Weir A. Henry VIII: The King and His Court

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followed reports of the proceedings closely, and noted on one memorandum, “If a man presume to take

unto his arms an old coat of the Crown, which his ancestors never bore, nor he of right ought to bear,

can he use it without offence?” Elsewhere he wrote, “If a man compassing himself to govern the realm

do actually go about to rule the King, and should for that purpose advise his sister to become his harlot,

what this imparteth?”

It imparted, of course, that Surrey was guilty as charged, and his peers, on

receiving a note to that effect from the King, accordingly condemned him to death. A triumphant

Hertford was among them. On hearing his fate, Surrey shouted at him, “The King wants to get rid of

the noble blood round him and employ none but low people!”

After the trial, Henry’s health improved a little. He ordered French saplings for his garden, evidently

hoping to be around to see them grow into trees,

and on 17 January he gave audience to both the

Spanish and French ambassadors and said he was sorry that his incapacity had prevented the speedy

dispatch of their business. When van der Delft and de Selve congratulated him on his recovery, he

admitted that his suffering had been prolonged and severe. The ambassadors had been warned not to

tire him, but he seemed “fairly well” and in good spirits, and spoke lucidly of international affairs,

military matters, and a “closer amity” with France. However, he deferred frequently to Paget, who gave

the impression of being better informed.

This was to be the last time Henry would appear in public,

and from henceforth access to his rooms would be severely restricted. Nevertheless, he was not yet at

death’s door, and on 19 January was planning Prince Edward’s investiture as Prince of Wales.

A Bill of Attainder against both Norfolk and Surrey was introduced into Parliament on that day; this

would sentence them to forfeit not only their lives, but also their lands and possessions to the Crown.

The King told Paget that these would be “liberally disposed and given to his good servants,” and he

drew up a list of those who were to benefit, which he “put in the pocket of his nightgown.” But despite

excited speculation in the Privy Chamber, it was never found after his death.

On 21 January, Surrey, who had made a frantic yet abortive attempt to escape from the Tower through

his privy,

was beheaded on Tower Hill.

After 19 January, Henry had had a relapse, and it was now obvious that he was dying. Even his

musicians had been dismissed, and it was Paget who sat with him through the long winter nights, deep

in conversation.

Later, Hertford and other councillors took their turn.

Clearly, the King was losing his grip on affairs. On 23 January, when it was suggested to him that Sir

Thomas Seymour be made a privy councillor, he cried out from his sickbed, though his breath was

failing him, “No! No!” But Hertford pressured him into agreeing.

Three days later, his strength ebbing away, Henry summoned the Queen to his bedside. “It is God’s will

that we should part,” he began, but was too choked to go on and, weeping, sent her from him.

In a

less sympathetic mood, he dictated a farewell letter to Francis I, who was dying of syphilis, and

reminded him that he too was mortal.

Even in extremis, the old rivalry simmered.

On 27 January, the dry stamp was applied to the Howards’ attainder, the royal assent having been given

by commission in the House of Lords, as the King was too ill to attend.

Norfolk’s execution was set

for the following day. But the Duke was not to die, for the King had other, more urgent concerns, and

may have decided that enough blood had been spilt. It is often said that Henry died before he could sign

the death warrant, but his signature on the Act of Attainder would have been sufficient authority for the

execution to go ahead. And if, as Odet de Selve later suggested, Hertford had applied the dry stamp

without the King’s knowledge, he would surely have seen that the sentence was carried out. So the

likelihood must be that Henry ordered that Norfolk be reprieved.

On the morning of 27 January, the King saw his confessor and received holy communion. Later that

day, he was well enough to discuss state affairs with his councillors, but by the evening he was failing

fast. The Council, knowing his death was imminent, ordered that all the ports be closed.

No one, even his doctors, had as yet plucked up the courage to warn Henry of his imminent demise. He

had always been loath to hear any mention of death, and Hall states that “his servants scarcely dared

speak to him to put him in mind of his approaching end, lest he, in his angry and imperious humour,

should have ordered them to be indicted,” for it was treason to predict the King’s death. Yet it was also

unthinkable that a man should be denied time to prepare his soul, so Sir Anthony Denny boldly

ventured to warn his master that “in man’s judgement, he was not like to live” and should remember his

sins, “as becometh every good Christian man to do.” Henry said he believed that the mercy of Christ

would “pardon me all my sins, yea, though they were greater than they be.”

Denny asked Henry if he would like to speak to any “learned man.” He replied that “if he had any, it

should be Dr Cranmer, but I will first take a little sleep, and then, as I feel myself, I will advise upon

the matter.” These were his last known words. A messenger was at once dispatched to Croydon to

summon the Archbishop, but when Cranmer arrived in the early hours of Friday, 28 January, the King

was beyond speech, and when the primate asked him to give some sign that he died in the faith of

Christ, “did wring his hand in his as hard as he could.” Cranmer and the councillors present took this

for hearty assent.

Shortly afterwards, at around 2 A.M.,

Henry VIII gave up his long struggle and quietly slipped from

this world.

The cause of the King’s death is uncertain, thanks to the secrecy that surrounded his final illness, but it

is likely to have been a pulmonary embolism. For two days his passing was kept secret, and his body

lay undisturbed in his bedchamber while outside court life went on as normal, with the King’s meals

being brought to his lodgings with the usual flourish of trumpets.

On 28 January, the Earl of Hertford rode to Hertford Castle to secure the person of the nine-year-old

Prince and pay homage to him as King. Once this was accomplished, he sent Paget the key that would

unlock the casket containing the old King’s Will. The next day, Lord Chancellor Wriothesley, so

overcome with weeping that he could barely speak, announced Henry VIII’s death to Parliament, where

there were great demonstrations of grief. The young Edward VI was brought to the Tower on 31

January, and there proclaimed King, with the heralds crying, “The King is dead! Long live the King!”

The next day, in defiance of his late master’s wishes, Hertford was named Lord Protector and appointed

to head the Council of Regency.

Meanwhile, Henry’s body had been embalmed and encased in lead, and laid in state in the presence

chamber at Whitehall, surrounded by burning tapers. After a few days, it was moved into the chapel.

There were solemn dirges and tolling bells in every parish church in the land, in memory of the late

King. In Paris, Francis I ordered a requiem mass at Notre Dame. On 14 February, Henry VIII’s body

began its journey from Whitehall to Windsor, where it was taken in a solemn procession stretching for

four miles. Antonio Toto and Nicholas Bellin helped to produce the heraldic escutcheons and painted

banners that were carried about the hearse.

The vast coffin, covered with palls of blue velvet and cloth of gold, lay on a chariot drawn by black-

caparisoned horses, which drew it along roads that had been swept and even widened for the occasion.

On top of the coffin was a wax effigy of the King, carved by Nicholas Bellin and clad in crimson velvet

trimmed with miniver and having on its head a crown atop “a night cap of black satin, set full of

precious stones.” It wore jewelled bracelets and velvet gloves adorned with rings. Even in death, Henry

was magnificent.

The cortege rested that night at Syon Abbey. The next day, it reached Windsor, and in accordance with

his will, the King was buried in the vault in the choir of St. George’s Chapel, next to “his true and

loving wife, Queen Jane,” the mother of his heir. Sixteen strong members of the Yeomen of the Guard

carried the coffin into the black-draped church and lowered it into the vault. Gardiner, who would not

recover royal favour until the reign of Mary I, preached the sermon and conducted the requiem mass,

while the Queen watched from Katherine of Aragon’s closet. At the end of the ceremony, the chief

officers of the household signified the termination of their service by breaking their white staves of

office and casting them into the vault after the coffin, as the trumpets sounded “with great melancholy

and courage, to the comfort of them that were present.”

The King had left money for daily masses for

his soul to be said for him at the altar “while the world should endure,”

but the new Protestant ruling

caste put a stop to them after a year.

The magnificent Renaissance tomb that Henry had taken over from Wolsey was never completed. Work

on it ceased with the death of Edward VI in 1553, probably due to lack of funds. It was partially

dismantled by the Commonwealth in 1649, and in 1805 the sarcophagus was used as the base of Lord

Nelson’s tomb in the crypt of St. Paul’s Cathedral. One candlestick, the only surviving example of the

fine metalwork on the tomb, most of which was sold off or melted down under Oliver Cromwell, now

reposes in Ghent Cathedral. The chapel which had housed the tomb was completely refurbished by

Queen Victoria in memory of the Prince Consort, and is now known as the Albert Memorial Chapel.

Henry VIII’s unmarked vault was discovered in 1813, quite by chance; his coffin had partially fallen

away, and his skeleton could clearly be seen. Jane Seymour’s coffin was undisturbed. Also in the vault

was the lost coffin of Charles I and that of an infant of Queen Anne, both placed there in the

seventeenth century. In 1837, a slab of black marble was placed on the tomb on the orders of William

IV.

Writing in the year of Henry VIII’s death, his earliest biographer, the admiring William Thomas,

declared that the King “was undoubtedly the rarest man that lived in his time. I say not this to make

him a god, nor in all his doings I will not say he has been a saint. He did many evil things, but not as a

cruel tyrant or as a hypocrite. I wot not where in all the histories I have read to find one king equal to

him.”

Henry was a legend in his own time, and under the reigns of his children, all of whom revered his

memory, the legend became embedded in the national consciousness; during Elizabeth’s time, “Great

Harry” was especially lauded for having brought the English Church out of the tyranny of Rome. That

he had caused intolerable religious divisions, executed hundreds of his subjects,

nearly bankrupted his

treasury on ruinous wars, destroyed the glories of hundreds of abbeys and churches, and debased the

coinage of the realm seemed of little import beside such an achievement. And indeed it is true that,

besides founding the Church of England and steering his realm courageously through a religious

revolution, he promoted parliamentary government, immeasurably enhanced the standing of the

monarchy, overhauled the machinery of the state, changed the face of the English landscape forever,

patronised the arts to lasting effect, and created the most magnificent court in English history, setting a

pattern for future centuries. Henry began his reign in a mediaeval kingdom; he ended it in a modern

state.

In the seventeenth century, however, when the long and brilliant reign of the Tudors was over, the

verdict of historians on Henry VIII was harsher. Sir Walter Raleigh wrote of him: “If all the pictures

and patterns of a merciless prince were lost in the world, they might all again be painted to the life out

of the story of this King.” Since then, Henry VIII has become a caricature of his former self, with the

real man being submerged beneath the popular image of the bloated, self-willed monster who changed

wives and chopped off heads with gleeful alacrity.

Thanks to a wealth of modern research, however, the genuine Henry has been allowed to emerge once

more, imperious and autocratic as ever, magnificent in his person, yet all too human in the minutae of

his daily life. After more than 450 years, his charisma still has the power to intrigue us, and whatever

judgement we may make of him, we may well agree with Francesco Chieregato that he excelled all

who ever wore a crown.

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