The Cambridge History of Japan, Vol. 1: Ancient Japan

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JAPAN AND THE THREE KOREAN KINGDOMS 297

was given slaves and goods, but if the voyage met with disaster, he was

killed in the belief that he had violated a taboo.

The

Wei chih

account also contains important data on relations be-

tween the Chinese court and the Japanese communities that eventually

were consolidated into the Yamato state. Like other leaders of tribes

and communities throughout East Asia, Himiko and her successor

were anxious to maintain tributary relations with China, the source of

the continent's dominant culture. Such relations provided the

with

valuables that could be distributed to supporters and used as symbols

of power. China's recognition of Himiko's authority must have en-

hanced her position among her own people and strengthened her claim

to hegemony over neighboring territory. Japan's relations with the

Chinese court were thus of great importance in the slow process of

political consolidation and cultural development in the late Yayoi and

early Burial Mound periods.

JAPAN AND THE THREE KOREAN KINGDOMS

When Himiko died in the middle of the third century, Japan was

made up of petty states, some joined in a federation that gave alle-

giance to a single shamanistic ruler. By the sixth century, a central

government had been established in the Yamato basin in central

Honshu. Though control of distant provinces was far from complete,

the Yamato court's authority was acknowledged from Kyushu to east-

ern Japan; and in battles with tribal peoples, Yamato forces were

steadily pushing the frontier northward. Contacts with the Asian conti-

nent during these three centuries - generally known as the Burial

Mound period - played a crucial role in the establishment of Yamato

authority and the formation of the Japanese state.

The Chinese empire, which had once dominated much of East Asia,

had disintegrated, and the land was now beset by civil war. In the

middle of the third century, China's Three Kingdoms (the Shu Han,

the Wei, and the Wu) were reunified under the Western Chin (265-

316).

This short-lived dynasty fell in 316 in the face of invasion from

peoples living beyond the northern frontier. Its successor, the Eastern

Chin (317-420), retreated to the Yangtze valley and maintained con-

trol over southern China until the beginning of the fifth century.

Meanwhile, the north was fragmented by various nomadic invaders.

China was divided between north and south for more than 250 years.

Successive dynasties, some of them lasting for only a few decades,

ruled in both regions.

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298 JAPAN AND THE CONTINENT

In the fourth century, the people of Korea took important steps

toward political consolidation, forming three major kingdoms and a

separate league of smaller states. At the beginning of the century,

northern Korea was still dominated by the Chinese commanderies,

but in 313, when the Western Chin was about to collapse, the rising

northern Korean state of Koguryo conquered Tai-fang and Lo-lang.

The Chinese who had lived in these commanderies were stranded in

Korea, and many intermarried with Koreans. For a time, the old

commanderies were not completely absorbed by the Koguryo state but

remained as repositories of Chinese culture. In southern Korea

emerged two kingdoms, Silla and Paekche. The small states in the

region dominated by the Samhan tribes formed the Kaya federation,

which maintained close relations with the Japanese.

Koguryo: Korea's first sinified kingdom

The oldest of Korea's three kingdoms, Koguryo, drew its strength

from two sources: its adoption of Chinese culture and methods of

governance and its embrace of techniques of mounted combat from

northeast Asian warriors. The Koguryo state was based on a military

alliance formed in the third century by tribes in the Yalu River basin.

Koguryo armies rapidly gained strength and extended their area of

control. The account of the Chin dynasty in the Chinese history Tzu-

chih fung-chien records Koguryo's encounters with the Former Yen

(the regime established by the Hsien-pei people that controlled the

Liao-tung peninsula), the Wei, the Samhan states of southern Korea,

and the Western Chin

itself.*

In 313, during the reign of King Mi-

ch'on, Koguryo forces invaded the Lo-lang and Tai-fang comman-

deries. Though Koguryo was at first victorious, conflicts with Yen and

Paekche resulted in military disaster in the mid-fourth century. Ac-

cording to the Tzu-chih

fung-chien,

Yen armies attacked the Koguryo

capital of Hwando-song in 342 and burned the palace to the ground,

violated Mi-ch'6n's grave, and captured the king's mother, the queen,

and fifty thousand others. The Koguryo king himself was killed in 371

during an invasion by Paekche.

Koguryo's losses indicated its need to reorganize both its army and

its political structure. Under King Sosurim (r. 371-84), Koguryo

89 Komai, Rakurd gunchi shi.

90 Ssu-ma Kuang, Tzu-chih fung-chien (Peking: Ku-chi Ch'upanshe, 1957).

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

JAPAN AND THE THREE KOREAN KINGDOMS 299

adopted Chinese-style governmental forms and other elements of Chi-

nese culture, including Buddhism.

A university was established;

Chinese-style laws were promulgated; and by 393 nine Buddhist mon-

asteries had been built in the P'yongyang area. The warrior king

Kwanggaet'o (r. 391-413) expanded Koguryo's territory to the north

and east, taking portions of Manchuria and the Liao-tung peninsula,

and drove back an alliance of Paekche and Japanese troops that threat-

ened Koguryo's southern border.

Kwanggaet'o's successor Changsu (r. 413-91) tightened his grip on

the former Chinese commanderies, in part by opening diplomatic rela-

tions with the Eastern Chin. In 413, Changsu sent an emissary to the

Eastern Chin court, which formally designated him as the "ruler of

Lo-lang." The recognition by the Eastern Chin of Koguryo's sover-

eignty over Lo-lang forced the Chinese living there to submit to

Koguryo rule. In 427 Changsu further tightened his control of the area

by moving his capital from the Yalu River basin to the old Lo-lang seat

of government (present-day P'yongyang).

Later in his long reign, Changsu established relations with both the

northern and southern Chinese courts. These ties facilitated the con-

solidation of the Koguryo state and the expansion of Koguryo power.

475

Koguryo forces took the Paekche capital of Hansong (located in

the present Kwangju area, Kyonggi Province) and killed the Paekche

king. By then Changsu's Koguryo had become a great kingdom, en-

compassing the old strongholds of Chinese culture in Liao-tung, Lo-

lang, and Tai-fang and stretching southward to the valley of the Han

River.

The sinification of Korea was hastened by lingering Chinese influ-

ence in the former commanderies at Tai-fang and Lo-lang. For exam-

ple,

Koguryo adopted the Chinese practice of using era names (auspi-

cious names assigned to periods within a monarch's reign), although it

eventually adopted its own era names. Roof tiles inscribed with the

characters for "Great Chin Yuan-hsing" (403-5, in the reign of the

Emperor An-ti of Eastern Chin) have been found at the remains of an

earth-walled village in southern P'yongyang, where the headquarters

of Lo-lang is thought to have been located.'

Even after the com-

mandery came under Koguryo's control, it retained a certain auton-

omy: Roof tiles found at Lo-lang and Tai-fang indicate that the people

91 Kim Pu-sik, Samguk sagi, 2 vols., bk. 15 of Sin Ho-y6l, ed., Samguk sagi (Great books)

(Seoul: Tongso Munhwasa, 1978), vol. 1, p. 405.

92 Komai, Rakuro

gunchi

thi.

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300 JAPAN AND THE CONTINENT

there used Chinese era names until 427, when the Koguryo king

Changsu moved his capital to the P'yongyang area.«

The Anak tomb and its wall paintings

The Chinese of the Liao-tung peninsula also brought high culture and

technology to Koguryo, especially in the fourth century, when many

Chinese fled to northern Korea to escape the invading Hsien-pei. The

tomb of one such refugee, apparently a man of wealth and distinction,

has been discovered at Anak village in North Hwanghae Province.

The tomb's chambers and murals resemble those of Wei and Chin

period tombs in Liao-yang on the Liao-tung peninsula.

The Anak tomb, a stone chamber discovered in 1949, is particularly

valuable for its wall paintings and for the burial records inscribed in

ink on one of the chamber's walls. Results of initial investigations

conducted by archaeologists and ethnographers from North Korea's

Institute of Archaeology were published in 1951. According to the

Chinese scholar Yeh Pai, who deciphered the inscription published in

that report, the tomb is that of

man named Tung Shou, who died in

357.

Yeh argued that this was the same Tung Shou who appears in two

Chinese histories, Chin shu and Tzu-chih fung-chien, a refugee from

Liao-tung who fled Hsien-pei invaders in 337.

Though some Korean

scholars maintained that the tomb was that of King Mi-ch'on, the

formal Korean report issued in 1958 accepted Yeh's conclusions.

Layers of horizontal flat stones provide the ceiling for the tomb,

which is entered through

small rectangular hallway that opens onto a

larger anteroom. Off the anteroom are two smaller rooms, one to the

east and one to the west; a square inner chamber, bordered by a

narrow corridor on its north and east, is situated at the back of the

tomb.

The rooms are modeled after those in the interior of a house.

Although the tomb has been looted of most of its valuables, four

black-lacquered coffins remain, three in the inner chamber and one in

the anteroom.

The wall paintings in the tomb provide valuable information about

the clothing, weapons, and daily activities of both warriors and villag-

93 Umehara Sueji, "Chosen hokubu shutsudo kinen sen shuroku," Shinagaku 7 (1933-35), PP-

121-28.

94 Fujita Kunio, "Ryoyo hakken no san hekiga kofun," Myujiamu 59 (1956): 13-16.

95 Fang Hsuan-ling, ed., Chin

shu

(Peking: Chung-hua shu-chii, 1974), vol. 109, pp. 2815-16.

96 Lhee Chin Hye, "Kaihogo Chosen kokogaku no hatten (zoku), Kokuri hekimen kofun no

kenkyu," Kokogaku zasshi 45 (1959), pp. 203-224. Fujita, "Ryoyo hakken no san hekiga

kofun"; and Okazaki Takashi, "Angaku daisan-go fun no kenkyu," Shien 93 (1964): 90-3.

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

JAPAN AND THE THREE KOREAN KINGDOMS 301

ers.

The fresco on the upper south wall of the anteroom depicts a

procession of seven soldiers and is inscribed with the characters

chart

(warrior) written in red. The four men on the right are dressed in long

robes and carry banners, and the three on the left wear short knee-

length trousers. On the left side of the east wall is a fresco of a wres-

tling scene that features two bearded men dressed only in loincloths,

like the Japanese sumo wrestlers of today. Figures of several men are

painted on the side walls of the west entrance. The buckles of the belts

on the men's trousers are decorated with gold ornaments with pen-

dants in a pattern of flowering branches. The two figures on the walls

of the west room appear to be portraits of Tung Shou and his wife,

who was buried with him. Tung Shou, a bearded gentleman wearing a

round black hat and a long red coat, is shown seated beneath a canopy.

The other portrait depicts a stout woman seated on a raised platform,

shaded by a canopy, and attended by serving women. The east room's

frescoes portray a carriage in a coach house, trays laden with food, and

oxen and horses eating. A village scene shows a well with a bucket

suspended on a pole above it; beside the well, a woman washes rice to

remove dirt and bran. The ceiling of the anteroom is decorated with a

pattern of birds and bullfrogs, animals that represent the sun and the

moon in Chinese yin-yang symbolism. The centers of the ceilings in

both the inner and the west chambers are decorated with a lotus-petal

pattern, Korea's oldest example of

common Buddhist symbol.

From

historian's point of view, one of the most interesting frescoes

is the ten-meter-long painting on the east wall of the north corridor.

This depicts a procession of warriors with the weapons, armor, and

horse trappings used in Koguryo mounted warfare. Fifty-seven riders

and 250 attendants on foot accompany the central figure, a man seated

in an ox-drawn carriage. The procession is led by a band of men

blowing

flutes

and striking drums and gongs. Foot soldiers, dressed in

armor made of small iron platelets held together with thongs and

braid, carry shields, spears, and long swords with attached rings.

Other attendants carry banners, flags, bows, and quivers full of ar-

rows.

On the edges of the procession are mounted warriors dressed in

armor like that of the foot soldiers and bearing long spears. Horses are

also armored and decorated with bells. Additional riders, carrying

parasols, follow the figure in the carriage.

The Anak findings suggest the importance of both China and the

northeast Asian warrior peoples to the development of Koguryo. When

the frescoes at Anak are compared with archaeological findings else-

where, it is clear that weapons and military gear were introduced to

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302 JAPAN AND THE CONTINENT

Korea by the Hsien-pei of Liao-tung, with whom Koguryo had fought.

Though the clothing of the fresco's central figure is Chinese, the foot

soldiers and cavalrymen are dressed in a manner common among both

the Hsien-pei and northern Korean mounted warriors of the fourth

century. Other Koguryo tombs resemble Anak in their construction

style and their murals depicting military scenes. It thus seems likely

that burial practices were transmitted from China to Korea, perhaps by

refugees such as Tung Shou and by the residents of

the

former Chinese

commanderies at Lo-lang and Tai-fang, who found themselves stranded

in Koguryo during the turmoil of the fourth century.

Evidence from burial mound sites indicates the extent to which

Koguryo's tomb contruction methods, burial practices, and eques-

trian culture - transmitted from both China and northeast Asia - was

passed on in turn to Japan. Like the Koreans of Koguryo and

Paekche, the Japanese dug their tombs by tunneling horizontally into

the flank of

hill, a technique adopted from China. The large keyhole-

shaped tombs of Burial Mound Japan are variations of this style. The

grave goods in Japanese mounds such as the keyhole-shaped Otani

tomb in Wakayama City, constructed in the mid-fifth century, include

military equipment and equestrian trappings, some made in Koguryo

styles.97 The mound, thought to be that of the Ki clan of regional

hegemons, contains a box-shaped coffin made from stone slabs and

covered with a lid resembling a

roof.

Items like those found in

Koguryo tombs include armor for mounts, iron horse masks, saddles,

harnesses, and harness ornaments such as bells and bronze ornaments

made in openwork or low-relief design. Such items were probably

imported from Koguryo or made in Japan by immigrant craftsmen.

The "general's tomb" and King Kwanggaefo's stele

Archaeological remains from the fourth and fifth centuries attest to the

power of Koguryo in its expansionist phase. Moving north and east,

King Kwanggaet'o attacked the Sushen in southeast Siberia, the Puyo

in Manchuria, and the Yen on the Liao-tung peninsula. His exploits

are commemorated by a sketch on the wall of a tomb in South

P'yongan Province that resembles the Anak tomb. The sketch is that

97 Higuchi Takayasu and Kyoto daigaku kokogaku kenkyushitsu, Otani kofun: Wakayama-shi

Otani (Wakayama: Wakayama-shi kyoiku iinkai, 1959).

98 Egami Namio, Nihon bijutsu no

tanjo,

trans. John Bester, The Beginnings of Japanese Art (New

York and Tokyo: Weatherhill/Heibonsha, 1973)1 p. 148; Amasaku Ken, "Aspects of Yayoi

and Tumulus Art," The Beginnings of Japanese An, p. 174.

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JAPAN AND THE THREE KOREAN KINGDOMS 303

castle labeled in ink as the "Liao-tung fortress," one of the king's

important conquests. Kwanggaet'o's fame extended southward as

well: A copper bowl with an inscription dated 415 honoring him as a

"great and good ruler" has been found in a Silla tomb."

A tomb thought to be that of Kwanggaet'o himself

located in the

old Koguryo capital of Kungnae-song on the northern bank of the

Yalu River in present-day Manchuria. The "general's tomb," as it is

called, is constructed of masonry and measures over thirty meters high

and ten meters square.

100

The opening of

the

chamber, like that of the

Anak tomb and others in Paekche and Japan, is tunneled horizontally

into the flank of the mound. The impressive size of the tomb, larger

than those commonly found in China, indicates the power and wealth

of Koguryo and its king.

King Kwanggaet'o's commemorative stele was erected by his son

Changsu in 414, the year after Kwanggaet'o's death. Made from a

boulder about 8.5 meters high, the stele is inscribed on all four sides

with records of Kwanggaet'o's exploits, including the conquest of

sixty-four walled cities and fourteen hundred villages and the defeat of

the Wa in 399 on behalf of Koguryo's ally Silla.

101

The dates found on

the stele (from 395 to 410) are Chinese-style era names that correspond

to those recorded in the

Samguk

sagi,

a twelfth-century compilation of

ancient Korean records and legends. From this we can conclude that

by the fourth century, Koguryo had adopted era names of the same

type used at the Chinese commanderies of Tai-fang and Lo-lang.

The rise of Paekche

The Korean kingdom of Paekche was formed from the tribes of Ma-

han, an ancient south Korean state referred to in the

Wei

chih.

The man

known later as Paekche's first king, Kun Ch'ogo, unified the fifty-odd

Mahan tribes and, in

371,

personally led a large army that attacked the

Koguryo stronghold at present-day P'yongyang, killing the Koguryo

king. Paekche then temporarily held the Lo-lang and Tai-fang areas.

In 372, Paekche established relations with the Chinese court of Eastern

Chin, which recognized Kun Ch'ogo as "the general who has subdued

99 Kim Che-won, Kydngju

Nosd-ri Houch'ong kv>a

Onnydngch'ong,

vol.

(Tae Han'guk)

Kung-

nip Pangmulgwan kojok

chosa

pogo (Seoul: Ulyumunhwasa, 1948).

100 Ikeuchi Hiroshi and Umehara Sueji, Tsuko, 2 vols. (Tokyo: Shinkyo Nichi-Man bunka

kyokai, 1938-40).

101 Yi Chin-hui, Kokaido-6 rydhi no

kenkyu

(Tokyo: Yoshikawa kobunkan, 1972); Saeki Yusei,

"Kokuri Kokaido do-6 ryohibun sai kento no tame no josho," Nihon rekisht 287 (April

1972):

2-4.

304 JAPAN AND THE CONTINENT

the east, and governor of Lo-lang and Tai-fang." Koguryo's setback

was only temporary, however, and Paekche was eventually pushed

southward to the present Kongju-Puyo region in southwest Korea.

Like Himiko of Wa, the Paekche kings sought China's recognition

of their rulership and their regional hegemony. In the late fifth and

sixth centuries, Paekche established relations with the successive

southern Chinese dynasties, including the Sung, Southern Ch'i, and

Liang: In 521, according to the Chinese history Liang shu, an edict

issued by the Liang emperor Wu-ti conferred on the Paekche king

Muryong (r. 502-23) the title of "pacifier of the east."

102

Some nine-

teen years later, the Liang court again acknowledged Muryong's au-

thority as king of Paekche and his position as "pacifier of the east."

Close relations with Liang were continued by Muryong's son King

Song (r. 523-53), who received similar recognition.

The tomb of

the

Paekche king Muryong

Paekche royal tombs have been discovered at the kingdom's last two

capitals, Ungjin (modern Kongju) and Sabi (modern Puyo). In July

1971,

one of the tombs at Kongju was definitely identified as that of

King Muryong, a ruler described in the Samguk sagi as a heroic,

humane, and righteous man with handsome features and a charismatic

personality.

103

The tomb, along with several others, is located in

hilly

region on the outskirts of Kongju. Muryong's tomb and one other

have been carefully investigated and are open to the public. Both

tombs are made of tile-covered walls and are entered through horizon-

tal corridors. The smaller of the two was decorated with murals depict-

ing the legendary Chinese deities of the four quarters (a dragon, a

tiger, a phoenix, and a tortoise entwined by a serpent). The tiles are

incised with patterns resembling Chinese coins.

The larger tomb, entered by an arched doorway, measures nineteen

by twenty-one meters. The tiled chamber walls are decorated with

patterns of lotus petals, Chinese

coins,

and latticework.

Two

stone slabs

carved with burial records were originally placed at the opening of the

entrance hallway, and iron coins of

type circulated in China between

the Early Han and T'ang were placed on top of the slabs. Grave goods

included a blue porcelain jar with four handles, of

kind made in the

ancient Chinese province of Yuen (now Chekiang Province), as well as

102 Okazaki, "Sanseiki yori nanaseiki no tairiku ni okeru kokusai kankei to Nihon," p. 635.

103 Tae Han Minguk Munhwajae Kwalliguk, Murydng

Wangnung,

trans. Nagashima Kimichika,

Bunei

oryo

(Tokyo: Gakuseisha, 1974); Kim Pu-sik, Samguk sagi, p. 504.

JAPAN AND THE THREE KOREAN KINGDOMS 305

stone lions, a bronze tou (a long-stemmed, lidded Chinese-style food

container), two bronze mirrors, and pottery. The wooden coffins of the

king and queen were placed on a low platform in the burial chamber.

According to the burial records, the tomb was constructed in 525 for

Muryong, who had died two years before. The queen, whose death

came in 526, was later entombed with her husband.

The king's coffin contained a pair of shoes, a bronze sword, and a

gilt bronze crown hung with small ornaments and decorated with

patterns of flowers in vases. The queen's coffin, decorated with a

scenic woodcarving, held a gold crown and a hair ornament (both

decorated with a lotus pattern), filigreed comma-shaped jewels, gold

earrings hung with ornaments in the flowering branches pattern, a

silver bracelet, and a pair of shoes. The inscription engraved on the

bracelet gives the artisan's name and the zodiacal designation for the

date when it was made, and it indicates that that bracelet was made

especially for the queen. An alcove on one wall of Muryong's burial

chamber contained a small blue porcelain candleholder with the re-

mains of a burned-out wick. The candleholder, like the four-handled

jar mentioned earlier, was made in China's Yiieh Province, famous for

its production of porcelains.

Archaeological investigations of the Kongju tombs substantiate the

Chinese accounts of Muryong's relations with the Liang court. For

example, the Liang imperial edict of 521 referring to Muryong as

"pacifier of the east" is echoed in the burial records preserved in his

tomb.

The tiles of

the

king's burial chamber resemble those of a Liang

tomb discovered in i960 in the Nanking region where the capital was

located. An inscription on the wall of the smaller Kongju tomb indi-

cates that the tiles on its chamber walls were made under the auspices

of the Liang court for the use of an important official.

Students of Japanese history know Paekche best as the kingdom

that transmitted Buddhism and other elements of Chinese culture to

Japan. Buddhism had come to Paekche itself late in the fourth century,

introduced, according to traditional accounts, by the Indian monk

Marananda, who immigrated from China in 384. Subsequent contact

between Paekche and the Chinese courts resulted in a heavy flow of

Buddhist scriptures and art, as well as Chinese artisans and scholars,

to the Korean kingdom. Close relations with Liang were established at

a time when Buddhism flourished in southern China, and many Bud-

104 Kim Ki-ung, Kudara no kofun (Tokyo: Gakuseisha, 1976); Kim Ki-ung, Shiragi no kofun

(Tokyo: Gakuseisha, 1976).

306 JAPAN AND THE CONTINENT

dhist temples were constructed in the Liang capital. Enthusiastically

adopted by the ruling classes of Paekche, Buddhism was soon passed

on to the Japanese. According to traditional accounts, this occurred

during the reign of King Song, Muryong's son and successor. Clothing

and ornaments from Muryong's tomb, similar to those found in tombs

in both China and Japan, indicate that Paekche was a major link

between these two cultures during Japan's Burial Mound period. The

debt that Japan owed to Paekche continued through the sixth century,

when many art treasures were imported to grace the Buddhist temples

of the capital region of Asuka.

The rise of Silia and the spread of S ilia culture

At the end of the fourth century, a third Korean kingdom, later to be

called Silla, emerged in the region of southeast Korea dominated by

the Saro tribe. The new state, based in the old Chinhan region

(present-day Kyongju) allied itself with Koguryo, no doubt to counter

the influence of the Japanese, allies of Paekche and the Kaya states. In

the fifth and sixth centuries, as the three Korean kingdoms contended

for territory and for control of the peninsula, Silla extended its borders

to the north and west, annexing one of the Kaya states.

Shortly after Silla came into being, its rulers opened relations with

the Eastern Chin court in southern China. Silla was the last of the

three Korean kingdoms consciously to adopt Chinese culture, but

when sinification came, it was rapid and thorough. Steles erected in

the sixth century commemorating the conquests of Silla's kings used

Chinese-style era names when recording dates.

' Tribal names were

abandoned, and even the state's name Silla was taken from a Chinese

proverb. King Pophung (r. 514-40), the first of the Silla kings to

sponsor sinification, assumed the Chinese title of wang (king). The

Chinese writing system was adopted, and Silla soldiers developed a

method of using Chinese characters to represent Korean sounds. Bud-

dhism, unofficially introduced in the fifth century, was recognized by

the court during Pophung's reign, and Silla monks sent to China for

study returned with additional knowledge of Chinese culture.

Archaeological findings at Kyongju, site of Silla's capital, reveal the

nature and extent of Chinese cultural influence. Temple pagodas and

worship halls were patterned after Chinese models. Important temples

105 Dates and locations of these steles are (i) 555, northern Seoul; (2) 561, South Kyongsang

Province; (3) 568, two locations in North Hamgyong Province.