greek dialects
57
the vowel letter upsilon (ϒ) added after tau (on the Greek creation of vowel characters, see
Ch. 2, §2), and may represent the earliest form of the Greek alphabet (see Heubeck 1986,
Scott, Woodard, McCarter, et al. 2005, Woodard 1997).
3. PHONOLOGY
In the remaining sections of this chapter, the discussion of Greek dialectal linguistic features
closely follows the format of the treatment of Attic grammar presented in Chapter 2 and is
dependent upon it. For background discussion of each section, the reader should consult
the corresponding section in Chapter 2. Hereafter “dialects” should be construed to refer
generally to all dialects other than Classical Attic, unless stated otherwise.
3.1 Consonants
The inventory of consonant phonemes in the dialects is grosso modo the same as that of
Attic. Variations do occur, however.
3.1.1 Obstruents
As mentioned in Chapter 2, §3.1 the Proto-Greek labiovelar stop phonemes, /k
w
/, /k
wh
/, and
/g
w
/, are preserved in Myceanean Greek. The same dialect also appears to have possessed
both a voiceless and a voiced palatalized stop (or perhaps affricate), sounds which developed
from earlier sequences of
∗
[k
(h)
y], in the case of the voiceless, and
∗
[dy],
∗
[gy] as well as
some instances of word-initial
∗
[y-], in the case of the voiced. Among the very few CCV
characters occurring in the Linear B syllabary (see §2.1) are the symbols twe, two, dwe, dwo,
nwa, tya, rya, and ryo. The existence of the signs may reveal the occurrence of palatalized and
of labialized dental phonemes in the dialect at some time within the period of Mycenaean
literacy and/or they may be relics of the phonological system of the non-Greek language for
which the ancestor script of Linear B was designed.
The voiceless aspirated stops of Attic, /p
h
/, /t
h
/, and /k
h
/, would become the fricatives /f/,
//, and /x/ respectively in the post-Classical period – probably by the first or second century
AD (perhaps earlier; see Allen 1987:20–23). However, there is evidence of a fricative reflex
at a much earlier period among some of the dialects, such as the Doric dialect of Laconian.
Thus, the later fifth-century authors Thucydides and Aristophanes, when reproducing Doric
speech, use the letter (/s/) to spell the sound corresponding to Attic /t
h
/, suggesting an
attempt to render a fricative pronunciation (i.e., //). By the fourth century BC, a similar
spelling practice is observed in Laconian inscriptions.
Like the voiceless aspirated stops, the voiced stops of Classical Attic have become voiced
fricatives in Modern Greek: /b/, /d/, and /g/ yield /v/, /
ð/, and /γ/ respectively. The date of the
change is probably considerably later than that of the voiceless stops (as would be expected on
typological grounds), though is difficult to pinpoint. In the ninth century AD, when Greek
missionaries created a writing system for recording scripture translations in Old Bulgarian,
the Greek letter (Classical Attic /b/) provided a symbol for the Slavic voiced fricative /v/
(evidence from the earlier Greek-based Gothic and Armenian alphabets is inconclusive; see
Allen 1987:28–30). A much earlier date (first century AD) for the shift of the voiced stops to
fricatives in the Hellenistic Koine of Egypt, at least in some phonetic contexts, is suggested
by spellings in nonliterary papyri (Allen 1987:154). Outside of Hellenistic Koine and its