Bulmer-Thomas V., Coatsworth J., Cortes-Conde R. The Cambridge Economic History of Latin America: Volume 2, The Long Twentieth Century
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712 Bibliographical Essays
of Latin American agriculture is the study of CEPAL/FAO, 25 a
˜
nos en la agricultura
de am
´
erica latina: rasgos principales (1950–1975) (Santiago, 1978). A history of land
use since colonial times viewed from a dependency theory point of view is found in
MOPU, Desarrollo y medio ambiente en Am
´
erica Latina y el Caribe (Madrid, 1990).
A series of studies on land use in the world, including Latin America, is found
in Billy Turner et al., Global Land Use Change (Madrid, 1995). Another excellent
study from a worldwide perspective is M. Gordon Wolman and F. G. A. Fournier,
Land Transformation in Agriculture (Chichester, 1987). The classical work of D. B.
Grigg, The Agricultural Systems of the World: An Evolutionary Approach (Cambridge,
1974), must also be mentioned here. Finally an ecological history of agriculture is
presented by D. Vasey, An Ecological History of Agriculture 10,000
b.c.
–
a.d.
2000
(Ames, IA, 1992).
There exist a number of studies of agrarian history at a country or regional
level of different degrees of comprehensiveness. For example, for Argentina, see
Osvaldo Barsky and Jorge Gelman, Historia del agro argentino (Buenos Aires,
2001); the more limited study of Norberto Ras, Una interpretaci
´
on sobre el desarrollo
agropecuario de la Argentina (Buenos Aires, 1977); and Horacio Gilberti’s excellent
Historia econ
´
omica de la ganader
´
ıa Argentina (Buenos Aires, 1954), as well as El
desarrollo agrario argentino (Buenos Aires, 1964) and Evoluci
´
on y perspectivas del
sector agropecuario argentino (Buenos Aires, 1988). Another source is the short essay
by J. Mart
´
ın, Desarrollo regional argentino: la agricultura (Santiago de Chile, 1981).
For Chile, good studies are Arnold Bauer, Chilean Rural Society (Cambridge,
1975); and Brian Loveman, Struggle in the Countryside: Politics and Rural Labor in
Chile 1919–1973 (Bloomington, IN, 1976). For Mexico, see Paul L. Yates, El Campo
Mexicano, 2 vols. (Mexico, 1978), and the abridged English edition, Mexico’s Agri-
cultural Dilemma (Tucson, AZ, 1981), as well as S. E. Sanderson, The Transformation
of Mexican Agriculture (Princeton, NJ, 1986). For the Andean region as a whole,
see D. L. Browman, “Pastoral Nomadism in the Andes,” Current Anthropology
15 (1974): 188–96.For Northern Peru, Michael J. Gonzalez Plantation Agriculture
and Social Control in Northern Peru (Austin, TX, 1985); and for Bolivia, W. J.
McEwenn et al., Changing Rural Bolivia (London, 1975). For Venezuela, see Juan
Silva and A. Moreno, Land Use in Venezuela,inM.D.Young and O. T. Solbrig,
eds., The World’s Savannas. Economic Driving Forces, Ecological Constraints and
Policy Options for Sustainable Land Use (Paris, 1993), 239–58.For Paraguay, see
World Bank, Paraguay. Regional Development in Eastern Paraguay. A World Bank
Country Study (Washington, DC, 1978). For Central America, see H. J. Leonard,
Natural Resources and Economic Development in Central America (Washington, DC,
1987).
ForBrazil, there are only partial studies dealing explicitly with agriculture such
as Maria Domingues Benetti, Agropecuaria na reg
˜
ao sul do Rio Grande do Sul, 1970–
1990,inJos
´
e Alonso, Maria Benetti, and Pedro Bandeiras, Crescimiento econ
´
omico da
reg
˜
ao sul do Rio Grande do Sul: causas e perspectivas (Porto Alegre, 1994); F. Levy et al.,
Brazil: A Review of Agricultural Policies (Washington, DC, 1982); and D. Graham,
F. G authier, and A. Barros, “Thirty Years of Agricultural Growth in Brazil: Crop
Performance, Regional Profile and Recent Policy Review,” Economic Development
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Bibliographical Essays 713
and Cultural Change 36 (1987): 1–34. Agriculture is addressed in economic histories
such as Paulo Neuhaus, ed., Economia brasileira: ua vis
˜
ao hist
´
orica (Rio de Janeiro,
1980); Werner Buescu, Historia econ
´
omica do Brasil, pesquisa e an
´
alise (Rio de
Janeiro, 1970); and Carlos Manuel Pelaez, Historia econ
´
omica do Brasil (S
˜
ao Paulo,
1979). Finally, for a different perspective, see J. D. Henshall and R. P. Momsen, A
Geography of Brazilian Development (London, 1976).
Most historical and economic studies of Latin America and of individual coun-
tries deal with aspects of the economy of the rural environment, albeit often
rather sparsely. Examples are Victor Bulmer-Thomas, The Economic History of
Latin America since Independence (Cambridge, 1994); Celso Furtado, Economic
Development of Latin America (Cambridge, 1970); and La economia latinoameri-
cana (Buenos Aires, 1976); Victor Bulmer-Thomas, The Political Economy of Cen-
tral America Since 1920 (Cambridge, 1987); Laura Randall, An Economic History
of Argentina in the Twentieth Century (New York, 1978); and W. P. McGreevey,
An Economic History of Colombia 1845–1930 (Cambridge, 1971). Historical stud-
ies that include agrarian history are Tulio Halper
´
ın Donghi’s Historia Contem-
poranea de America Latina (Madrid, 1965); H. P
´
erez Brignoli, Breve Historia de
Centroam
´
erica, 3rd ed. (Madrid, 1988); and Leslie Bethel, ed., the country studies
in The Cambridge History of Latin America (Cambridge, 1986), especially vols. 4 and
5.Anexcellent essay on modernization in three Latin American countries is Roberto
Cort
´
es Conde’s The First Stages of Modernization in Spanish America (New York,
1974).
The connection of agricultural modernization and economic development has
been the subject of important studies. Well known are the works of Theodore W.
Schultz, The Economic Organizationof Agriculture (New York, 1953); Yukiro Hayami
and Vernon Ruttan, AgriculturalDevelopment(Baltimore,1985); Robert Stevens and
Cathy L. Jabara, Agricultural Development Principles (Baltimore, MD, 1988); Bruce
F. J ohnston and Peter Kilby, Agriculture and Structural Transformation (New York,
1975); and, from a Marxist perspective, Karl Kautsky’s La cuesti
´
on agraria (Mexico,
1974). Merilee S. Grindle’s study, State and Countryside (Baltimore, MD, 1986),
looks at the issue from a Latin American perspective, as do Edmundo Flores’ com-
pilation, Desarrollo agr
´
ıcola (Mexico, 1972), and Antonio Garc
´
ıa’s Desarrollo agrario
ylaAm
´
erica Latina (Mexico, 1991). Another excellent study is John Sheehan’s Pat-
terns of Development in Latin America. Poverty, Repression, and Economic Strategy
(Princeton, NJ, 1987). A compilation of articles on the history of theories on the
importance of agriculture in development is found in Carl K. Eicher and John
M. Staatz, eds., Agricultural Development in the Third World (Baltimore, 1990).
Also, Juan Gast
´
o, “Bases ecol
´
ogicas de la modernizaci
´
on de la agricultura,” in O.
Sunkel and N. Gligo, eds., Estilos de desarrollo y medio ambiente en la Am
´
erica
Latina (Mexico, 1980), 341–78; and Martin Pi
˜
neiro and Eduardo Trigo, eds.,
Technical Change and Social Conflict in Agriculture: Latin American Perspectives
(Boulder, CO, 1983). The agricultural potential of Latin America is discussed by
Irene G
´
omez and Gilberto Gallopin in “Potencial agr
´
ıcola de la Am
´
erica Latina,”
in G. C. Gallopin, ed., El futuro ecol
´
ogico de Am
´
erica Latina,(Tokyo, 1995), 1,
497–547.
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714 Bibliographical Essays
Amazonian agricultural development and its problems are the subject of a
very vast bibliography. Susanna Hecht has addressed the growth of cattle rais-
ing in a number of books and articles: “Cattle Ranching in the Eastern Amazon:
Environmental and Social Implications,” in E. F. Mor
´
an, ed., The Dilemma of
Amazonian Development (Boulder, CO, 1983), 155–88;“Valuing Land Uses in
Amazonia: Colonist Agriculture, Cattle, and Petty Extraction in Comparative
Perspective,” in K. H. Redford and C. Padoch, eds., Conservation of Neotropi-
cal Forests: Working From Traditional Resource Use (New York, 1992), 379–99;“The
Logic of Livestock and Deforestation in Amazonia,” BioScience 43 (1993): 687–
95; and “Environment, Development and Politics: Capital Accumulation and the
Livestock Sector in Eastern Amazonia,” WorldDevelopment 13 (1985): 663–84. This
topic is also covered by Phillip Fearnside, “Cattle Yield Prediction for the Transama-
zonHighway of Brazil,” Interciencia 4 (1979): 220–5; and “The Effect of Cattle
Pasture on Soil Fertility in the Brazilian Amazon: Consequences for Beef Produc-
tion Sustainability,” Tropical Ecology 21 (1980): 125–37.Itisalso addressed by M. M.
Mattos and Chris Uhl, “Economic and Ecological Perspectives on Ranching in the
Eastern Amazon,” WorldDevelopment 22 (1994): 145–58.
Amazonian development is discussed by Marianne Schmink and Charles H.
Wood in Frontier Expansion in Amazonia (Gainesville, FL, 1984); by A
´
ercio. S.
Cunha, ed., Umaavaliac¸
˜
ao da sustentabilidade da agricultura nos cerrados (Bras
´
ılia,
1994). Nigel Smith, in Rainforest Corridors (Berkeley, CA, 1982), examines the
impact of the Transamazonian highway, including agricultural development.
Another view is given by S. G. Bunker, Underdeveloping the Amazon: Extraction,
Unequal Exchange, and the Failure of the Modern State (Urbana, IL, 1985).
The viability of agriculture in Amazonia is the topic covered by P. De T.
Alvim, “Perspectives of Agricultural Production in the Amazon Region,” Inter-
ciencia 3 (1978): 243–51;M.Hiraoka and S. Yamamoto, “Agricultural Develop-
ment in the Upper Amazon of Ecuador,” Geographical Review 70 (1980): 423–
45;J.J.Nicholaides et al., “Crop Production Systems in the Amazon Basin,” in
E. F. Mor
´
an, ed., The Dilemma of Amazonian Development (Boulder, CO, 1993),
101–53;E.A.S.Serr
˜
ao, “Possibilities for Sustainable Agriculture Development in
the Brazilian Amazon: An EMBRAPA proposal,” in M. Cl
¨
usener-Godt and I.
Sachs, eds., Brazilian Perspectives on Sustainable Development of the Amazon Region
(Paris and Carnforth, UK, 1993), 259–85; and National Academy USA, Sustain-
able Agriculture and the Environment in the Humid Tropics (Washington, DC,
1993).
Andean agriculture and its problems are presented in D. Lehman, ed., Ecology
and Exchange in the Andes (Cambridge, 1982); in CEPAL, Campesinado y desarrollo
agr
´
ıcola en Bolivia,Informes de la Cepal No. 13,Santiago, 1982); in Lesley Gill,
Peasants, Entrepeneurs, and Social Change. Frontier Development in Lowland Bolivia
(Boulder, CO, 1987); and J. Mart
´
ınez Alier, “Relations of Production in Andean
Haciendas: Peru,” in K. Duncan and I. Rutledge, eds., Land and Labour in Latin
America (Cambridge, 1977), 141–63.See also E. Ortega, “La agricultura campesina
en la Am
´
erica Latina y el deterioro del medio ambiente,” in O. Sunkel and N. Gligo,
eds., Estilos de desarrollo y medio ambiente en la Am
´
erica Latina (cited previously),
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Bibliographical Essays 715
538–80.See also the classical study by O. Fals Borda, Peasant Societyin the Colombian
Andes: A Sociological Study of Sauc
´
ıo (Gainesville, FL, 1962).
The literature on unequal land distribution and the need for agrarian reform
in Latin America is vast. Ernest Feder argues for land reform in The Rape of the
Peasantry: Latin America’s Landholding System (Garden City, NJ, 1971). Alain de
Janvry analyzes agricultural modernization with unequal land distribution in The
Agrarian Question and Reformism in Latin America (Baltimore, MD, 1981); Jean
Le Coz discusses it in Las reformas agrarias (Barcelona, 1976). A compilation of
articles on this subject by diverse authors is found in Ernest Feder, ed., La lucha de
clases en el campo (Mexico, 1975). A description of the history of land reform in Peru
can be found in C. McClintock, “The Agrarian Reform Policy in Peru,” in S. W.
Hughes and K. J. Mijeski, Politics and Public Policy in Latin America (Boulder,
CO, 1984), 77–86; and in Tom Alberts, Agrarian Reform and Rural Poverty. A Case
Study of Peru (Boulder, CO, 1983). For Chile, see R. R. Kaufman, The Politics of
Land Reform in Chile, 1950–1970 (Cambridge, MA, 1972). See also Warren Dean,
“Latifundia and Land Policy in Nineteenth Century Brazil” Hispanic American
Review 51 (1971): 606–25, for an earlier perspective; M. Edelman, “Extensive Land
Use and the Logic of the Latifundio: A Case Study in Guanacaste Province, Costa
Rica,” Human Ecology 13 (1985): 153–85;C.H.Harris III, AMexican Family Empire.
The Latifundio of the S
´
anchez Navarro, 1765–1867 (Austin, TX, 1975).
Articles and papers dealing with particular aspects of rural development in
Argentina, among others, include Jeremy Adelman, Frontier Development (New
York, 1994), concerned with the issue of a land market in the pampas at the
beginning of the twentieth century; and Roberto Cort
´
es Conde’s superb history
of the Argentine boom in the 1890–1930 period, El Progreso Argentino (Buenos
Aires, 1979). J. C. Garavaglia’s Pastores y labradores de Buenos Aires (Buenos Aires,
1999) deals with the myths of labor in the pampas in the nineteenth century. Tulio
Halper
´
ın Donghi, “The Buenos Aires Landed Class and the Shape of Argentine
Politics (1820–1930),” in E. Huber and F. Safford, eds., Agrarian Structure and
Political Power (Pittsburgh, PA, 1995), 39–66,isconcerned with land concentration
and the role of the landed elite. The study of Hilda Sabato, Capitalismo y Ganader
´
ıa
en Buenos Aires: La fiebre del lanar 1850–1890 (Buenos Aires, 1989) describes the
history of sheep grazing in the nineteenth century and the role of technology.
Eduardo Trigo et al., Los Transg
´
enicos en la agricultura argentina (Bueno Aires,
2002), deals with the most recent technical advance in agriculture. In SAGyP El
Deterioro de las Tierras en la Rep
´
ublica Argentina (Buenos Aires, 1995), the problem
of soil erosion is analyzed. A recent study of Argentine agriculture is by Gustavo
L
´
opez and Gustavo Oliverio, El Sector Agropecuario y Agroindustrial en Argentina
(Buenos Aires, 2002).
On present Brazilian agriculture economics, see M. Barata de Paula Pinto, coor-
dinations O custo dos recursos dom
´
esticos e a competitividade da agricultura brasileira
(Bras
´
ılia, 1994); Maria Helena Fagundes, Pol
´
ıticas agr
´
ıcolas e o com
´
ercio Mundial
(Bras
´
ılia, 1994); S. M. Helfand and Gervasio Castro de Rezende, Brazilian Agri-
culture in the 1990’s:Impact of Policy Reforms (Bras
´
ılia, 2000). A study of frontier
agriculture in Brazil is Joe Foweraker’s The Struggle for Land (Cambridge, 1981).
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716 Bibliographical Essays
Other relevant studies of particular problems at a country level are Arnold
Bauer and A. Hagerman Johnson. “Land and Labour in Rural Chile, 1850–
1935,” in K. Duncan and I. Rutledge, eds., Land and Labour in Latin America
(Cambridge, 1977), 83–101;Eugenio Figueroa et al. “Sustentabilidad ambiental del
sector exportador chileno,” in O. Sunkel, ed., Sustentabilidad Ambiental del Crec-
imiento Econ
´
omico Chileno (Santiago, 1996); Crist
´
obal Kay, “The Development of
the Chilean Hacienda System,” in K. Duncan and I. Rutledge, eds., Land and
Labour in Latin America (Cambridge, 1977), 103–40; Ray
´
en Quiroga and Saar
VanHauwermeiren, The Tiger Without a Jungle (Santiago, 1996). For Peru, see P.
Klaren, “The Social and Economic Consequences of Modernization in the Peru-
vian Sugar-Industry, 1870–1930,” in K. Duncan and I. Rutledge, eds., Land and
Labour in Latin America (Cambridge, 1977), 239–51.Interesting studies are also
J. T. Brannon and G. Joseph, eds., Land, Labor, and Capital in Modern Yucat
´
an:
Essays in Regional History and Political Economy (Tuscaloosa, AL, 1987); S. Harrison,
“Population Growth, Land Use and Deforestation in Costa Rica, 1950–1984,” Inter-
ciencia 16 (1991): 83–93.Onpeasant agriculture, see Victor Toledo, “The Ecological
Rationality of Peasant Production,” in M. Altieri and S. Hecht, eds., Agro-Ecology
and Small Farm Development (1990), 51–8.
Nicolo Gligo, in “El estilo de desarrollo de la Am
´
erica Latina desde la perspectiva
ambiental,” in O. Sunkel & N. Gligo, eds., Estilos de Desarrollo y Medio Ambiente
en la Am
´
erica Latina (Mexico, 1980), 379–432,reviews the environmental impact of
agriculture. The same subject from a world perspective is developed by J. F. Richards
in “World Environmental History and Economic Development,” in W. C. Clark
and R. E. Munn, eds., Sustainable Development of the Biosphere (Cambridge, 1986),
53–74.
The relation between natural resources and agriculture is dealt with by M. J.
Dourojeanni, in Situation and Trends of Renewable Natural Resources of Latin
America and the Caribbean (Lima, 1980). The problems of water for irrigation
are dealt with in C. J. Bauer, “Bringing Water Markets Down to Earth: The Polit-
ical Economy of Water Rights in Chile 1976–95,” WorldDevelopment 25 (1997),
639–56.Soil management is the topic of Wenceslao Goedert, “Management of
the Cerrado Soils of Brazil: A Review,” Journal of Soil Science 34 (1983), 405–28;
and J. A. Posner, “Cropping Systems and Soil Conservation in the Hill Areas of
Tr opical America,” Turrialba 32 (1982), 287–99.
The history and economics of coffee growing are detailed in several studies, such
as C. W. Berquist, Coffee and Conflict in Colombia, 1886–1910 (Durham, NC, 1978);
M. Palacios, Coffee in Colombia 1850–1970 (Cambridge, 1980); C. F. S. Cardoso,
“The Formation of the Coffee Estate in Nineteenth-Century Costa Rica,” in K.
Duncan and I. Rutledge, eds., Land and Labour in Latin America (Cambridge,
1977), 165–201;T.H.Holloway, “The Coffee Colono of S
˜
ao Paulo, Brazil: Migra-
tion and Mobility, 1880–1930,” in K. Duncan and I. Rutledge, eds., Land and
Labour in Latin America (previously cited), 301–21;Stanley J. Stein, Vassouras. A
Brazilian Coffee County, 1850–1900 (Cambridge, MA, 1976); W. Roseberry, Coffee
and Capitalism in the Venezuelan Andes (Austin, TX, 1983).
James Scobie in Revolution in the Pampas: A Social History of Argentine Wheat
1860–1910 (Austin, TX, 1964), describes the agricultural boom in the Argentine
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Bibliographical Essays 717
pampas at the turn of the twentieth century. Warren Dean details the Amazonian
rubber boom in Brazil and the Struggle for Rubber (Cambridge, 1987), and S. B.
Schwartz details the development of the Brazilian sugar industry in Sugar Planta-
tions in the Formation of Brazilian Society. Bahia 1550–1835 (Cambridge, 1985). Two
works detail the development of henequen growing in the Yucat
´
an peninsula of
Mexico: A. Wells, Yucat
´
an’s Gilded Age. Haciendas, Henequ
´
en, and International
Harvester, 1860–1915 (Albuquerque, NM, 1985); and G. M. Joseph, Revolution from
Without: Yucatan, Mexico and the United States 1880–1924 (Cambridge, 1982). Philip
Warnken deals with the modern soybean boom in The Development and Growth
of the Soybean Industry in Brazil (Ames, IA, 1999).
Agricultural statistics since 1961 can be obtained on the Internet from the
FAOSTAT Database of FAO (Food and Agricultural Organization of the United
Nations in Rome) at http://www.fao.org, as well as from the Web Pages of the
departments of agriculture of most Latin American countries. Another source of
historical statistics is agricultural censuses that are carried out now in most coun-
tries, but only Argentina has agricultural censuses stretching back to 1890. The
reliability of census data varies with the census and the country. IICA (Instituto
Interamericano de Cooperaci
´
on Agr
´
ıcola) publishes data for many countries, as
do many countries’ agricultural and statistical offices. IICA has also published an
essay on the history of agronomic research and teaching institutions, Las ciencias
agr
´
ıcolas en Am
´
erica Latina (San Jos
´
e, Costa Rica, 1967). More recent published
statistics can be found in World Bank publications, The World Resources Institute
Yearbook (Washington, DC), and others.
CHAPTER 13 (STEPHEN HABER)
The first scholars to address the history of Latin American industrialization in a
systematic manner were a group of historians and economists who were strongly
influenced by the growth economics tradition of the 1950s and 1960s. These
scholars set out to understand both the causes of and the obstacles to Latin
American economic growth, and did so by testing hypotheses against carefully
assembled bodies of evidence. Some of this work, such as Stanley Stein, The
Brazilian Cotton Manufacture: Textile Enterprise in an Underdeveloped Area, 1850–
1950 (Cambridge, MA, 1957); Nathaniel Leff, The Brazilian Capital Goods Industry,
1929–1964 (Cambridge, MA, 1968); Werner Baer, The Development of the Brazilian
Steel Industry (Nashville, TN, 1969); and Warren Dean, The Industrialization of
S
˜
ao Paulo, 1880–1945 (Austin, TX, 1969), were directly concerned with industri-
alization. Another strand of this literature focused on the related issue of trade
protection in the process of industrial development. Two classics of this genre
are Joel Bergsman, Brazil: Industrialization and Trade Policies (London, 1970) and
Timothy King, Mexico: Industrialization and Trade Policies Since 1940 (London,
1970). These were both published as part of a broad Organization for Economic
Cooperation and Development (OECD) initiative on commercial policies and
industrial development since World War II that also included studies of Pakistan,
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718 Bibliographical Essays
India, and the Philippines. A third strand of the literature focused on the broader
process of growth, of which industrialization was an important part. Nevertheless,
industrialization was a major theme of this work. Two of the most notable of these
studies, both sponsored by Yale’s Economic Growth Center, are Clark Reynolds,
The Mexican Economy: Twentieth Century Structure and Growth (New Haven, CT,
1970), and Carlos D
´
ıaz Alejandro, Essays on the Economic History of the Argentine
Republic (New Haven, CT, 1970).
Tw o major themes emerged from this literature. The first was that Latin
American economies grew rapidly from the 1940stothe mid-1960s, and that
industry led the way. The second was that Latin America’s industrial development
in the post-1940 period had long antecedents. In some studies, such as Stein’s The
Brazilian Cotton Manufacture, this theme was highlighted. In others, such as D
´
ıaz
Alejandro’s Essays on the Economic History of the Argentine Republic or Reynolds’s
The Mexican Economy, this theme was more subtly advanced.
This literature, tied to mainstream economics, was soon elbowed aside by a litera-
ture influenced by dependency theory. The problems with dependency theory need
not detain us here – for critiques of dependency, see Robert Packenham, The Depen-
dency Movement: Scholarship and Politics in Development Studies (Cambridge, MA,
1992), and Stephen Haber, “Introduction: Economic Growth and Latin American
Economic Historiography,” in Stephen Haber, ed., How Latin America Fell Behind:
Essays on the Economic Histories of Brazil and Mexico, 1800–1914 (Stanford, CA,
1997). Nevertheless, one of the effects of dependency was a loosening of the require-
ment that arguments had to be sustained with evidence – if you know the truth
based on theory, then there is no need to do systematic empirical research. Thus,
for a time, Latin American economic history took a turn toward a style of work
that was decidedly more impressionistic. Indeed, this style of scholarship sought,
as Aldo Ferrer put it, to differentiate “historical stages within the economic system”
without “the traditional economic historian’s mass of data.” See Aldo Ferrer, The
Argentine Economy (Berkeley, CA, 1967), 1.
In terms of the literature on industrialization, dependency therefore gave the
field very little in the way of empirical research, but it did leave us with some
fairly rigid categories of analysis such as “export economies” and “import substi-
tuting industrialization.” These were never really defined or operationalized in an
analytically meaningful way. Nevertheless, these categories of analysis were soon
transformed into stylized facts that were accepted at face value by a broad range
of scholars. The fairly subtle analyses about the long trajectory of Latin American
industrial development that was to be found in such works as Stein’s The Brazilian
Cotton Textile Manufacture,Reynolds’s The Mexican Economy,orD
´
ıaz Alejandro’s
Essays on the Economic History of the Argentine Republic were replaced by a far less
subtle view in which industrialization was a product of state-directed growth in
the mid-twentieth century.
Any academic project that has no empirical basis can only stand for so long, and
dependency was no exception to this general rule. Thus, beginning in the 1970s and
accelerating in the 1980s, a new wave of empirical research on the history of Latin
American industrialization began to appear. The first of these works was Carlos
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Bibliographical Essays 719
Manuel Pel
´
aez, Hist
´
oria da industrializac¸
˜
ao brasileira (Rio de Janeiro, 1972), whose
introductory essay by Denio Nogueira celebrated the fact that Pel
´
aez embraced
monetarism, rather than dependency and structuralism. Other influential works
on Brazil included Flavio Versiani and Jos
´
eRoberto Mendonc¸a de Barros, Formac¸
˜
ao
econ
ˆ
omica do Brasil: a experi
ˆ
encia da industrializac¸ao (S
˜
ao Paulo, 1977); Nathaniel
Leff, Underdevelopment and Development in Brazil, 2 vols. (London, 1982); and
Wilson Suzigan, Ind
´
ustria brasileira: origem e desenvolvimento (S
˜
ao Paulo, 1986).
This work on Brazil was accompanied by studies of Chile and Mexico. See, for
example, Henry Kirsch, Industrial Development in a Traditional Society: The Conflict
of Entrepreneurship and Modernization in Chile (Gainesville, FL, 1977); Enrique
C
´
ardenas, La industrializaci
´
on mexicana durante la Gran Depresi
´
on (Mexico City,
1987); and Stephen Haber, Industry and Underdevelopment: The Industrialization of
Mexico, 1890–1940 (Stanford, CA, 1989). Some of the research that came out of this
period can be found in abbreviated form in an extremely useful volume edited by
Rosemary Thorp, An Economic History of Twentieth Century Latin America,vol. 2,
Latin America in the 1930s: The Role of the Periphery in World Crisis (New York,
2000).
By the late 1980s and early 1990s, the revival of empirical research on Latin
America’s economic development was once again in full swing. Scholars now began
to take on a broad range of topics related to the long history of industrial devel-
opment, including tariffs and trade protection, industrial finance, the integration
of markets, entrepreneurship, and the political basis of government support of
industry.
Latin America’s industrial development during the century from 1880 to 1980
could not have taken place without barriers to foreign trade. Beginning in the 1990s,
scholars began to build on Bergsman and King’s work on the postwar period, and
began to study trade protection in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.
The vast majority of this research has focused on Mexico. Notable works include
Edward Beatty, Institutions and Investment: The Political Basis of Industrialization
in Mexico Before 1911 (Stanford, CA, 2001), particularly chapters 3 and 4;Sandra
Kuntz Ficker, “Institutional Change and Foreign Trade in Mexico, 1870–1911,” in
Jeffrey L. Bortz and Stephen Haber, eds., The Mexican Economy, 1870–1930:Essays
on the Economic History of Institutions, Revolution, and Growth (Stanford, CA,
2002); Edward Beatty, “Commercial Policy in Porfirian Mexico: The Structure of
Protection,” in The Mexican Economy, 1870–1930;Graciela Marquez, “The Politi-
cal Economy of Mexican Protectionism, 1868–1911”(Ph.D. dissertation, Harvard
University, 2002); and Richard J. Salvucci, “The Origins and Progress of U.S.-
Mexican Trade, 1825–1884:‘HocOpus, hic labor est,’ ” Hispanic American Historical
Review 71, 4 (November 1991): 697–735.Readers will also find an extremely useful
and econometrically sophisticated discussion of the trade protection awarded to
Mexico’s second largest textile firm in Aurora G
´
omez-Galvarriato, “The Impact of
Revolution: Business and Labor in the Mexican Textile Industry, Orizaba, Veracruz,
1900–1930”(Ph.D. dissertation, Harvard University, 1999).
The support that industrialists received from governments in the way of tariffs
and other barriers to trade did not, of course, come out of thin air. Industrial
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720 Bibliographical Essays
development was an intensely political process that required entrepreneurs to con-
vince public officials that it was in their interest to transfer rents from the rest of
society to industrialists and industrial workers. Aligning the incentives of public
officials with those of industrialists was abetted by the fact that Latin American
governments (particularly in the 1940s and 1950s) faced severe balance of payments
problems. Tariffs and quotas were an obvious way to stanch the flow of foreign
exchange out of the country. This point is clearly made in the very useful set of
country studies contained in the edited volume by Enrique C
´
ardenas, Jos
´
e Antonio
Ocampo, and Rosemary Thorp, An Economic History of Twentieth-Century Latin
America,vol. 3, Industrialization and the State in Latin America – The Postwar Years
(New York, 2000).
Protectionism also required direct political action by industrialists. Two recent
studies on Argentine industrialization make this point clearly: Fernando Rocchi,
“Building a Nation, Building a Market: Industrial Growth and the Domestic
Economy in Turn-of-the-Century Argentina” (Ph.D. dissertation, University of
California, Santa Barbara, 1997), covers the period prior to 1914;Paul H. Lewis,
The Crisis of Argentine Capitalism (Chapel Hill, NC, 1990), covers the entire
sweep of Argentine political economy in the twentieth century. For Brazil, readers
should consult Steven Topik, The Political Economy of the Brazilian State, 1889–1930
(Austin, TX, 1987). Finally, four recent studies shed light on the politics of tariff
setting in Mexico. One of these, Graciela Marquez, “The Political Economy of
Mexican Protectionism, 1868–1911” (cited previously), focuses on the Porfiriato.
Tw o others, Mario Ram
´
ırez Ranca
˜
no, Burgues
´
ıa textil y pol
´
ıtica en la Revoluci
´
on
Mexicana (Mexico City, 1987) and Mar
´
ıa del Carmen Collado Herrera, Empresarios
ypol
´
ıticos, entre la Restauraci
´
on y la Revoluci
´
on 1920–1924 (Mexico City, 1996), cover
the revolution and the immediate postrevolutionary period. A fourth, Stephen
Haber, Armando Razo, and Noel Maurer, The Politics of Property Rights: Politi-
cal Instability, Credible Commitments, and Economic Growth in Mexico, 1876–1929
(Cambridge, 2003), draws on these works and others to analyze the entire period
from the Porfiriato to the Great Depression.
Industrial development also could not have taken place without the integration
of markets. Most Latin American countries are not naturally blessed with long
stretches of navigable waterways that flow through their major population areas.
The logical implication is that, contrary to the view that emerged from depen-
dency theory, railroads must have played a significant role in integrating domestic
markets. Two scholars working independently, Sandra Kuntz Ficker and William
Summerhill, both produced similar qualitative results in strong support of this
hypothesis. Kuntz Ficker’s work on Mexico, Empresa extranjera y mercado interno:
el Ferrocarril Central Mexicano, 1880–1907 (Mexico City, 1995), demonstrated that
most traffic on the Mexican Central Railway was short haul and destined for local
markets. Summerhill, Order Against Progress: Government, Foreign Investment, and
Railroads in Brazil, 1854–1913 (Stanford, CA, 2003), makes it clear that a similar
phenomenon took place in Brazil: most of the freight on Brazil’s railroads was des-
tined for domestic uses, and the vast majority of this freight would not have been
transported had railroads not been constructed. A comparative article by Summer-
hill, “Transport Improvements and Economic Growth in Brazil and Mexico,” in
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Bibliographical Essays 721
Stephen Haber, ed., How Latin America Fell Behind: Essays on the Economic Histo-
ries of Brazil and Mexico, 1800–1914 (Stanford, CA, 1997), draws parallels between
the Brazilian and Mexican cases.
Industrial development also requires entrepreneurs who can combine factors of
production and take advantage of market opportunities. There is a long tradition
of such studies in the Latin American historiography, in large part owing to the
fact that such studies are extremely amenable to the tools of traditional, nonquan-
titative historical analysis. Among the very first of these studies was Sanford Mosk,
Industrial Revolution in Mexico (Berkeley, CA, 1950). The study of entrepreneurs
and their social origins also figured prominently in Stein, The Brazilian Textile
Manufacture;Dean, The Industrialization of S
˜
ao Paulo; Kirsch, Industrial Develop-
ment in a Traditional Society; and Haber, Industry and Underdevelopment (all cited
earlier). A systematic cross-sectional study of entrepreneurs, which is an extremely
useful complement to the more prosopographical accounts found in historical lit-
erature, was carried out in the mid-1960sbyFlavia DeRossi and was published as
The Mexican Entrepreneur (Paris, 1971).
In recent years, the literature on entrepreneurs, their social and economic origins,
and the history of theirbusiness enterprises has boomed. Oneof the most systematic
of these studies, which combines aspects of both biography and business history,
is Elisabeth von der Weid and Ana Marta Rodrigues Bastos, OFio da meada:
Estrat
´
egia de expans
˜
ao de uma ind
´
ustria t
ˆ
extil: Companhia Am
´
erica Fabril, 1878–1930
(Rio de Janeiro, 1986). The recent dissertation by Fernando Rocchi, “Building
aNation, Building a Market” (cited earlier), employs a similar approach. The
literature on Mexico is voluminous. Among the most impressive of the works
on Mexican entrepreneurs are Leticia Gamboa Ojeda, Los empresarios de ayer: el
grupo dominante en la industria textil de Puebla, 1906–1929 (Puebla, 1985), and
Mar
´
ıa del Carmen Collado Herrera, La burgues
´
ıa mexicana: el emporio Braniff y
su participaci
´
on pol
´
ıtica, 1865–1920 (Mexico City, 1987). For studies that combine
both entrepreneurial and business history, see Mario Cerutti, Burgues
´
ıa, capitales,
e industria en el norte de M
´
exico (Monterrey, Mexico, 1992), and Carlos Marichal
and Mario Cerutti, Historia de las grandes empresas en M
´
exico, 1850–1930 (Mexico
City, 1997).
Entrepreneurs cannot accomplish much in the absence of banks and securities
markets that can mobilize capital for their enterprises. In recent years, the study
of banks and securities markets in Latin American economic development has
become in and of itself a growth industry. For an introduction to this growing body
of work, see Mar
´
ıa B
´
arbara Levy, Hist
´
oria da bolsa de valores do Rio de Janeiro (Rio
de Janeiro, 1977); Fl
´
avio Azevedo Marques de Saes, Cr
´
edito e bancos no desenvolvi-
mento da economia paulista, 1850–1930 (S
˜
ao Paulo, 1986); Anne Hanley, “Capital
Markets in the Coffee Economy: Financial Institutions and Economic Change in
S
˜
ao Paulo, Brazil, 1850–1905”(Ph.D. dissertation, Stanford University, 1995); Gail
Triner, Banking and Economic Development: Brazil, 1889–1930 (New York, 2000);
Noel Maurer, The Power and the Money: The Mexican Financial System, 1876–1928,
(Stanford, CA, 2002); Lance E. Davis and Robert E. Gallman, Evolving Finan-
cial Markets and International Capital Flows: Britain, the Americas, and Australia,
1865–1914 (Cambridge, 2001); and Andr
´
es Regalsky, “Banking, Trade, and the Rise