Boardman J., Hammond N.G. L. The Cambridge Ancient History Volume 3, Part 3: The Expansion of the Greek World, Eighth to Sixth Centuries BC
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THE
ISLANDS
25 5
1.
Paros and Archilochus
Paros had two exports of note, its rough-grained but fine white marble
and its poet, Archilochus, somewhat coarser, somewhat blacker, at least
in his humour. It is the greatest of good luck for us that he lived when
he did (roughly the early middle of the seventh century)
8
and was the
kind of man that he was (a perfect, if somewhat extravagant, example
of post-Homeric man); sad only that so little of his work survives, and
that what does survive has to be treated with such caution. For, it is
now very properly insisted, the words of
a
lyric poet must not be taken
too literally, must certainly not be taken autobiographically.
9
It is no
longer permitted to say 'Archilochus was an aristocrat, but a bastard
aristocrat', 'Archilochus rejected the accepted code of military honour
by boasting that he had thrown away his shield in battle to save his own
skin', 'Archilochus loved to dance when drunk' and so on. Rather we
must say that society now recognized the existence of and could sing
about drunken bastard shield-throwers. That takes away a bit of the
spice, but the fact remains and is important.
Archilochus (this much is certain) was the son of one Telesicles who
had been the leader of Paros' greatest colonial enterprise, the founding
ofThasosofftheThracian coast about
700
B.C.
(above,
pp.
115—17).
Paros
apparently kept closer ties with Thasos than did other mother cities with
their colonies
—
a certain Aceratus (about 500
B.C.)
claimed that he had
held the archonship both in Paros and Thasos, and some would infer
from this a not unparalleled but rare practice of double citizenship.
10
Certainly some such arrangement is needed to explain Archilochus, as
much at home fighting or writing of fighting wild and woolly Thracians
in the north as unneighbourly Naxians from across the strait; as happy
rubbing shoulders with the Thasian general Glaucus as chasing
aristocratic girls in Paros. Glaucus himself
was
real, as a contemporary
inscription shows (M-L no. 3); I should like to believe in the girls as
well. It was this mobility, of course, this new range of experiences, not
only for Archilochus but for thousands of other Greeks, whether as
colonists or mercenaries or as merchants (pirates?), that touched off
the fresh thinking, social, political, ethical and later philosophical, of
Archaic Greece. War, for example, was no longer a game, it was a
business. Egyptian kings paid their mercenaries for victory, not for
arete;
Thracian barbarians, unlike Hector, did not fight according to
Achilles' rules. Better, then, to throw away the shield and survive - next
week's pay will buy another one. Better too than a great big fancy-pants
8
D 53.
» D3J.
10
IG xii. 8 suppl. no. 412; cf. c 5, -/\Sand above, p. 154; A 10.
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256 39^- EUBOEA AND THE ISLANDS
of a general'
a
little knock-kneed chap, but firm on his feet and full of
guts'
(Fr. 114 West).
This,
then, was a new world in which the individual could, was often
forced to, stand on his own and Archilochus expresses the newness of
it with stunning directness ('
We
were the scum of Greece that went
to Thasos'). Not all his contemporaries will have been so frank.
Fighting, drinking, loving or hating he goes for the extreme ('I have
one great trick; to answer the man who wrongs me with foul abuse'),
and many then as now will have been shocked. The story had it that
he drove the father of one uncooperative girl-friend to suicide with his
words, the father and the daughter too (Schol. Hor.
Epod.
vi. 13; cf.
Anth.
Pal. 351 et al.). One might almost believe it. But whether people
liked it or not, freer-thinking was now in the air and the first practical
results of it were appearing in the political revolutions of seventh-century
Greece.
Not that Archilochus himself shows any bent for revolution or any
great respect for the unwashed proletariat ('Ignore the railing of
common folk if you want to enjoy yourself). But at one moment he
does say ' Gyges and all his wealth are no concern of mine... I've no
passion for a great tyranny' (Frs. 14, 19 West). Archilochus may not
want a tyranny for
himself,
but he knows what a tyranny is and he can
envisage wanting it. It is no longer unthinkable for him, as it was for
Hesiod (below, pp. 287^, that the ancestral order, the divinely-
sanctioned aristocratic order, should be challenged just as Gyges had
challenged the royal order of the Heraclids in Lydia. It would be nice
to know whether these lines were a reflection of actual political events
in Greece or merely an omen, but it matters little. If revolution had not
happened, it was imminent. There were thousands of others like
Archilochus who had been led or dragged not just into discontent with
the conditions they knew (that was there already) but into the realization
that something could be done about it, and there were a few, unlike
Archilochus, who did develop 'a passion for a great tyranny'.
2.
Thera and colonisation
The problem of colonization, one of the main spurs to independence,
is discussed in general elsewhere (above, ch. 37), but it is worth pausing
for a moment to consider from the point of view of the colonizing power
the fullest account we have of the sending out of any colony, that of
Cyrene from Thera. Thera
itself,
tradition had it (Hdt. iv. 1456*), was
occupied by trouble-makers from Sparta about the time of the
establishment of the Dorian state in Laconia, that is in the late tenth
century, and nothing in the remains from the island conflicts with the
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THE
ISLANDS
257
story (CAH
IN.
I
2
,
770-1). Certainly Thera was a Dorian island and kept
some Spartan institutions, the kingship (though not dual) and the
ephorate.
11
Thera prospered but, about 640, was visited with drought.
The drought, as we have said, can hardly have been local, but its effect
on bare volcanic Thera must have been particularly severe, and when
it had lasted seven years desperation drove the Therans to Delphi. The
oracle reminded them of an earlier injunction laid upon their king,
Grinnus by name, to send a colony to Libya, an injunction which the
insular Therans had decided to ignore ' not daring to send a colony out
into the unknown', as Herodotus puts it. Now, however, nature had
made the god's voice more compelling and a colony was sent, two
hundred men (probably) in two ships, led by Aristoteles son of
Polymnestus, a Theran nobleman, later to be known and hence to appear
in most of our sources as Battus, the Libyan word for 'King'. Nor was
this a random collection of the destitute, Archilochus' 'scum'. The
adventurers were carefully conscripted from all parts of Thera, only
from families with more than one son, and state interest went further.
A fourth-century inscription, which purports to give the terms of the
original oath taken by the emigrants and in substance probably does,
implies some continuing responsibility on the part of Thera at least for
the first five years, provides for the admission of other Therans to
Cyrene later and allows for the return of the colonists in event of failure,
again for (or perhaps after) the same period. Versions of the story show
substantial variations but they do not concern
us.
In one form or another
we have here so many typical (though by no means universal) elements
of the colonial movement, the noble leader (who else would lead in the
seventh century?), the Delphic oracle, the concern to reproduce abroad
the same social structure as had been known at home, a mother city's
interest, but strictly limited interest, in the colony's future. And there
is something more, common enough no doubt, but never so clearly
depicted; no happy band of explorers brimful with a lust for adventure
but rather two hundred reluctant Hesiods who go to sea because they
have to - the penalty for refusal was death.
Just how much relief the departure of the two hundred would bring
to Thera is hard to judge but the physical remains suggest no great
discomfort and the bawdy jollity of her inscriptions is attractive.
12
No
doubt, Apollo appeased, it rained.
3.
De/os and Naxos
But for most of the islands Apollo was not the oracular god of Delphi
or the Dorian Apollo Carneus, much in evidence at Thera. He was the
11
Hdt. iv.
i4jff;
IC xn. 3, 322 etc.
12
IG
XII.
3, 536-7 etc.
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258 39^- EUBOEA AND THE ISLANDS
Apollo of Delos, cult-centre of the Ionians, a rather unattractive rock
in the middle of the Aegean whose inhabitants had nothing to sell except
religion. This they did with startling success, a success which begins
to be reflected in the adornment of the sanctuary from about the
beginning of our period onwards.
13
Delian Apollo had no doctrine to preach even in the haphazard sense
that Delphic Apollo had; or at least had no oracle through which to
preach it. His mission, if such it may be called, was to act as a focus
for Ionian sentiment, exclusively and inclusively. We are not told of
any formal ban on Dorian visitors such as there was on the Athenian
Acropolis or at a sanctuary in Paros ('Entry forbidden to Dorian
aliens'),
but Dorians certainly do not figure, except in the shape of some
Dorian pottery.
14
Again, not all Ionians were included in fact at the start,
but each was welcomed as he came (did the Messenian choir of about
750 have anything to say about the Neleids of Pylus?
—
see CAH m.i
2
,
770).
By 478 Delos had become the natural centre for a national,
predominantly Ionian, League of Greeks.
But religious influence invites political interest and Delos from the
start engaged it. First in the field appears to have been Naxos, largest
and richest of the islands, only some thirty-two kilometres to the south.
Fertile, by local standards, well-endowed with a fine marble that could
almost match that of her unswervingly hostile neighbour, Paros, set at
a vital strategic point in mid-Aegean, Naxos prospered famously so
that by
5
00,
according to a perhaps somewhat romanticizing speaker in
Herodotus (v. 30), she had an army of
8,000
men, a substantial fleet and
even some sort of control over Paros, Andros and the rest of the
Cyclades -'Bright Naxos' Pindar calls her (Pyth. iv. 88). What kind
of control or how acquired we do not know, but certainly her presence
was early felt in Delos. Apart from private dedications like a late
seventh-century statue dedicated by a lady called Nicandra, the Naxian
state presented a mammoth statue of Apollo, some nine metres high;
perhaps a sphinx atop a soaring column (though the attribution to
Naxos has been doubted); a curious 'House' for some major public
purpose in the centre of the sanctuary and, most impressive of all, a
row of huge but amiable lions to squat alongside the main approach.
15
Such things imply an interest beyond mere devotion and something
more, too, than a mere desire to advertise the produce of its quarries.
But the intricacies of Naxian politics opened the way to Delos for
other powers. It is the standard story. Squabbles among the aristocrats
becoming tenser as Naxian society tried to absorb its growing wealth;
13
D 40,
276ff;
D 40A.
14
/Gxn. ;, 225; Hdt. v. 72.
15
D 40,
276ff;
H 64, no. 1; D 7; H 61, 28; D 43, 379; D 62.
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THE ISLANDS 259
an
affaire —
an outrage against one nobleman, Telestagoras by name;
tyranny with one of Telestagoras' friends as tyrant, Lygdamis. But
Lygdamis was no more successful in his first attempt than the Athenian
Pisistratus and the year 546 found both in exile. Lygdamis fought for
Pisistratus' return to Athens; a grateful Pisistratus at once restored his
friend to power in Naxos
—
and even trusted him with the custody of
some aristocratic Athenian hostages. Lygdamis, then, in turn is said to
have helped Polycrates to take over the government of Samos (Ath.
348
B,
c; Hdt. 1. 61; Polyaenus 1. 23).
One of the spoils of victory for this tyrant cooperative was Delos,
but in a cooperative profits are shared and so, from now on, Delos was
open to new influences. Pisistratus 'purified' the sanctuary by digging
up the corpses within sight of it and transferring them to further parts
of the island, whence a century later an even more devout generation
of Athenians moved them to the neighbouring island of
Rheneia.
When
a new temple for Apollo was built around 540 it was of Attic stone.
Somewhat later (about 522) Polycrates attached Rheneia to Delos and
inaugurated a new festival on the island. But, for some reason or other,
this autocratic bloc in the Aegean attracted the displeasure of Sparta,
more interested now than she usually was in things overseas. Polycrates
was attacked in 525, unsuccessfully, but he was soon murdered by a
Persian; the sons of Pisistratus were chased from Attica in 510; and at
some point, perhaps on the occasion of the Samian expedition, perhaps
a decade later, Lygdamis was deposed in favour of those aristocrats
whose power he had stolen and whose property he had confiscated to
help finance, among other things, his continued, even if diluted, interest
in Delos.
16
Of the aristocratic regime itself or of the' democracy' whose
installation about 500 helped to kindle the Ionian Revolt we have
nothing but a tradition of success and the implication that Delos was
once more under complete control. It seems a bit unfair that when the
Persians crossed the Aegean in 490 they burned the city of the Naxians
but heaped three hundred talents' worth of frankincense on Apollo's
altar (Hdt. v. 28.1, 38.2; vi. 95-7).
4.
Conclusion
In other (or even in the same) islands other things happened. The
Parians who had been called in to arbitrate between Chalcis and Andros
in
65 5
were summoned again by the Milesians in the late sixth century
to sort out their political troubles (and gave a solid conservative
solution). It should tell us something about Parians that they were
" See below, p. 403; D 40, 302-3 for the temple; below, pp. 353-6 on Sparta and the
tyrants; Arist.
Oec.
11. 3.
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26o 39*/.
EUBOEA
AND THE
ISLANDS
still being called in to arbitrate in the eighteenth century
A.D.
17
The
Siphnians on the other hand looked only once abroad, but to very good
effect. So rich had they grown on the profits of their gold and silver
mines that they not only faced their public buildings with Parian marble
but set up at Delphi one of its most opulent treasuries. The Pythia
warned them of trouble to come but they heeded her naught - until
some Samian scavengers arrived and relieved them of a hundred
talents (Hdt. in. 57-8). The men of Ceos enjoyed a morality of which
the severest Elder of the Kirk would have approved.
18
Seriphos
achieved the blissful condition of a community that has no history.
But these are trivialities, as is most of what we know. And even the
three fuller cases discussed above should serve only to remind us that
in the midst of
a
sea of wine-darkness each island went its own way - but
that their ways cannot have been wholly strange to each other.
17
D92,1 159.
18
Phylarchus,
FGrH
8i F 42 etc.
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CHAPTER 40
ILLYRIS, EPIRUS AND MACEDONIA
N. G. L.
HAMMOND
I. ILLYRIAN AND EPIROTIC TRIBES IN ILLYRIS AND WEST
MACEDONIA
'Illyris', a geographical term which the Greeks applied to a territory
neighbouring their own, covers more or less the area of northern and
central Albania down to the mouth of the Aous. A description of the
country has been given in CAH m.i
2
, 6i9ff and 623.
Within Illyris the people to the north of
the
Shkumbi valley in Illyria
were remarkably conservative in their practices during the period, c.
750—5 30
B.C., and indeed until the beginning of the Hellenistic period.
In the Zadrime plain and in the Mati valley tumulus-burial was practised
as in the past, and without diminution until late in the fourth century;
thereafter a few tumuli only were added to the existing hundreds.
Similarly the local styles of pottery persisted and the influence of Greek
pottery was very slight. The tumuli were used for members of the
warrior or aristocratic class. They were buried with iron weapons
(spearheads up to 70 cm long, cutlasses up to 60 cm, battle-axes, knives,
occasionally swords) and sometimes with bronze armour (shield,
cuirass, helmet, occasionally greaves). The jewellery and fibulae of
bronze in the graves were of Glasinac types, and the beads were mostly
of amber.
1
In the area of Kukes on the Drin (ancient Drilon) the
majority of the burials in the cemeteries of tumuli at Cinamak, Krume
and Keneta were made in the seventh to fourth centuries B.C.
The same rituals were practised in Zadrime, Mati and Kukes
throughout the period. There were some cremations in urns, but the
main form of burial was inhumation. A scratching, breaking and
scattering of pots over the upper part of the tumulus was a common
feature. The offerings were traditional. We find the same ritual and
offerings in Metohija—Kosovo and Glasinac, the great centre of Illyrian
culture.
2
On the other hand the Scodra area has different practices, one
form of urn-burial probably indicating human sacrifice, and it is
1
Islami in E 37; E 36,
iozff;
Jubani in
E
40;
E
48,
89ff;
Kurti in
E
46.
2
E 48, 9if; SA 1971.1,
i47ff;
cf. E 42,
<)S.
261
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262
4O.
ILLYRIS, EPIRUS AND MACEDONIA
a.
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ILLYRIAN AND EPIROTIC TRIBES 263
probable that
its
connexions were rather with
the
Zeta valley
to the
north-west. One interesting difference between Mati and Kukes was
in
the use
of
metals:
iron
for
weapons and bronze
for
ornaments
in
Mati,
but iron
for
both
-
e.g. pins, double pins, buckles, beads
and
fibulae
-in Kukes;
and
later, towards
the end of the
sixth century, silver
displaced iron
for
pins and for other articles
in
Kukes but not
in
Mati.
At Pazhok
in the
middle Shkumbi zone
the
burials
in the
excavated
tumuli ended c. 700
B.C.
;
but
there
are
twice
as
many tumuli
unexcavated.
In south-east Illyris events took
a
very different course. The Illyrian
domination
(see CAH
III.I
2
,
630) was
shaken
by the
raids
of the
Cimmerians and their Thracian allies who swept through the Balkans,
leaving traces
of
their presence
in
Macedonia, e.g.
at
Titov Veles, and
penetrating perhaps via southern Illyris to Epirus, as dedications of their
typical horse-trappings have been found
at
Dodona.
In the
plain
of
Korce Illyrian rule ended
c.
650
B.C,
when the burials of their chieftains
in Tumulus
I at
Kuci
Zi
came
to an end. The new
rulers erected
Tumulus
II at
Kuci
Zi.
This eventually contained eighteen burials.
Whereas the placing of cremated remains in an urn had occurred as well
as
the
usual inhumations
in
Tumulus
I,
now there were inhumations
only; there were
no
more bronze pendants
and no
more jewellery
of
Illyrian kinds,
and one
spearhead only
was
found.
The
dead were
buried with bronze ear-rings, pins of bronze wire with a spiralling head
(as
in fig. 43, 3),
double pins, single bracelets
of
bronze wire with
overlapping ends, sometimes snake-headed,
and
beads
of
glass with
coloured eyelets. Some
of
the
old
shapes persisted
in the
hand-made
pottery;
but
most
of
the pottery was wheel-made and imitated Greek
shapes such
as
the cothon, oenochoe and cylix. There were also some
imported Greek
vessels.
From this tumulus there came two mouthpieces
of gold foil as
in
fig.
43, 15; they were decorated with repousse drops
and terminated
in two
strings
at
each end, which
had
evidently been
tied over the mouth of the dead man or woman. The tumulus went out
of use
in the
second half
of
the sixth century
or
somewhat later.
3
In Pelagonia,
on the
eastern side
of the
Balkan chain, there were
important changes in the plain by the upper Crna Reka (ancient Erigon).
In the latter part
of
the seventh century burials were made
for
the first
time
in
large, shallow, slab-lined graves without any tumulus.
In
each
case they were near settlements which
had
just formed
on the
rising
ground
at
the edge
of
the plain. These large graves were probably
for
family use, and
it
was round them that the cemeteries of
the
settlements
developed in the course of the sixth century. Small stelai or headstones,
roughly human in shape, were found. These cemeteries seem to be those
3
Andrea in
E
4, i8yf; SlH
1972.4,
86ffwith pis.
XII-XIII.
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264
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ILLYRIS, EPIRUS AND MACEDONIA
43.
Seventh- and sixth-century objects from north of the Greek peninsula. 1. Cross-shaped
junction, bronze in Benaki Museum; 2. Triangular plaque with two hooks, bronze from
Axiokastron; 3. Pin of bronze wire with spiralling head, 9-5 cm long, from Kuci Zi; 4. Herb-cup,
bronze from Chauchitsa; 5. Biconical bronze bead with collared ends, a pendant from Vergina;
6. Slashed-sphere pendant, bronze from Chauchitsa; 7. Jug-on-bird pendant, bronze from
Chauchitsa; 8. Gold hair-ring, from Marmariani; 9. Top-piece of a chain of fony-five bronze
pendants, from the Mati valley; 10. Miniature bronze jug, from Pateli;
11.
Bronze horse-trapping,
from Kukes area, in Tirana Museum;
12.
Miniature bronze double-axe, from Olynthus;
13.
Galley
of Illyrian type, seventh or sixth century, shown on a funerary stone stele from Novilara in
Picenum; note high bowsprit and ram; 14. Two-springed fibula of bronze with triangular
catch-plate, from Chauchitsa; 15. Gold mouthpiece, 8 cm long, from Chauchitsa. Various scales.
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