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Association, which she and Stanton founded in 1869. In 1872, Anthony attempted

to vote in Rochester, arguing that the Fourt eenth and Fifteenth Amendments had

tacitly enfranc hised women by linking citizenship to suffrage. Though her activ-

ities were controversial and slow to bear fruit, Anthony gradually became a celeb-

rity on the lecture circuit. Even relatively conservative organizations such as the

Woman’s Christian Temperance Union welcomed her as a speaker.

Anthony served as president of the combined National-American Woman Suf-

frage Association in the 1890s, but the real work of her old age lay in chronicling

the movement. She and Stanton published three volumes of the History of Woman

Suffrage between 1881 and 1886; later, she collaborated with Ida Husted Harper

on the Life and Work of Susan B. Anthony (1898) and a fourth volume of History

of Woman Suffrage (1902). Though she died before national suffrage was

achieved, Anthony was the towering ﬁgure of the women’s movement, keenly

aware of the implications of suffrage and of her own place in history.

—Darcy R. Fryer

Further Reading

Barry, Kathleen. Susan B. Anthony: A Biography of a Singular Feminist. New York: New

York University Press, 1988.

Sherr, Lynn. Failure Is Impossible: Susan B. Anthony in Her Own Words. New York:

Times Books, 1995.

Dix, Dorothea (1802–1887)

Dorothea Dix rose to prominence as an inveterate campaigner for humane treat-

ment of the mentall y ill. As superintendent of U.S. Army nurses during the Civil

War, she became one of the nation’s foremost authorities on public health.

The daughter of an impoverished Maine clergyman, Dix began teaching school

at the age of 14. Her pupils included the daughters of William Ellery Channing, a

Unitarian minister who became her mentor in the world of re form. As a young

woman, Dix contracted tuberculosis, and illness frequently disrupted her teaching

career. In 1836, she suffered severe hemorrhaging and lost the use of a lung. Chan-

ning arranged for her to recuperate on an extended visit to a Liverpool friend

whose grandfather, William Tuke, had founded a home for the mentally ill.

After Dix returned to the United States in 1837, a modest inheritance freed her

of the need to support herself by teaching. In 1841, she visited a jail in East

Cambridge, Massachusetts, and asked to inspect the cells in which the insane were

held. The experience shocked her. With Channing’s encouragement, Dix recruited

486 Women’s Movement (1870s)

the support of inﬂuential reformers such as Horace Mann, Charles Sumner, and

Samuel Gridley Howe. She toured the state of Massachusetts to gather information

about the treatment of the mentally ill, who were sometimes kept in cages or

chained to walls. In 1843, Dix published her ﬁndings in a Memorial to the Massa-

chusetts Legislature. Her campaign led the Massachusetts legislature to fund the

Worcester State Hospital for the mentall y ill. Dix soon expanded her efforts into

the mid-Atlantic, Appalachia, the Midwest, and eastern Canada.

Around 1848, Dix launched a campaign to persuade the federal government to set

aside revenues from the sale of western lands to create a national fund for the care of

the mentally ill, deaf, blind, and mute. Congress passed Dix’s bill in 1854, but

President Franklin Pierce vetoed it. Undaunted, Dix sailed for Europe, where she

won the support of such luminaries as Queen Victoria and Pope Pius IX. In 1856,

she returned to the United States and redoubled her political efforts. In 1860,

Congress passed “Miss Dix’s bill,” and President James Buchanan signed it into law.

Dix’s national reputation led Congress to appoint her superintendent of U.S.

Army nurses on June 10, 1861. She trained approximately 180 army nurses. After

the war, Dix resumed lobbying for better treatment of the mentally ill. Her efforts

bore fruit as far away as Japan; a Japanese diplomat who met Dix in Washington,

D.C., persuaded his government to found a mental asylum in Kyoto.

Dix stood apart from the women’s movement, especially afte r the Civil War,

when it increasingly focused on obtaining the vote. In keeping with the cult of true

womanhood, Dix believed that women should shape society by moral suasion

rather than by suffrage. She preferred to use the ideology of women’s moral superi-

ority as a springboard for expanding women’s roles in education and public health.

—Darcy R. Fryer

Further Reading

Brown, Thomas J. Dorothea Dix: New England Reformer. Cambridge, MA: Harvard Uni-

versity Press, 1998.

Gollaher, David. Voice for the Mad: The Life of Dorothea Dix. New York: Free Press, 1995.

National Woman Suffrage

Association (NWSA)

The National Woman Suffrage Association (NWSA) was formed in 1869 by two of

America’s earliest and most prominent women’s rights activists and members of the

American Equal Rights Association (AERA)—Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Susan B.

Women’s Movement (1870s) 487

Anthony. The NWSA was born out of a schism within the ranks of the AERA. Prior

to the Civil War, women’s rights activists declared their goals at the ﬁrst women’s

rights convention at Seneca Falls, New York, in 1848. They strived to work in unison

to achieve the vote for women, in addition to other issues such as women’s property

rights, the right to sue for divorce, child custody rights, and the right to enter into con-

tracts as well as equal edu cational and employment opportunities. Once the Civil

War ensued, the quest for women’s suffrage was put on the back burner as activists

rallied to support the war effort and their soldiers. However, as the Civil War came

to an end, the battle for women’s suffrage had just begun.

During the period o f R econ structi on, women’s issues continued to be over-

shadowed by the newly won rights of freedmen. The Thirteenth Amendment

abolishing slavery w as a victory for abolitionists, many of whom were also

women’s rights activists. However, the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments

sent many of those abolitionists, women’s suffragists, reeling—granting freed-

men citizenship and the right to vote yet still denying women the same privi-

leges. Many suffragists felt betrayed by the enfranchisement of freedmen and

the continued disenfranchisement of women, particularly those like Stanton

and Anthony, who had for so long advocated for the abolition of slavery and

who had called for equal treatment for all citizens. At this point, ﬁssures already

existing within the ranks of the women’s movement widened, and a break within

the organization followed. Tw o factions within in the women’s movement

resulted—the National Woman Suffrage Association founded by Stanton and

Anthony, ba sed in New York, and the American Woman Suffrage Association

founded by Lucy Stone, Henry Blackwell, Julia Ward Howe, and Josephine

Rufﬁn, based in Boston.

The NWSA was founded on what was viewed by many suffragists—particu-

larly members of the AWSA—as radical and aggressive principles. When ﬁrst

organized, the NWSA allowed only female members. The NWSA did not sup-

port the Fourteenth or Fifteenth Amendments because they excluded women.

While both Stanton and Anth ony ha d advocated for universal suffrage in the

past, they resented the fact that black men and immigrants—whom they deemed

less intelligent than white women—received vot ing rights over whit e women.

This racist attitude was considered radical and was rejected by their rival organi-

zation. While its ultimate goal was an amendment granting women’s suffrage,

the NWSA’s platform continued to encompass numerous women’s issues,

including divorce rights, property rights, and other issues initially embraced at

Seneca Falls. T he NWSA concentrated its efforts at the federal level, lobbying

Congress for a constitutional amendment. In 1872, Anthony was arrested for

voting in New York—she was sent to trial and sentenced to pay a ﬁne, but she

never paid the ﬁne. A few years later, in 1878, Anthony penned the Susan B.

488 Women’s Movement (1870s)

Anthony Amendment calling for women’s suffrage. The amendment was

debated in committee s for eight years when in December 1886, it was sent to

the ﬂoor for a vote. In 1887, the Susan B. Anthony Amendment was defeated

34 votes to 16. Stanton and Anthony traveled the country giving lectures,

recruiting new members and drumming up support for the constitutional amend-

ment. The NWSA also sponsored two news publications over the years, the

National Citizen and Ballot Box and the Woman’s Tribune, selling subscriptions

to raise money and awareness.

By 1890, neither the NWSA nor the AWSA had achieved the goal of women’s

suffrage. The two organizations reconciled and collectively became the National

American Woman Suffrage Association (NAWSA). Under a uniﬁed front, the

members of the NAWSA continued their tireless ﬁght for women’s suffrage, carry-

ing it into a new century.

—Dawn M. Sherman

Further Reading

Baker, Jean H. Votes for Women: The Str uggle for Suffrage Revisited. New York: Oxford

University Press, 2002.

McMillen, Sally G. Seneca Falls and the Origins of the Women’s Rights Movement.New

York: Oxford University Press, 2008.

Wheeler, Marjorie Spruill. One Woman, One Vote: Rediscovering the Woman Suffrage

Movement. Troutdale, OR: NewSage Press, 1995.

Nineteenth Amendment (1920)

The Nineteenth Amendment to the U.S. Constitution simply states that “The right

of all citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the

United States or by any State on account of sex.” The plight for women’s suffrage

endured for 72 years, until victory prevailed wit h the 1920 adoption of the Nine-

teenth Amendment—extending the vote to all women. The seeds of battle were

ﬁrst sewn in July 1848 at the ﬁrst women’s rights convention held in Seneca Falls,

New York. Lucretia Mott and Elizabeth Cady Stanton were the driving forces

behind the meeting and the ensuing struggle for equality, demanding equ al rights

under the law for women. Key issues included property rights for married women,

divorce and child custody rights, equal educational and employment opportunities,

and—most radical of all—woman suffrage. Elizabeth Cady Stanton delivered her

“Declaration of Sentiments” asserting equal rights for women as citizens of the

Women’s Movement (1870s) 489

republic, as directed by the U.S. Constitution. Once the call for equal rights

and women’s suffrage was made, many prominent 19th-century reformers joined

the cause, including Lucy Stone, Henry Bla ckwell, Frederick Turner, Sojourner

Truth, Julia Ward Howe, Catherine Beecher, Henr y Beecher, and Susan B.

Anthony.

Together, as members of the American Equal Rights Association (AERA),

these activists lobbied Congress to pass a constitutional amendment enfranchising

women. In 1869, two groups emerged that both fought for woman suffrage, albeit

using fundamentally different tactics. Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Susan B.

Anthony established the National Woman Suffrage Association (NWSA). Lucy

Stone, Henry Blackwell, Julia Ward Howe, and Julia Rufﬁn founded the American

Woman Suffrage Association. The NWSA concentrated their efforts on the pas-

sage of a constitutional amendment. In 1878, Susan B. Anthony wrote an amend-

ment, named for her, and submitted it to Congress. After commi ttees debated the

amendment for eight years , it was sent to the ﬂoor in December 1886 for a vote.

In 1887, the Susan B. Anthony Amendment was defeated by a 34–16 margin.

The amendment was introduced every year for the next nine years, to no avail.

The AWSA the n began concentrated their efforts at the state level rather than the

federal level. They were successful in getting referendums for women’s suffrage

on several state election ballots, but were unable to achieve suffrage at the state

level. In 1890, the NWSA and the AWSA merged, forming the National American

Woman Suffrage Association (NWSA), to unite and centralize their activities. Still

the movement remained stagnate.

Although the movement began in 1848 with the Seneca Falls Convention, and

several inroads were made during the 19th century, it did not gain signiﬁcant

momentum until the 20th century. At the turn of the century, new life was breathed

into the movement. Women like Carrie Chapman Catt, Harriot Stanton B latch,

Alice Paul, and Ida B. Wel ls-Barnett brought a new and fresh perspective. These

women shifted the crusade for woman suffrage from a middle-class, passive

movem ent to a mo re a ggr es sive movem ent that encompassed and organized

working-class and African American women. Carrie Chapman Catt served as the

president of the NAWSA as well as organized the Wo man Suffrage Party, cham-

pioning her “Winning Plan.” She was a master organizer, reaching women not

only on the state level, but in cities and small towns. She reached out to women’s

clubs and even the corners of the tight-knit South. Harrio t Stanton Blatch—

Elizabeth’s daughter—founded the Women’s Political Union, reaching out to trade

unions. Alice Paul impl emented radical militant tactics, similar to those used in

Great Britain, staging protests against President Wilson and his hypocrisy. Ida B.

Wells-Barnett organized African American women in Chicago. Together, these

women changed the nature of the struggle for women’s suffrage. They also applied

490 Women’s Movement (1870s)

more political pressure than at any time prior in the movement. Women’s suffrage

coupled well with the Progressive Movement. One goal was to organize states that

had already granted women’s suffrage with the intent of those enfranchised

women voting out the party i n power i f they did not support the amendment fo r

women’s suffrage. President Wilson ﬁnally accepted that suffragists were not

going to back down and endorsed women’s suffrage. The amendment went to the

Hous e and Senate, which approved the bill, and in 1919, it went to the states for

ratiﬁcation. The Nineteenth Amendment was ratiﬁed on August 18, 1920. Women

were ﬁnally victorious in their long and hard fought battle for their natural right as

U.S. citizens to vote.

—Dawn M. Sherman

Further Reading

Baker, Jean H. Votes for Women: The Str uggle for Suffrage Revisited. New York: Oxford

University Press, 2002.

McMillen, Sally G. Seneca Falls and the Origins of the Women’s Rights Movement.New

York: Oxford University Press, 2008.

Wheeler, Marjorie Spruill. One Woman, One Vote: Rediscovering the Woman Suffrage

Movement. Troutdale, OR: NewSage Press, 1995.

Congressional Debate on Women’s Suffrage (1866)

Reproduced here are excerpts from an 1866 Senate debate on women’s suffrage. Despite the

growing agitation in the country for gran ting women the right to vote, male attitudes toward

the issue, as exemplified by this debate, were strongly against voting rights for women. In the fol-

lowing selection, Senator George H. Williams of Oregon declares that he would support women’s

suffrage only if women were soldiers and sailors, trade or businesspersons, occupations that they,

according to the senator, were not fitted by nature to undertake. Despite the fact that approxi-

mately 400 women actually saw some duty as soldiers during the Civil War, Senator Frederick T.

Frelinghuysen of New Jersey, in his comments, largely agrees with Senator Williams.

A. Senator George H. Williams

Mr. President, to extend the right of suffrage to the negroes in this country I think is nec-

essary for their protection; but to extend the right of suffrage to women, in my judgment,

is not necessary for their protection.

When women ask Congress to extend to them the right of suffrage it will be proper

to consider their claims. Not one in a thousand of them at this time wants any such thing,

and would not exercise the power if it was granted to them. Some few who are seeking

notor iety make a feeble clamor for the right of suff rage, but they do not represent the

sex to which they belong.

Women’s Movement (1870s) 491

Sir, it has been said that, “the hand that rocks the cradle rules the world”; and there is

truth as well as beauty in that expression. Women in this country by their elevated social

position can exercise more inﬂuence u pon public affairs than they could coerce by the

use of the ballot. When God married our ﬁrst parents in the garden according to that

ordinance they were made “bone of one bone and ﬂesh of one ﬂesh”; and the whole

theory of government and society proceed s upon the assumption that their interests

are one, that their relations are so intimate and tender that whatever is for the beneﬁt

of the one is for the beneﬁt of the other; whatever works to the injury of the one works

to the injury of the other.

I say, sir, that the more identical and inseparable these interests and relations can be

made, the better for all concerned; and the woman who undertakes to put her sex in

an adversary position to man, who undertakes by the use of some independent political

power t o contend and ﬁght against man, displays a spirit which w ould, if able, convert

all the now harmonious elements of society into a state of wa r, and make every home

a hell upon earth.

Women do not bear th eir proportion and share, they cannot bear their proportion

and share, of the public burdens. Men represent them in the Army and in the Navy;

men represent them at the polls and in the affairs of the Government; and though it be

true that individual wome n do own property that is taxed, yet nine tenths of the prop-

erty and the business from which the revenues of the Government are derived are in

the hands and belong to and are controlled by the men. Sir, when the women of this

country come to be sailors and soldiers; when they come to navigate the ocean and to

follow the plow; when they love to be jostled and crowded by all sorts of men in the

thoroughfares of trade and business; when they love the treachery and the turmoil of

politic s; whe n they love the dissoluteness of the camp and the smoke and the thunder

and the blood of battl e better than they love the affections and enjoyments of home

and family, then it will be time to talk about making the women voters; but until that time,

the question is not fairly before the country.

B. Senator Frederick T. Frelinghuysen

Sir, I confess a l ittl e sur pris e at the remark which ha s been so fr equen tly m ade in th e

Senate, that there is no differe nce between granting suffrag e to colored ci tizens and

extending it to the women of America. The difference, to my mind, is as wide as the

earth. As I unde rstand it, we legislate for classes, and the women of America as a class

do vote now, though there are exceptions from the peculiar circumstances of individuals.

Do not the American people vote in this Senate to-day on this question? Do they not

vote in the House of Representatives? So the women of America vote by faithful and true

representatives, their husbands, their brothers, their sons; and no true man will go to the

polls, and deposit his ballot without remembering the true and loving constituency that

he has at home.

But, Mr. President, besides that, the women of America are not called upon to serve

the Government as the men of America are. They do not bear the bayonet, and have not

that reason why they should be entitled to the ballot; and it seems to me as if the God of

492 Women’s Movement (1870s)

our race has stamped upon t hem a mi lder, gentler nature, which not only makes them

shrink from, but disqualiﬁes them for t he turmoil and battle of public life. They have a

higher and a holie r mission. It is re tiracy, to make the charact er of comi ng men. Their

mission is at home, by their blandishments and their love to assuage the passions of

men as they come in from the battle of life, and not themselves by joining in the contest

to add fuel to the very ﬂames.

Mr. President, it seems to me that the Christian religion, which has elevated woman

to her true position as a peer by the side of man, from which she was taken; that religion

which is a part of the common law of this land, in its very spirit and declarations recog-

nizes man as the representative of woman. The very structure of t hat religion which

for centuries has been being built recognizes that principle, and it is written on its very

door-posts. The woman, it is true, was ﬁrst tempted; but it was in Adam that we all died.

The angel, it is true, appeared to Mary; but it is in the God-man that we are all made alive.

Source: Congressional Globe, December 11, 1866, 56, 65.

Sojourner Truth Urges Women to Continue the Fight

for Equal Rights for All Women, White and Black (1867)

Although women had made great contributions during the Civil War, raising funds and nursing

the wounded, Congress excluded women from the Fourteenth Amendment, which gave voting

rights only to newly freed black male slaves. Many women felt betrayed, since in the antebel-

lum years, they had suspended advocacy of wo men’s rights to concentrate on the cause of

abolition. Prominent women’s rights advocates like Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Susan B.

Anthony, wh o stated that she would rathe r “cut off [her] right arm” t han work “for or

demand the ballot for the Negro and not the woman,” were bitter and angry. But in the fol-

lowing passage, black suffrage advocate Sojourner Truth urges activists to remember the for-

gotten black woman when seeking women’s rights and encourages all women to continue the

fight for their full rights.

My friends, I am rejoiced that you are glad, but I don’t know how you will feel when I

get through. I come from another ﬁeld—the country of the slave. They have got their

liberty—so much good luck to have slavery partly destroyed; not entirely. I want it

root and branch destroyed. Then we will all be free indeed. I feel that if I have to

answer for the deeds done in my body just as much as a man, I have a right to have

just as much as a man. There is a great stir about colored men getting their rights,

but not a word about the colored women; and if colo red men ge t their rights, a nd

not colored women theirs, you see the colored men will be masters over the women,

and it will be just as bad as it was before. So I am for keeping the thing going while

things are stirring; because if we wait till it is still, it will take a great while to get it

going again. White women are a great deal smarter, and know more than colored

wome n, while colored women do not know scarcely anything. They go out washing,

which is about as high as a colored woman gets, and their men go about idle, strutting

Women’s Movement (1870s) 493

up and down; and when the women come home, they ask for their money and take it

all, and then scold becaus e there is no f ood. I want you to consider on that, chil’n. I

call you chil’n; you are somebody’s chil’n, and I am old enough to be mother of all that

is here. I want women to hav e their rights. In the courts women have no right, no

voice; nobody speaks for them. I wish woman to have her voice there among the pet-

tifoggers. If it is not a ﬁt place for women, it is unﬁt for men to be there.

I am above eighty years old; it is about time for me to be going. I have been forty years a

slave and forty years free, and would be here forty years more to have equal rights for all. I

suppose I am kept here because something remains for me to do; I suppose I am yet to help

to break the chain. I have done a great deal of work; as much as a man, but did not get so

much pay. I used to work in the ﬁeld and bind grain, keeping up the cradler; but men doing

no more, got twice as much pay; so with the German women. They work in the ﬁeld and do

as much work, but do not get the pay. We do as much, we eat as much, we want as much. I

suppose I am about the only colored woman that goes about to speak for the rights of the

colored women. I want to keep the thing stirring, now that the ice is cracked. What we

want is a little money. You men know that you get as much again as women when you write,

or for what you do. When we get our rights we shall not have to come to you for money,

and may be you will ask us for money. But help us now until we get it. It is a good consola-

tion to know that when we have got this battle once fought we shall not be coming to you

any more. You have been having our rights so long, that you think, like a slave-holder, that

you own us. I know that it is hard for one who has held the reins for so long to give up; it

cuts like a knife. It will feel all the better when it closes up again. I have been in Washington

about three years, seeing about these colored people. Now colored men have the right to

vote. There ought to be equal rights now more than ever, since colored people have got

their freedom. I am going to talk several times while I am here; so now I will do a little sing-

ing. I have not heard any singing since I came here.

Source: Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Susan B. Anthony, and Matilda Joslyn Gage, eds., History of

Woman Suffrage, vol. 2 (New York: Fowler and Wells, 1881), 193–194.

Address of Victoria C. Woodhull to the Judiciary

Committee of the House of Representatives (1871)

Victoria Claffin Woodhull (1838–1927), a social reformer and women’s rights activist, was,

with her sister Tennessee Claffin, one of the first women brokers on Wall Street. In the

1870s, the sisters published Woodhull a nd Claffin’s Weekly, a journal that promoted a

variety of reformist causes, including unionism, socialism, and women’s suffrage. In 1872,

the Equal Rights Party convention nominated Woodhull as its presidential candidate, making

her the first woman in U.S. history to achieve that distinction. She was also the first wom an

to address a congressional committee. Reproduced here is an excerpt from her 1871 address

to Cong ress, in which she describes the legal, moral, and political cont radictions associ ated

with denying women the vote.

494 Women’s Movement (1870s)

The public law of the world is founded upon the conceded fact that sovereignty can not

be forfeited or renounced. The sovereign power of this country is perpetually in the

politically organized people of the United States, and can neither be relinquished nor

abandoned by an y portion of them. The people in this republic who confer sovereignty

are its citizens ; in a monarchy the people are the subjects of sovereignty. All citizens of

a republic by rightful act or implication confer sovereign power. ...

As sovereignty can not be forfeited, relinquished, or abandoned, those from whom it

ﬂows—the citizens—are equal in conferring the power, and should be equal in the enjoy-

ment of its beneﬁts and in the exercise of its rights and privileges. One portion of citizens

have no power to deprive another portion of rights and privileges such as are possessed

and exercised by themselves. T he male citizen has no more right to deprive the female

citizen of the free, public, political, expression of opin ion than the female citizen has to

deprive the male citizen thereof.

The sovereign will of the people is expressed in our written Constitution, which is the

supreme law of the land. The Constitution makes no distinction of sex. The Constitution

deﬁnes a woman born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction

thereof, to be a citizen. It recognizes the right of citizens to vote. It declares that the right

of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United

States or by any State on account of “race, color, or previous condition of servitude.”

Women, white and black, belong to races, although to different races. A race of peo-

ple comprises all the people, male and female. The right t o vote can not be denied on

account of race. All people included in the term race have the right to vote, unless oth-

erwise prohibited. Women of all races are white, black, or some intermediate color.

Color c omprises all people, of all races and both sexes. The right to vote can not be

denied on account of color. All people included in the term color have the right to vote

unless otherwise prohibited. ...

The citizen who is taxed should also have a voice in the subject matter of taxation.

“No taxation wit hout representation” is a right which was fundamentally est ablished at

the very birth of our c ountry’s independence; and by what ethics does any free

government impose taxes on women without giving them a voice upon the subject or a

participation in the public declaration as to how and by whom these taxes shall be applied

for common public use? ...

The American nation, in its march onward and upward, can not publicly choke t he

intellectual and political activity of half its citizens by narrow statutes. The will of the

entire people is the true basi s of republican government, and a free expression of that

will by the pu blic vote of al l citizens, without distinctions of race, color, occupation, or

sex, is the only means by which that will can be ascertained. As the world has advanced

into civilization and culture; as mind has risen in its dominion over matter; as the princi-

ple of justice and moral right has gained sway , and merely physical organized power has

yielded thereto; as the might of right has supplanted the right of might, so have the rights

of women become more fully recognized, and that recognition is the result of the devel-

opment of th e minds of men, which through the ages she has polished, and thereby

heightened the lustre of civilization. ...

Women’s Movement (1870s) 495