Beasley E. Empire as the Triumph of Theory: Imperialism, Information and the Colonial Society of 1868 (British and Foreign and Colonial Policy)

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were the barristers who did not practise—

arristers by origin but bureaucrats by

occupation. They are a window into what may have been a second profession whose

connection to imperialism must be evaluated. The profession in question is that o

colonial office holder.

The twelve men who had been colonial ministers in Whitehall by the time they joined

the Colonial Society (see Table 3.3) were of course a part of the same governing class

that we have already looked at, and once again the number of members at Cabinet or sub-

Cabinet rank was less than overwhelming in the early days of the Society. Only a small

fraction of the living men who had held Whitehall responsibility for the Colonies in the

previous three decades joined—thirteen current or former Cabinet members and junio

ministers joined, out of the twenty-six still-living full Cabinet secretaries for the Colonies

or for India, plus the dozens of junior ministers who were still alive. Once again, those

who did join were mostly the sitting ministers either in the Derby-Disraeli governments

of 1866–68 or in the Gladstone government that took office in December 1868, sitting

ministers who could hardly refuse the Society’s invitations.

Six Colonial Governors or Lieutenant Governors joined (out many dozens of living

veterans of such jobs, almost all of them Britons who went back to England as soon as

their governorships were over). They did not make up a large contingent, especially

considering that in December the Society arranged for a circular to be sent from the

Colonial Office to all the sitting Governors, advising them to announce the new Society

to their colonies.

Table 3.3 Members governing the colonies

New

members

Jobs by date of joining and new jobs later in life

Ministers with

colonial

responsibility

Whitehall

bureaucrats

and London

Agents

†

Colonial

governors

‡

People with

colonial

government

obs

(London jobs) (Overseas jobs)

26 June

1868

2 0 4 1 1 1 9 0

27 June to

12 August

1868

4 1 4 0 1 0 8 0

15 August

to 3

November

1868

1 0 0 0 2 1 2 0

November

to 30

December

0 0 1 0 0 0 3 0

The usual suspects 33

All in all, the Governors who joined the Society were a breed of imperial careerists o

mixed background, ranging from a Marquess to a Canadian. Joining before 3 Novembe

were the founding members George Augustus Constantine Phipps, 2nd Marquis o

ormanby (Governor of Nova Scotia, 1858–63—already counted among the peers); Si

John Young (Governor of the Ionian Islands 1855–59, Governor of New South Wales

1861–67, and Governor-General of Canada 1868–72, and already counted as a future

peer); General Sir William Thomas Denison (Governor of Tasmania 1847–55, Governo

of New South Wales 1855–61, and Governor of Madras 1861–66); and Sir John Scott

(Lt.-Governor of Labuan 1850–56 and Lt.-Governor of Natal 1856–64). The two who

oined in the new year were Viscount Monck (Governor of Upper and Lower Canada

1861–67, and the first Governor-General of Canada 1867–68, another peer already

counted; and Sir Francis Hincks (the first Canadian or colonial Colonial Governor o

anywhere for decades—Governor of the Windward Islands 1856–62, and of British

Guiana 1862–69). They all went on to other governorships after our period. By 1868, two

of them had already been posted to the colony that Hillaire Belloc would immortalize in

his advice to the fictitious and financially embarrassed Lord Lundy:

1868

20 January

to 25

February

1869

5 1 1 0 1 0 6 0

10 March to

13 April

1869

0 0 2 0 1 1 5 0

Total 12 2 12 1 6 3 33 0

Notes

Members are counted once in the figures for jobs held on or before joining the

Colonial Society; each member is counted only at the highest level reached in

that period (rank descends from left to right). A member is counted again for

the italicized, post-April 1869 figures if and only if he achieved a higher post

after that date.

Bold figures

indicate the highest level reached by the three

members whose first job in governing the colonies came in the period after

1869; that this figure is as low as three shows that the Society (at least in its

early days) was not the kindergarten of the imperialists of later generations.

Cabinet and sub-Cabinet.

†

Permanent Under-Secretaries and Assistant Under-Secretaries, with one

assistant clerk who was at another time Private Secretary to the Secretary of

State; also, the Crown Agents; agents for specific colonies; and members of

emigration commissions.

‡

Includes lieutenant-governors.

British residents, chief administrators, members of colonial civil services,

colonial judges, members of colonial legislatures; a colonial architect;

excludes mayors.

Empire as the triumph of theory 34

Yet our six Governors were not the Edwardian stiffs of the Age of New Imperialism in

which Belloc was writing. Instead, most of them were typical of the small core o

rofessional governors who moved from place to place. John Cell has numbered such

men at no more than three or four dozen out of the more than 300 governors and

lieutenant-governors serving throughout the empire from 1830 to 1880.

The members who served at lower positions in various colonial governments or in

Whitehall were more numerous—thirty-one as opposed to the six governors. Seven were

settlers who did not rise higher than service in the local colonial legislature. All in all, i

is clear that we are looking at an unrepresentative minority of colonial or imperial office

holders. Only a few of the men in each category joined the Colonial Society. The

founders had a scattering of jobs, and at least initially a scattering of ideas. To say that

some were colonial officials does not say how they had become aware of the empire o

what they thought about it. Nor does it say why they became interested in the Colonial

Society while others did not.

Soldiers

A similar variety of people and motivations is apparent in the other great profession

which impinged upon politics, namely the military. While purchase still existed in the

army, and a military career was easier for young men of means than for the poor and

obscure, the military members, like the lawyers, were seldom the kind of people who sat

in the Cabinet and ran the country. Out of the Society’s 223 members, there were twenty-

one regular (non-engineer) officers, only six of whom wound up in Parliament (one o

these six was the only naval officer who can be traced in the Society). These non-

arliamentary officers were the careerists (unlike the volunteers or reservists like Lord

Bury) who took commissions instead of getting a university education.

Certain other members were the sons of naval or army officers, but clearly the military

men in the Colonial Society were not so numerous as to bespeak a military preoccupation

with empire. Indeed, the near absence of the navy from the Colonial Society membership

rolls is a hint that the men who guarded the Pax Britannica on the high seas were by an

large unimperialistic—or they were not much for joining clubs (see Table 3.4). The

soldiers in the Colonial Society were imperialists by individual accident or inclination,

and they did not represent any widely shared military imperialism. There were legions o

officers who could have joined the Society had they wanted to, but they did not.

We had intended you to be

The next Prime Minister but three:

The Stocks were sold; the Press was squared;

The Middle Class was quite prepared.

But as it is!…My language fails!

Go out and govern New South Wales!

The usual suspects 35

Still, most of the officers who would join the Society had seen service in the empire.

Often they had developed an even deeper personal connection with imperial issues than

their series of postings would indicate. Sir William Marcus Coghlan of the East India

Company Army was the commandant of the artillery at Bombay (1854–63), and then

became a long-serving resident and commandant at Aden.

While there, he was caught

up in the defence of the British diplomatic agent and eminent archaeologist Hormuzd

Rassam from his critics in England. Coghlan became his champion of many years.

Andrew Clarke was more widely travelled. He was the son and name-sake of a man

who had himself been posted all over the empire, finally as Governor of Western

Australia from 1845 until his death in 1847. The younger Clarke left his two years’ post-

Sandhurst engineering training (at Chatham) early in 1846 to take up a position that his

father the Governor

had arranged for him. By 1868, he had served in Tasmania (where he was aide to

Governor William Denison, another founder and military man). He had also served in

ew Zealand and Australia, and he had played a key role on the West Coast of Africa,

where he advised against the expansion of British territory in the region.

Table 3.4 Regular officers and engineers

New

members

Officers with

colonial

experience

Officers—no

clear record of

colonial

experience

Royal

Engineers

(RE)

Civilian

Engineers

Most with colonial

experience

26 June 1868 4 2 1 2

27 June to 12

August 1868

2301

15 August to

3 November

1868

2020

11 November

to 30

December

1868

1010

20 January to

25 February

1869

2210

10 March to

13 April 1869

2101

Total 13 8 5 4

Note

Includes arm

ineers.

Empire as the triumph of theory 36

Outside of his army duties, he was Surveyor-General and sometime MP in Victoria in

the same period, where he had a long-standing interest in the Museum of Natural History

and the Philosophical Institute.

He intro duced and developed the telegraph in the

colony.

He also planned the railway.

More tellingly, it was he who designed and

forced through a new and more democratic system of local government for Melbourne

and its environs; his models were the strong local governments of North America, which

he thought likely to foster what he would later describe as ‘order and…a healthy

conservative feeling’.

Clarke himself would go on to develop still other imperial interests, above and beyond

any postings as a military engineer and democratic thinker. After 1868, he became

Victoria’s Agent-General in London and a member of the Council of India. He was also a

key figure in Britain’s expansion into Malaya, serving as Governor of the Straits

Settlements from 1873 to 1875.

His career stretched to 1900, when he played a part in

the Australian Confederation.

Clarke, like some other officers in the Colonial Society (including George Bell, Patrick

Leonard MacDougall, and Francis Cornwallis Maude, nephew of an important leader o

the Church Missionary Society), had such a variety of colonial billets that a big and

unified concept of the empire would have come more naturally to him than to many othe

men of the time. But these colonial military officers were not the only professional group

whose duties took them out among the colonies.

Engineers

A small number of Colonial Society members came from another and rather younge

rofession, engineering; of these, most were army engineers. Engineering was the

rofession that Clarke had practised before the army promoted him to more general

duties, and it was the only profession for which the course at Chatham had provided him

with any training.

Purchase did not exist in the Royal Engineers, so officers were

appointed on merit.

everal of these men were associated with the Institute of Civil Engineers.

One, Lt.

Col. Charles Manby, wrote a great deal in his field, including a work on the harbours and

railways of India. At the time of the Society’s Inaugural Dinner, Manby was Honorary

Secretary of the Institute. He had been its first paid secretary, serving from 1839 to 1856.

The Institute had been founded in the Kendal Coffee House in 1818, and had received its

charter ten years later. The President of the Institute in 1868 was the civilian Charles

Hutton Gregory, a colonial railway engineer who himself became a member of the

Colonial Society. At the annual meeting of the civil engineers in January 1868, Gregory

was already making much in his presidential speech of the British colonies and thei

railway tracks, along with the guns and ironclads in the Crimea and the American Civil

War.

Railway engineering tended to mean pari passu an interest in railways in colonies, a

least by the 1860s. Britain itself had been covered in track in short order in the twenty

years after 1830, and so by the mid-century many a railway engineer had to look for his

work abroad; the day of replacing Great Britain’s old iron rails with steel ones had yet to

The usual suspects 37

come.

In 1840, Gregory himself had worked on the London and Croydon line, but soon

he went off into the empire.

The Colonial Society also had another civilian enginee

who did the same colonial work as Gregory. He was Abraham Coates Fitz Gibbon, who

had been a government railway engineer in Queensland, Ceylon, and New Zealand.

Another founder, Captain Douglas Galton, sat in the War Office for most of his life,

save for a posting to study railways in the United States, about which he produced two

articles.

In the balance of his career in Whitehall he wrote one short work—

rimming

with pride over the railways being built by Fitz Gibbon and others in the British colonies.

Galton was just as proud of Britain’s undersea telegraph lines, mentioning the work o

the telegraphy pioneer Frederick Newton Gisborne—another engineer among the

membership of the Colonial Society.

With conventional as well as undersea telegraphy,

the empire was being knitted together with wires as well as with the rails of the earlie

technology.

Despite the achievements of Gisborne, the most famous telegraph engineer in the

Society was Cromwell Fleetwood Varley. Varley was more romantic than Gisborne. He

came from a family of artists, microscopists, and astrologers, and he once used his own

more technical kind of magic to impress an audience with remotely transmitted music. In

1858 he was involved in the laying of the first Atlantic telegraph cable, and in 1868 he

retired to a private life in London when his long-time employer, the Electric and

International Telegraph Company, was acquired by the government.

By 1867, he was in

any case full of details about galvanometers in Java, Australia, and a dozen other more o

less imperial places that connected him—down telegraph lines—with the interests of the

other founders of the Colonial Society.

After his retirement he continued his scientific

work, knitting the world together with circuit diagrams, but he also busied himself in the

quest for a transcendent reality—ether rather than electricity, and spiritualism (always an

interest of his) rather than engineering. Contemplating the British Empire would have

been another way of approaching transcendence and unity.

The other four military engineers in the Society included, besides Clarke and Denison,

General Edward Charles Frome. These engineers who literally built the British Empire

had the widest conception of it out of any of the groups that we have looked at so far.

Frome served as Surveyor-General in South Australia in the late 1830s and then as

Engineer-in-Chief in Canada in the early 1840s, where he had worked ten years before on

the construction of the Rideau Canal. By the time the Colonial Society was founded, he

was a General in the War Office and in line for a KCMG; the great names of the Cabinet

who were in the Colonial Society knew him, and through him they knew about other men

working in a variety of engineering posts out in the empire.

(There were no enginee

MPs, which may have reflected the fact that British engineers did not enjoy much social

restige, and they were not great in number; companies often had to go begging to recruit

them, especially for foreign placements.

) His influence stands up besides that o

Denison, who governed Van Diemen’s Land, New South Wales, and the Madras

Presidency. Governor Denison, author of two thick volumes of memoirs, aptly entitled

them Varieties of Vice-regal Life; they were his own contribution to metro-

olitan

awareness of colonial engineering and administration. He dedicated these memoirs to his

fellow officers in the Royal Engineers, among whom he had began his career.

In sum, these engineers had been posted all along the immense cultural, economic, and

Empire as the triumph of theory 38

technological border between England and the least industrial parts of the world (which

in the context of 1868 means everywhere). The engineers occupied diverse but usually

rather good vantage points from which to observe that border and the empire it

encompassed. Their profession also depended upon their exchange of imperial

information with one another, and—if more projects were to be planned—with the

public.

The missionary: John Clark Marshman

One final group of professionals are sure to be mentioned as likely imperialists:

missionaries. Yet neither missionaries nor former missionaries nor even Londoners

closely connected with the missionary movement were well represented in the Colonial

Society. Their near-absence is so startling that it is worth pursuing in some detail.

Evangelical (rather than Church of England) missionaries had once come from the

working classes, but by the 1860s even the evangelical missionaries were middle class,

respectable, and well-educated.

So of course were the Anglican missionaries. Thus,

oth kinds could have joined the Colonial Society if they had wanted to; they could have

afforded the subscription. Yet only four of the founders out of 213 were themselves

missionaries, and only a handful of others seem to have come from missionary families

of whatever social class. Meanwhile, the Liberal MP and banker Arthur Kinnaird,

although neither from a missionary family nor a missionary himself, was an active

supporter of the Church Missionary Society, but there were no other lay supporters with

anything like his involvement or his zeal. Furthermore, most of the handful of founders

who were the children of missionaries showed no interest on their own part in the subjec

of missions. The imperial ideas of the missionary children were quite secular. So, while

missionary zeal (and shame over British imperial crimes) did exist in the mid-Victorian

world,

it barely existed in the Colonial Society, except in the case of Kinnaird.

Even those names on the rolls of the Colonial Society that remain hardest to identify

are absent from the ample records of the missionaries. So we can prove the negative: the

Colonial Society included very few missionaries, even among the unidentifiable

members.

Only three who had not come from missionary families took up the

missionary life themselves, and there were two missionaries who had come from

missionary families. The Society also had three non-missionary clergymen. One of them,

the Revd Mr Hogarth John Swale, was Chaplain of the British Embassy in Paris—not a

missionary post.

What then of the three missionaries who had chosen the field for themselves—who had

not, that is, come from missionary families? Had they found for themselves, in their own

hearts, the enthusiasm for overseas ties? Apparently not, for although technically they

need to be classed as missionaries, they do not seem to have been very keen on

expanding Britain’s missionary empire. One was the Revd Robert Arthur Currey, who

from 1850 to 1864 was a chaplain in Cape Town.

The other two were, like him,

members of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel (SPG), and, like him, they

worked with settlers rather than with natives. Both worked in Ontario. One, the Revd D

Alexander MacNab, retired to London in 1857, and served on three of the Colonial

The usual suspects 39

Society’s organization committee meetings in the summer of 1868. He had been one o

the Acting Assistant Superintendents (or school inspectors) in the Education Office in

Canada in the 1840s, where he railed against low-level corruption and the lack of colony-

wide school standardization—while at the same time he insisted on separate schools fo

separate races, a reversal of previous educational policy in the colony.

There was more

than a whiff of late nineteenth-century racism in his love of bureaucratic standardization

and racial segregation, but beyond these opinions MacNab left little evidence about his

interests.

out the other Ontario man we know more. He was the Rt. Revd Isaac Hellmuth, a

Polish-German Jew. He trained as a rabbi before converting in Berlin. His family

disowned him on the spot and he took his mother’s surname (his original surname is

unknown). While still in Berlin he joined the SPG, which played some part in arranging

for him to spend two years in Liverpool. There he learned English and developed the

ideas and connections of a confirmed evangelical. Next, the Society sent him to complete

his education in Quebec. He was ordained in 1846, and he took up a series of posts in

Ontario. He ministered to German immigrants and founded schools. Thus he was a

missionary who spread English-speaking culture to Europeans rather than to the native

opulation. He married the sister of the prominent lawyer Adam Crooks (himself a

member of the Colonial Society, as we have seen). Crooks would defend Hellmuth

against the charge of avarice in the use of a church endowment, a charge made against

Hellmuth by the presiding bishop; there was more than a touch of anti-Semitism here.

In any case, Hellmuth’s marriage into the Crooks family was a happy one. The

Hellmuths were able to travel frequently to England. Hellmuth served as London

secretary to the Colonial Church and School Society for six months in 1854, then

returned to Canada for a short time. At some point he and his wife visited the Near East,

roadening their intellectual and social interests. Then, not long after joining the Colonial

Society, Hellmuth became (as he was listed in the Colonial Society’s records) the ‘Bishop

of Huron (Canada West)’, where he founded a college and endured more anti-Semitic

remarks. Soon he decamped to England permanently, becoming coadjutor-

ishop of Hull

and later a rural rector.

All in all, he was a very odd missionary, not at all interested in

converting natives.

Only two founders who came from missionary or clerical families themselves showed

some interest in missionary work. One, the son of an Ulster preacher, supported the

mission cause only by supporting his local Wesleyan church, first in Sydney—where he

went for his health, not to spread the faith—and then in London after he repatriated

himself in 1863. He became a Liberal MP, a supporter of the Aborigines Protection

Society, and a leading light in plans to build more Methodist churches in London. His

name was Alexander MacArthur. He was a founder of the Victoria Institute, an 1867

ody (in London) which sought to reconcile science and religion. We shall return to him

briefly in Chapter 4, not in a discussion of missionaries but under the more appropriate

heading of colonial businessmen. Although he was keen on spreading the Gospel, he does

not seem to have been particularly keen on spreading it in foreign parts at the time the

Colonial Society was founded—although he was to become a key supporter o

humanitarian intervention and territorial expansion in the Tropics a few years later.

If we put MacArthur aside, the single man from a missionary family who took up the

Empire as the triumph of theory 40

cause himself and for a time lived the mission life was John Clark Marshman. As a man

who then gave up being a missionary to become a secular imperialist, he needs to be

examined straight away. Thus, the influence on the imperialism of the Colonial Society

of the well-established British subculture of missionaries can be judged at once, as can

the rise of ever more imperialistic kinds of thinking.

Marshman was the son of the Baptist missionary Joshua Marshman of Serampore, a

Danish enclave near Calcutta. (In the eighteenth century, East India Company officials

had forbidden most missionary activity, especially by nonconformists; thus the British

Baptist community established itself in Danish Serampore, outside EIC control.

)

Following in his father’s footsteps, John Clark Marshman ran the Serampore newspaper,

made a huge digest of the British-run civil law of Bengal, and helped to supervise the

mission schools. While still a young man, he also supervised a college of such magnitude

and with such a variety of studies that it has been cited as one model for the University o

London, founded in the 1830s.

To have created such opportunities for his son, John Clark Marshman’s father, Joshua,

expatriate nonconformist, clearly must have been quite somebody. In fact, he was a key

figure in British education in India, where he was active both in the founding of more

than 100 schools and in the development of educational policy.

He was also the chie

ublic opponent of the syncretizing or humanistic thinking of Ram Mohun Roy, the

Renaissance man of early nineteenth-century Bengal. The elder Marshman spent the

years leading up to 1820 turning out article after indignant article against Ram Mohun

and the idea of looking for a non-doctrinal, purely ethical Christianity. Meanwhile he

could not fail to notice that the missionary effort in India was failing; there were very few

converts. Embittered, the elder Marshman turned away from his intellectual encounte

with the heathen ingrates of India. He left off his attempts to translate and publish

Sanskrit literature.

He stayed in India but not of it. Rather than finishing his not terribly

sympathetic translation of the Ramayana, he took the time to learn Chinese and to

translate the Bible into that language, with whatever degree of success (his translation

was very quickly superseded).

The younger Marshman, who is of chief interest to us, was born in 1794, so he was in

his twenties during the height of the Ram Mohun Roy—Joshua Marshman controversy.

In some of his early works, he did take the part of his missionary forebears in thei

continual jurisdictional disputes with the Baptist Missionary Society, although he took

little issue with Ram Mohan Roy over Christology.

Indeed, some of the Serampore

Baptists thought him more interested in this life than in the next.

Perhaps they were

right. As we shall see, he would go so far as to abandon the whole subject of the Christian

religion, much less of Christianity in India.

Missionary work could still seem foremost in Marshman’s mind in 1859 when he was

in his mid-sixties, for the subject naturally dominated his massive biography of his fathe

and his father’s missionary associates. In that book, he argued that the Indians were

always monotheists at heart, for St Thomas had told them about Jesus—although in the

centuries after, he said, Indian popular religion had been allowed to decline into apparent

polytheism.

Yet in Marshman’s other writings after he moved to England in 1852,

the

main theme was no longer at all religious—but the secular progress of India under British

rule, especially the progress made during Marshman’s own lifetime.

The usual suspects 41

Sometimes Marshman went further, recommending outright secular imperialism

without any emphasis on making improvements, sacred or secular, in the lives of the

colonized peoples. As he put it in one of his two short books of 1853, Great Britain and

the United States were destined to rule all of Asia, bringing all its countries ‘tranquillity,

civilization, and true religion’—a task made feasible, he argued, by divine providence

and the wonderful growth in steam navigation.

(Steam navigation had become divine

providence!) He went on to mention an Anglo-American take-over of the trade of China,

Indo-China, Japan, and Thailand; and he looked forward eagerly to ‘the ultimate

extinction of all Asiatic independence’.

In the other book that Marshman wrote in 1853, religion played an even smaller role (i

ossible) in justifying the imperial programme. Marshman observed that British ships and

railways were striking out towards China in one direction, American ships and

transcontinental railways were closing in from the other—and British Australasia was

coming up from the South. From all three directions, then, there came people carrying out

the Anglo-American duties of (if we list things in the order that Marshman did) vastly

increasing the area of British rule, extending British trade, employing 5,000 sons of the

British ‘educated’ classes, and taking up British shipping. Marshman mentione

missionary work only in less visionary passages elsewhere.

By the time of his massive three-volume history of India, published in 1867 when he

was in his mid-seventies, the possible spread of the Christian religion occurred to him

only on rare occasions; the subject made for a set of brief and quite bald interruptions in a

mass of secular narrative—chiefly it came out in a discussion of providence in the final

paragraph of the last volume.

The hero of the three volumes was no missionary, but

Marshman’s friend Lord Dalhousie, Governor-General of India from 1847 to 1856,

famous for his down-to-earth tasks of railway-building and border-stretching. Marshman

had also helped to frame Wood’s Education Despatch, the groundbreaking 1854 plan fo

state-supported and largely secular schools to teach practical knowledge throughout

India, with much of this knowledge taught in the vernacular; so much for the missionary

programme of education and conversion.

Meanwhile, Marshman had edited the

Serampore mission newspaper, The Friend of India, which supported Dalhousie’s

expansionist and Westernizing policies, and Marshman had also served as an adviser to a

arliamentary committee on Indian governance in 1852 and 1853, making suggestions

friendly to Dalhousie.

After 1858, Marshman set about further to improve imperial

communications and tighten British control: he promoted a telegraph line to India

through the Red Sea. The British government adopted his proposal and backed the

company that he represented, but the line failed after a month.

In sum, Marshman de-emphasized Christian polemics and spent years writing secula

works on Indian history and the fate of the English-speaking powers to rule Asia. By then

his missionary interests were unrecognizable.

We have examined the clergymen and the missionaries, both those who came from

missionary families and those who did not. It remains to look at the founders who came

from missionary families but who were never missionaries themselves. Not surprisingly,

their missionary zeal was even less impressive than Marshman’s. George Marsden

Waterhouse was a quite secular Australian merchant and politician who was Prime

Minister of South Australia in the early 1860s. Three of his brothers became Wesleyan

Empire as the triumph of theory 42