Gairdner J. History of the Life and Reign of Richard the Third: To which is Added the Story of Perkin Warbeck from Original Documents

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LIFE

RICHARD

III. CH. V.

Henry IV.

; and some private Acts were passed in favour of

Viscount Lovel and Sir James Tyrell

. There were also some

other private Acts of interest, among which was one in favour

of a college founded by Bishop Stillington in Yorkshire for the

education in grammar, music, and writing of all who chose to

go to it

The public Acts of this Parliament have always been noted

Public

s wise and beneficial. If Richard in the way he

Acts

acquired his crown was a tyrant and usurper, he at

least made it his endeavour, so far as it lay in his power, to

prevent tyranny for the future. Notwithstanding the abandon-

ment of some measures of reform which, as we have seen, he

had contemplated in the preceding autumn, there were others

which were not only proposed to Parliament, but became the

law of the land. An important statute was passed to give

security to purchasers of land against secret feoffments

. Power

was given to justices of the peace to accept bail from persons

accused of felony

. To put some check on the practice of

corrupt juries returning verdicts by intimidation—a scandal

which we know from the Paston Letters to have been by no

means uncommon—bailiffs and county officers were made

responsible for the jurors they returned being men of good

name and fame, with lands to the yearly value of at least

twenty shillings

. An elaborate statute was passed to prevent

malpractices in the manufacture of wool

; which, however,

being found to work ill, after a few months the penalties it

enacted were set aside by "proclamation

. There were also

other Acts, not perhaps truly politic, though quite in accord-

ance with the general feeling of those days, against the com-

petition of Italian merchants with natives', and touching the

Rolls

Parl.

vi.

252-4.

/*.

254-6.

/*.

256-7.

Stat.

Richard

III., c. i.

Ib. c. 3.

Ib. c. 4.

Ib. c. 8.

Ib. c. 9. ° Ib. c. 10.

A.D.

1484. PARLIAMENT. l6l

importation of silks', of bowstaves, and of other articles

. But

the most remarkable enactment of all was one for

Benevo-

the abolition of benevolences, that new description lences

of taxes which under the name of free-will offerings

were in reality forced contributions. ' Divers and many wor-

shipful men of this realm,' says the Act, ' by occasion thereof

were compelled by necessity to break up their households, and

to live in great penury and wretchedness, their debts unpaid

and their children unpreferred, and such memorials as they

had ordained to be done for the wealth of their souls were

anentised and annulled, to the great displeasure of God, and to

the destruction of this realm

.' It was certainly a matter of no

small moment that rich men should be relieved henceforward

from the fear of such extortion. Unhappily, Richard did not

then perceive that his necessities would afterwards drive him

to recur to a means of raising money very much like that

which he now prohibited by statute.

On the 20th of February, which was the last day of this

Parliament, the customary subsidy of tunnage and poundage

was voted to the king for life

. The knights and burgesses

were then dismissed and returned home

As usual, during the sitting of Parliament, the clergy were

also assembled in Convocation; who, it is said by convoca-

some writers, addressed the usurper in a very abject

tlon

manner

. The eulogists of King Richard, on the other hand,

cite the expressions used as if they were a testimonial to the

excellence of his character, from bishops of high repute like

Stat. i Ric. III., cc. ii, 12.

Patent October 25, 2 Richard III., p. 1, No. 19 in dorso.

Ib. c. 2.

* Rolls of Parl. vi. 238-240.

See some interesting notices of the return of the Mayor of York from

this parliament in Davies' York Records, p. 185.

' One of the most adulatory addresses,' says Macaulay, ' ever voted by

a Convocation, was to Richard III.'—History of England, iii. 444.

G. II

162 LIFE OF RICHARD III. CH. V.

Waynflete, Alcock, and Russell, besides a number of the

inferior clergy, many of whom, it is to be hoped, were neither

timeservers nor sycophants. But neither criticism seems to be

warranted by the circumstances of the case. The clergy had

no doubt taken note of the wise and beneficent measures

Richard had laid before his Parliament, and they merely hoped

he would address himself to the remedy of the grievances of

the spiritualty as well, 'seeing,' as they said, 'your most noble

and blessed disposition in all other things.' This one expression

is absolutely the only thing approaching to eulogy in the docu-

ment, and it scarcely seems to warrant the censure passed upon

it. To speak thus of a king actually reigning, who, with what-

ever crimes his conscience might be burdened, had declared

his public policy to be the abolition of extortion, the reform

of justice, and the promotion of -trade—was, in fact, not

only excusable but justifiable. For it was really nothing

more than the truth that Richard had given indications of

a 'noble and blessed disposition in other things,' and the

clergy were not bound to take him at his worst, but at

his best.

The clergy, in fact, had grievances enough, and of old

Grievances standing. It should be remembered—though the

the

reader of history is too often left in total ignorance

spiritualty. , ,

, ... , ,11

of the fact—that the spiritualty, as they were called,

had in those days their own laws and their own government,

quite apart from the temporalty. They taxed themselves in

their own parliament, which was called Convocation; they

could not be lawfully tried except by their own courts, or

imprisoned except by their own bishops, for any offence

whatever. The freedom of the Church from State control—

an object dear to theorists of many ages, and not less so now

than at any preceding period—was at that time complete.

At least, as a constitutional principle nothing could be more

so.

Unhappily, the best laws are broken, and the grandest

theories are not quite in harmony with facts. Even where it

A.D.

1484. CONVOCATION. 163

was strictly carried out, the separation of spiritual and temporal

government was certainly not always a blessing; for, the tem-

poral jurisdiction having nothing to do with the spiritual, arrests

were sometimes made by bailiffs in church, leading to unseemly

profanation of the House of God, and scuffles interrupted the

parson even while he was saying mass'. Against such things

there was no remedy for the spiritual power except excommuni-

cation, and whoever could brave excommunication for a time

might venture on any outrage. But the separation of the two

kinds of authority was in truth a one-sided bargain; and though

crimes committed by the spiritualty were by the constitution

only liable to episcopal or papal correction, the clergy were in

fact continually drawn before secular judges, and even punished

without ecclesiastical authority. They were dragged out of

their churches without the smallest reverence either for person,

place, or sacred functions, and all the censures and anathemas

fulminated by the pope were of no avail to counteract the evil.

This state of matters was never entirely cured until the

Reformation vested the supreme authority, alike in Church

and State, in the same person. But as yet no one thought

of such a remedy. Indeed, fifty years later Henry VIII.

would not have thought of it

himself,

but would have been

glad to absolve

himself,

as his predecessors had done, from

all responsibility for the spiritual government of the realm,

if it had not been necessary for his own purposes to ex-

tinguish the papal authority. As a matter of fact, however,

the Church sorely needed the protection of the temporal

prince, whether he were a Richard or a Henry; and in this

instance the appeal was not altogether in vain. Richard

granted the clergy a charter confirming their liberties and

immunities, as his brother Edward had done before him

In return for this he justly considered that the best service.

Paston Letters, No. 434.

Wilkins' Concilia, iii. 614, 616.

164 LIFE OF RICHARD III. CH. V.

the Church could

do was to

enforce discipline

and

promote

morality among

the

people;

and he

accordingly addressed

the

bishops

the

following remarkable

circular:

'Reverend father in God, right trusty and well-beloved, we

greet you well. Ascertaining you that amongst other

letter'to our secular businesses and cures, our principal intent

the bishops and fervent desire is to see virtue and cleanness of

lor tne pro-

motion of living to be advanced, increased, and multiplied, and

mora

' vices and all other things repugnant to virtue, pro-

voking the high indignation and fearful displeasure of God, to be

repressed and annulled. And this perfectly followed and put in

execution by persons of high estate, pre-eminence, and dignity, not

only induces persons of lower degree to take thereof example and

to ensue the same, but also thereby the great and infinite goodness

of God is made placable and graciously inclined to the exaudition

of our petitions and prayers. And forasmuch as it is notarily known

that in every jurisdiction, as well in your pastoral cure as other,

there be many, as well of the spiritual party as of the temporal,

deliring from the true way of virtue and living, to the pernicious

example of other and loathsomeness of every well-disposed person:

We therefore woll and desire you, and on God's behalf inwardly

exhort and require you that, according to the charge of your

profession, ye woll see within the authority of your jurisdiction

all such persons as set apart virtue and promote the damnable

execution of sin and vices, to be reformed, repressed, and punished

condignly after their demerits, not sparing for any love, favour,

dread, or affection, whether the offenders be spiritual or temporal;

wherein ye may be assured we shall give unto you our favour and

assistance, if the case shall so require, and see to the sharp

punishment of the repugnators and interruptors

hereof,

if any such

be.

And if ye woll diligently apply you to the execution and

performing of this matter, ye shall not only do unto God right

acceptable pleasure, but over that, we shall see such persons

spiritual as been under your pastoral cure none otherwise to be

entreated or punished for their offences but according to the

ordinances and laws of Holy Church. And if for the due execution

of the premises any complaint or suggestion be made unto us of

you, we shall remit the determination thereof unto the courts of

A.D.

1484. CIRCULAR TO THE BISHOPS. 165

our cousin the Archbishop of Canterbury, Cardinal. And thus

proceeding to the execution hereof ye shall do unto yourself great

honour, and unto us right singular pleasure. Yeven, &c, at

Westminster, the 10th day of March

A further proof this, it will be said, of Richard's hypo-

crisy. But after all, there is no great hypocrisy in a wicked

king acknowledging that the promotion of morality among

his subjects would be an advantage to

himself.

Nor is it

altogether inconceivable that, having attained the crown by

means the most nefarious, Richard nevertheless desired to

make use of his position in such a way as would to some

extent counteract the moral evil he had wrought by his own

example. If the remorse which More depicts was true, why-

should it not urge him to do all the good in his power, even

to abate the pangs of conscience?

To defeat the designs of the Earl of Richmond and the

compact entered into at Rennes on Christmas Day, _. . .

Richard

Richard now endeavoured to conciliate the queen makes

dowager, and to draw her and her daughters from

the

queen

their dishonourable asylum at Westminster. Be- and'i^r'

fore the lords who had attended Parliament had

daughters

quitted London, he called upon them and the lord mayor and

aldermen of the city, to witness a very solemn promise that

if his brother's wife and daughters would come out of sanc-

tuary, he would protect their persons, give them a sufficient

maintenance, and find suitable husbands and marriage portions

for the princesses. The terms of the offer were as follows :

I, Richard, by the grace of God, &c, in presence of you, my

lords spiritual and temporal, and you, my lord mayor and aldermen

of London, promise and swear,

verbo

regio,

that if the daughters of

Elizabeth Grey, late calling herself Queen of England, that is to

wit, Elizabeth, Cecily, Anne, Katharine, and Bridget, will come to

me out of the Sanctuary of Westminster, and be guided, ruled, and

demeaned after me, then I shall see that they shall be in surety of

MS. Harl.

433,

281

166 LIFE OF RICHARD III. CH. V.

their lives, and also not suffer any manner hurt by any manner

person or persons to them or any of them in their bodies and

persons to be done, by way of ravishing or defiling contrary to

their wills, nor them nor any of them imprison in the Tower of

London or other prison; but that I shall put them into honest

places of good name and fame, and them honestly and courteously

shall see to be founden and entreated, and to have all things

requisite and necessary for their exhibitions and findings as my

kinswomen ; and that I shall do marry

(2.1?.

cause to be married)

such of them as be marriageable to gentlemen born, and every of

them give in marriage lands and tenements to the yearly value of

200 marks for term of their lives, and in like wise to the other

daughters when they shall come to lawful age of marriage, if they

live.

And such gentlemen as shall hap to marry with them I shall

straitly charge lovingly to love and entreat them, as wives and my

kinswomen, as they will avoid and eschew my displeasure.

And over this, that I shall yearly content and pay, or cause to

be contented and paid, for the exhibition and finding of the said

Dame Elizabeth Grey, during her natural life, at four terms of the

year, that is to wit, at Pasche (Easter), Midsummer, Michaelmas,

and Christmas, to John Nesfeld, one of the esquires of my body,

for his finding to attend upon her, the sum of 700 marks of lawful

money of England, by even portions ; and moreover I promise to

them that if any surmise or evil report be made to me of them by

any person or persons, that then I shall not give thereunto faith

nor credence, nor therefor put them to any manner punishment,

before that they or any of them so accused may be at their lawful

defence and answer. In witness

whereof,

to this writing of my

oath and promise aforesaid in your said presence made, I have

set my sign manual, the first day of March, in the first year of

my reign

Very strong assurances were certainly necessary to warrant

reliance upon the king's good faith; but nothing could well

have been stronger than a promise like this, witnessed by

'the lords spiritual and temporal,' and the lord mayor and

aldermen of London. Still, there had been strong assurances

Ellis's Letters, Second Series, i. 149; Hall, 406.

A.D.

1484. THE QUEEN DOWAGER. 167

before, when the Duke of York was given up, though per-

haps there was no positive verbal pledge on Richard's part;

and it seems almost inconceivable that even the most solemn

promises could have induced the queen dowager to throw

herself and her remaining children on the protection of one

who had already violated the most sacred ties. Her distrust

of the king, however, was certainly conquered, either by the

very special character of the assurance given, or by some

other considerations besides, which can only be matter of

conjecture. Her situation was, indeed, forlorn and comfort-

less ; she had evidently given up hopes of the Earl of Rich-

mond's success; and it was impossible to say how long even

the Sanctuary would be respected, if she refused to accept

the offer made her by the king. She and her

. , °, ... by which

daughters came out, and apparently cast aside for they are

the time all thoughts of keeping their engagement to leave

with the Earl of Richmond. sanctuary.

But the danger of invasion was so great that commissions

of muster and array were issued that same day for Danger of

most of the counties of England

; and a few days invasion,

later commissions to impress workmen and take artillery and

arms for defence of the coasts, to man ships and provide stores

for them

. Aided either by Brittany or by France, the rebels

were expected to reappear, and every precaution was taken

against surprise.

It was a danger that had to be met, not only by military

skill but by diplomacy, and Richard endeavoured as far as

possible to cultivate good relations both with France and

Brittany. The rebels, however, were at present harboured

in the duchy, and Richard accordingly sent an embassy to

the duke offering, besides other rewards, the whole yearly

revenues of the earldom of Richmond as a bribe to surrender

Patent March 1, 1 Richard III., p. 2, membs. (5) to (8) in

dorso.

Patents March 5, 1 Richard III., p. 1, No. HI; and March 10,

1 Richard III., p. 2, No. 6, in

dorso.

168 LIFE OF RICHARD III. CH. V.

the principal refugee. This was, in fact, only an offer to

restore to the ducal house of Brittany possessions which had

belonged to the dukes as Earls of Richmond long before that

title had been enjoyed by a Tudor. The bribe, however, failed

of its effect. The duke was subject to illness which impaired

his intellect, and the English ambassadors were heard by his

treasurer, Pierre Landois, a man detested by the nobles of

Brittany as an upstart, and shortly afterwards put to death

by their means. Landois would have gratified the King of

England, thinking the opportunity a good one for increasing his

own influence; besides, the Earl of Richmond, and his com-

pany of 500 Englishmen, threatened to be rather burthensome

to the duke. But Bishop Morton in Flanders had somehow

heard of what was going on, and contrived to send warning

to Richmond to escape into France. The messenger through

whom the warning was conveyed was a priest named Chris-

topher Urswick, afterwards almoner to the earl, when he

had become king by the title of Henry VII. Henry, who

was then at Vannes, immediately sent him to the court

of France, to obtain from King Charles a passport for him

and his company. Meanwhile, he caused the noblemen who

adhered to him to set out from Vannes as if to visit the duke,

who was then staying on the borders of France, charging his

uncle the Earl of Pembroke, the leader of the company,

when they approached the confines of Brittany, to turn aside

and conduct them by the nearest way into France. In this

manner the detachment entered the duchy of

onRUiS"

Anjou, where they waited for the earl to join

Uaves them, who two days after their departure quietly

^ Vannes, accompanied by only five servants.

FiTFrafnce Without awaking suspicion he proceeded five miles

on his journey, and suddenly entered a wood,

where he changed clothes with one of his attendants. The

man then seeming to be master of the company, and himself

a page, they rode on without stopping except to bait their

A.D.

1484. THE EARL OF RICHMOND. 169

horses,

and

turning first

in one

direction then

another,

avoid pursuit,

last arrived

Angiers

and

rejoined their

friends

They

had

scarcely crossed

the

frontier

one

hour when

horsemen were upon

the

earl's track, despatched

Pierre

Landois

secure him and bring him back prisoner

Vannes.

Three hundred

Englishmen whom

he had

left

that city,

unacquainted with

his

intention, were

despair both

for him

and

for

their own personal safety.

But the

Duke

Brittany,

having somewhat recovered from

his

illness, took

different

view

of the

matter from

his

minister,

and was

seriously

dis-

pleased that

the

earl

had

been

treated

as to be

induced

fly the

country.

sent

for Sir

Edward Woodville

and

Edward Poynings,

and

gave them money

convey

the

rest

the

Englishmen

Brittany

Richmond's presence—a

favour

for

which

the

latter acknowledged himself under

the

greatest obligations

to him. The

earl then took

his

journey

the

French king,

who was at

Langeais upon

the

river

Loire, and

soliciting his

aid

received

the

most encouraging

promises

least

our

early chroniclers

say; and the

story

is no

doubt correct, except that Langeais seems

to be a

mistake

for

Gien, which

also

on the

Loire

but

more than

hundred

miles further

the river.

The

French Council

was at

Mont-

argis,

about twenty-five miles north

Gien,

on the nth

October, 1484, when they heard that the earl had left Brittany

and

was

coming

to the

French Court,

and

they immediately

ordered

the

governor

of the

Limousin

to go and

meet

him.

They removed

Gien shortly afterwards

and

there

on the

Hall, 403-404; Commines,

bk. v. ch. xx.

Hall says three

("iii")

Englishmen

and is

followed

Grafton,

but

doubtless

the

reading

Hall's

MS. was "iii C," i.e.

three hundred.

Polydore Vergil whose narrative Hall simply translates

this place says,

"Anglos circiter trecentos numero."

Hall, 404-405.