunset on the 20th he arrived at Leicester".

On the 16th August, before he left Nottingham

, or

at least before his intention to leave it was known at York,

Polydore Vergil, 562. Hall, 412, 413.

There is a curious story of his having slept at the Blue Boar Inn at

Leicester and brought with him his own bedstead; which having a false

bottom he therein deposited about ^300 in money, the finding of which in

the time of Queen Elizabeth gave rise to a murder. The murder, it is true,

was a fact; but although it appears that even in James I.'s days "King

Richard's bedstead" was reputed to be preserved at Leicester (see a

publication of 1611 cited by W. Kelly in Royal

Progresses

and Visits to

Leicester, 247) it does not follow that Richard slept at the Blue Boar Inn

when the Castle was certainly inhabitable. An old bedstead still preserved

at Beaumanor Park which used to be at the Blue Boar is certainly not older

than the reign of Queen Elizabeth. See a communication by J. Gough

Nichols in the Gentleman's Magazine for July 1845, pp. 28-35, and Kelly's

book above mentioned. The original story will be found related by Hutton

(Battle ofBoswortk, 47-49).

The chronology of Richard's movements given by Hutton in his

Battle of Bosiuorth, pp. 49, 50, is quite impossible. Mr Hutton thinks,

apparently, that Richard arrived at Leicester on the evening of the c6th,

and that he marched out of it on the 17th, expecting to meet his rival at

Hinckley; that he arrived that night at Elmsthorpe, where his officers

slept in the church; and that, turning to the right, he marched on the

18th to Stapleton and pitched his camp on some ground called the

Bradshaws, where earthworks may still be seen 300 yards long, 'which,

with other operations of great labour, prove his stay could not have

been less than three days' (pp. 49, 50). But the Croyland writer distinctly

says that Richard moved out of Leicester on Sunday before St Bartholomew's

Day—that is to say, on the 21st August, the day before the battle took

place; and this is confirmed by the Rolls of Parliament (vi. 276), which

show that he mustered his followers that day at Leicester. Moreover, if

we may trust Polydore and Hall, he had heard of Henry's arrival, not only

A.D.

1485. HE APPROACHES THE ENEMY. 233

the common council of that faithful city despatched to him

their Serjeant of the mace to know his pleasure about sending

men to resist the enemy. On the 19th they received a message

from the king in reply, and resolved that eighty citizens should

be sent up in all possible haste, each soldier being furnished

with ten shillings in advance for ten days' wages

. Though

Richard experienced much treachery and desertion of friends

elsewhere, the citizens of York were constant and devoted to

him to the last.

The battle was now at hand, which it was not the desire,

and could not be the policy, of either party to defer. On

Sunday the 21st August Richard marched out of Leicester

with great pomp, wearing his crown upon his head that all

might see him. He was accompanied by the Duke of Norfolk

at Shrewsbury, but even at Lichfield, before he left Nottingham; and it is

not likely that Henry reached Lichfield much before the 19th. I think,

therefore, that Richard probably delayed his departure from Nottingham,

not merely to the 15th August as he intended to do, but even a day or two

longer; and in this I am confirmed by the fact that a messenger despatched

from York on the 16th August returned with an answer on the 19th, having

been with the king at Bestwood, which instead of being south of Nottingham

on the way to Leicester, is four or five miles north of it (Davies' York

Records, 214-216). The place is called Beskwood in the York city records,

and the editor, misled, apparently, by the idea that Richard must have left

Nottingham for Leicester, thinks the name a misspelling of Prestwould, a

village on the borders of Leicestershire. Bestwood was a royal park on

the confines of Sherwood forest, the keepership of which had been granted

by Edward IV. to William Fletcher, an appointment confirmed by Richard

since his accession (Patents, 1 Richard III., p. 1, No. 102, and p. 3,

No.

57). It would seem, therefore, that Richard, not being as yet informed

of the near approach of the enemy, had gone out of Nottingham for a day's

hunting. He had already heard of his landing, and it was at Bestwood,

as we have seen, that he received the news. As to the earthworks at the

Bradshaws, if they really would have involved more than one day's labour,

they could not have been made by Richard's army. And indeed it is very

doubtful whether Richard encamped near Stapleton. His camp was much

more likely near Sutton Cheney.

Davies' York Records, 214-216.

234

LIFE 0F

RICHARD III. CH. VI.

—the first Howard that bore that title, whom he himself had

raised to the dukedom—by the Earl of Northumberland, by-

Norfolk's son, the Earl of Surrey, by "Viscount Lovel, who

„. ,_ . after Richard's overthrow continued to give Henry

Richard

en-

° '

camps near trouble, by Lords Ferrers and Zouche, by Sir

Richard Ratcliffe, Sir Robert Brackenbury, and a

host of other knights and gentlemen. He was by this time

well informed of the position the enemy would probably

occupy that night, and a march of about twelve miles westward

from Leicester brought him to a point a mile or two south

of Market Bosworth, where he pitched his camp, probably

beside the village of Sutton Cheney'.

Cont. Croyl. 573-574. Rolls of Parl. vi. 276. With regard to the

place of Richard's encampment the Croyland writer expresses himself

inaccurately. He says, "Oppidum Leicestrense egressus, satis per inter -

cursores edoctus, ubi hostes sequent! nocte de verisimili manere volebant,

ad octo miliaria ab eo oppido distantia, juxta abbathiam de Mirivall,

castrametatus est." These words properly imply that Richard encamped

near the abbey of Merevale, and about eight miles from Leicester. The

writer might have said, in the direction of that abbey, which was in fact

more than twenty miles from Leicester. But it is clear that amid the fens

of Lincolnshire he knew little of the geography of the Midland district, and

had misapprehended the intelligence which came to the monastery at the

time about the motions of the two armies. It was Henry's army, not

Richard's, that encamped one night close to Merevale Abbey, for they

encamped at Atherstone, which is close to that abbey, on Saturday night,

the 20th August. But this was the second night before the battle, the

scene of which was eight miles further on. Yet so completely had the

writer misconceived the case that after recording the action he actually calls

it the battle of Merevale (bellum Mirivattense). Cont. Croyl. 575.

On the other hand, the theory started by Hutton that Richard encamped

at Stapleton, about three miles south of Market Bosworth, is not very

probable, and the supposed, or real, earthworks in the neighbourhood do

not make it more so, as we have already shown (see p. 233 at the end of

footnote 3 to preceding page). If Richard had encamped on the 21st so

far south as Stapleton he would naturally have attacked his enemy on the

south side of Ambien Hill; whereas it would appear that Henry's forces

marched northwards along a marsh which lay west of Ambien Hill

before the battle began.

A.D.

1485. THE RIVAL CAMPS.

The village of Market Bosworth stands on high ground

conspicuous from the neighbouring country, and towards it

Henry's army was likewise tending. Leaving Atherstone by the

Watling Street the day after his interview with the Stanleys he

diverged to the left a little way further on and encamped (it is

believed) at a place called the White Moors, within three miles

of his enemy's position. Between the two camps lay a hill

called Ambien Hill, with a marsh toward the side of Henry's

encampment. Henry's forces are reckoned by early writers

to have numbered about 5,000, while the king's army was

more than double his strength. We can only take the positive

numbers of forces as early writers give them, with a general

understanding that they are never under-estimated. But be-

sides the two main armies there was a considerable force under

Lord Stanley, encamped, perhaps, at Stapleton, or at least

at some point where he could easily take a midway position

between the king and Henry, while his brother Sir William

occupied a hill probably on the opposite side, with a body

reckoned at about 3,000 men. Thus there were four hosts

placed as regards each other not unlike whist players

Early on the following morning both parties prepared for

battle. Richard rose in the twilight, unusually pale

" August 22.

and haggard. His breakfast was not prepared, nor

were his chaplains ready to say mass. He confessed that he

had been disturbed by frightful dreams. He had seen himself

surrounded by hosts of demons who would not suffer him to

rest. He spoke dismally of the impending conflict, saying

it would be the entire destruction of the kingdom whichever

party prevailed; for if he was victorious he was determined

to inflict signal punishment on all the rebels, and if Richmond

gained the day he believed he would not be less sanguinary

Hall, 414.

Cont. Croyl. 574. Hutton relates, as if it were authentic history, that

Richard passing from his tent in the twilight, saw a sentinel asleep upon

his post and stabbed him to the heart. ' I found him asleep,' he said, 'and

236 LIFE

RICHARD

III.

CH.

VI.

But Richard was too much a man of action to brood long

over such thoughts. He gave orders to set his army again

in motion, and, to inspire as much terror as possible, he spread

out the van to a marvellous length, placing among them both

horse and foot, with a compact body of archers in front, like

a fortified trench or bulwark. The command of this part of

the host was given to the Duke of Norfolk and his son the

Earl of Surrey. Behind them was the king with a chosen

company of experienced warriors, and on either side was a

wing consisting entirely of horsemen

Richard is represented as having addressed his captains

. ., in a speech which, if its real substance has been

Kicnard

address

preserved

by the

chroniclers,

was

extremely pithy

his

men.

. ' . , •

and appropriate.

said that

it was to

their

wisdom that

owed

his

crown,

and by

their valour

and

loyalty

he had

been secured

in the

possession

of it, not-

withstanding

the

seditious attempts

of his

enemies.

He had

been

them

just prince,

and

they

to him

loyal subjects.

' So that

may affirm,'

said,

that your approved fidelity

and

constancy maketh

me to

believe that

I am an

undoubted king.

And although

in the

obtaining

of the

garland,

being seduced

sinister counsel

and

diabolical temptation,

did

commit

wicked

and detestable

act, yet I

have with strict penance

and

salt tears,

I trust, expiated

and

clearly purged

the

same offence; which

abominable crime

desire you,

friendship,

clearly

forget

I daily

remember

deplore and lament

the

same. Now,

you

will diligently call

remembrance

what perplexity

stand,

and

what doubtful peril we

now involved,

doubt

not but you

will confess, that

ever amity

and

faith prevailed between prince

and subjects—if ever bond

allegiance obliged

the

vassal

love

his lord,

duty bound

prince

to aid his

subjects,

all

these loves,

bonds,

and

duties

necessity

are

this

day to be

experienced,

have left him as

found him.'—• The Battle

Bosworth,

79. The

story

Sir

John Beaumont's poem

Bosworth

Field

and

seems

have

other foundation than

poetic imagination.

Pol. Vergil, 562, 563. Hall,

414.

A.D.

1485. THE KING'S HARANGUE. 237

showed, and put in practice. For if wise men say true, there is

some policy in getting, but much more in keeping; the one being

but fortune's chance, the other high wisdom and skill. For which

cause, I with you, and you with me, must this day labour to defend

with force that pre-eminence which by your prudent devices I have

obtained. I doubt not but you know how the devil, the disturber

of concord and sower of sedition, hath entered into the heart of an

unknown Welshman, whose father I never knew, nor him personally

saw, exciting him to aspire to our realm, crown, and dignity. Ye

see further how a company of traitors, thieves, outlaws, and

runagates of our own nation be aiders and partakers of his enter-

prise. You see also what a number of beggarly Bretons and faint-

hearted Frenchmen be with him, arrived to destroy us, our wives

and children. Which imminent mischiefs if we will withstand, we

must live together like brethren, fight together like lions, and fear

not to die together like men. And observing this rule, believe me,

the timid hare never fled faster before the greyhound, nor the lark

before the sparrowhawk, nor the sheep before the

wolf,

than your

proud, bragging adversaries, confounded by the mere sight of your

manly visages, will flee and disperse out of the field. For if you

will consider all things, we have manifest causes of triumph. To

begin with, the Earl of Richmond, captain of this rebellion, he is a

Welsh milksop, a man of small courage and less experience in war,,

brought up by my brother's means and mine like a captive in a

close cage in the court of Francis Duke of Brittany, and never saw

army, nor is able of himself to guide one. Secondly, fear not but

the traitors and runagates of our realm, when they shall see us,

with banner displayed, come against them, remembering their oath

of fidelity to us their Sovereign Lord, will for very remorse either

shamefully fly or humbly submit themselves. And as for the

Frenchmen and Bretons, their valour is such that our noble

progenitors and your valiant parents have vanquished them oftener

in one month than they at first thought possible to do in a whole

year. Wherefore dismiss all fear, and like valiant champions

advance forth your standards. Every one give but one sure stroke,

and the day is ours. What prevaileth a handful of men to a whole

realm? As for me, I assure you, this day I will triumph by glorious

victory, or suffer death for immortal fame

Hall, 415, 416. I have here and there slightly shortened and moder-

nised the expressions in this speech as it stands in Hall.

238 LIFE OF RICHARD III. CH. VI.

An oration so well composed as this is of course a mere

exercise of ingenuity on the part of the historian who reports

it. But it is conceivable that something to the same effect

was actually spoken. The Earl of Richmond's oration is

given much in the same fashion. He was come to vindicate

justice and avenge murder. He was come to oppose a de-

stroyer of his nobility and an oppressor of his country. He

was come also to assert his own claim to the crown of England,

which had been wrongfully withheld from him by an usurper.

He assured his friends that the numbers of the enemy gave

no grounds for apprehension. Many of the tyrant's forces

served him for fear, not for love; the greater part instead of

enemies would prove to be their friends. He also reminded

his followers that their fortune depended entirely upon them-

selves. When he was in Brittany he had little wealth; it

was only by victory he could reward them. Moreover their

condition in the event of ill success was desperate. Before

them were their enemies; on either side such as could not

be trusted; and backward there was no retreat. There they

stood, hemmed in like sheep within a fold and encompassed

by assured enemies and doubtful friends. Their only hope

was fearlessness and union

As Richard moved to the attack he sent a message to

Lord Stanley requiring him to come forward immediately with

his company against the enemy, and threatening, in the event

of non-compliance, to put his son Lord Strange to death.

Stanley replied, as one who would not yield to menaces, that

he had other sons, and as to joining the king he was not

then so determined. Richard immediately gave orders that

Lord Strange should be beheaded. Those to whom the duty

was entrusted, however, believing the issue of the combat

to be doubtful, delayed the execution till it was seen which

party would prove the conqueror; and Lord Strange survived

the combat'.

Hall, 416-418.

Cont. Croyl. 574. Hall, 420.

A.D.

1485. THE BATTLE OF BOSWORTH. 239

Lord Stanley, however, was still endeavouring to tem-

porise. He stood distinctly pledged to Richmond,

Lord

who also had sent him a message that morning, Stanley's

desiring him to advance his company, and join

openly with the earl. He sent back an answer desiring the

earl to set his own men in order of battle and he would come

to him in time convenient. It was not very satisfactory to

Henry to receive such a reply on the eve of an engagement

which must certainly decide his cause one way or the other;

but the life of Lord Strange would have been forfeited at

•once by any premature movement on Stanley's part; and

Henry was obliged to prepare for battle without that assistance

on which he so much relied. Perhaps he was not perfectly

confident that Stanley would not betray him in the end

The story of the battle which ensued is not free from

difficulties, as the positions occupied by the different forces

at the beginning are very much a matter of speculation. There

is little doubt, however, that the king's forces must have occu-

pied Ambien Hill in the morning; from which they could

look down on Henry's position across the marsh. But Henry,

though not an experienced general, had chosen his ground

with skill by the advice of men who knew the country; and

there are some reasons for believing that notwithstanding his

great inferiority in numbers he had the advantage of the

king in point of artillery". The marsh which lay between him

and Ambien Hill was a great protection from attack. As he

advanced he left it on his right and proceeded with the sun

at his back. But as soon as he had passed it his experienced

enemy gave orders to begin the engagement. Trumpets im-

mediately sounded and the king's men came on with a shout.

A volley of arrows was discharged on either side

, and some

rounds of artillery were fired.

Polydore Vergil, 563. Hall, 414.

See on this subject an article of mine in the Archaologia, vol. lv.

pp.

168-9.

Polydore Vergil, 563. Hall, 418.