Sussex R., Cubberley P. The Slavic Languages

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5.5.5.9 Imperative

The simplex imperative is found in the 2 Person, and in the 1 Person dual and

plural. A periphrastic imperative like the English ‘let him go’ is found with the

3 Person (7.1.4). The simplex imperative is formed from the present-tense stem.

Proto-Slavic forms are shown in table 5.33.

The modern form of the imperative inflexion depends on the last sound of the

stem, and the 2 Person singular is formed as follows:

a. Add -j if the stem ends in a vowel (all languages)

(165a) Pol kocha-c

‘to love’, kocha-sz ‘you love’: [Imper] kocha-j ‘love’

Rus de

la-t

‘to do’, 2 Sg de

la-je

: [Imper] de

la-j ‘do’

(165b) ‘to buy’: Ukr kupuva

-ty, Pol kupowa-c

, Sln kupova

-ti, Mac

kupuv-a: [Imper]: Ukr, Pol, Sln, Mac kupuj

b. Soften the final consonant (not South Slavic)

If a consonant can be softened (3.4), it may undergo this process in

imperative formation:

East Slavic: if the stem ends in a single consonant, and the stem is

stressed in the 1 Person singular:

(166a) Rus vsta-t

‘to stand up’ [Prfv], 1Sg vsta

n-u:

[Imper] vstan

‘stand up’

West Slavic: if the stem ends in a single consonant:

(166b) Pol bronic

‘to defend’, [1Sg] bron-ie˛: [Imper] bron

c. Add -i

South Slavic: if the stem ends in one or more consonants:

(167a) Sln tre

sti ‘to shake’, [lSg] tre

s-em: [Imper] tre

s-i

Table 5.33. Proto-Slavic imperative

Class I II III IV V

Endings

2Sg -i -i -i -i -i

1Du -

e -

e -iv

e (bud )-

e,(dad )-iv

2Du -

eta -

eta -ita -ita -

eta/-ita

1Pl -

emy -

emy -imy -imy -

emy/-imy

2Pl -

ete -

ete -ite -ite -

ete/-ite

5.5 Paradigms 299

Czech, Slovak, Sorbian: if the stem ends in more than one consonant:

(167b) Slk myslet’ ‘to think’, [1Sg] mysl-ı

m: [Imper] mysl-i

East Slavic (Rus, Bel -i, Ukr -y):

1. if the stem ends in a single consonant and the inflexion is stressed in

any form:

(167c) Rus ljubı

‘to love’, [lSg] ljublj-u

, 2Sg lju

b-i

: [Imper] ljub-ı

2. on perfective verbs with the prefix vy

-, always stressed, which are

treated as the non-prefixed form:

(167d)

Rus vy

-zvat

‘to summon’ [Prfv], [1Sg] vy

zov-u: [Imper] vy

zov-i

cf. Imprfv. zvat

‘to call’, zovu

, zovı

3. if the stem ends in more than one consonant:

(167e) Rus p

omnit

‘to remember’ [Prfv], [1Sg] p

omn-j u: [Imper]

omn-i

d. Add -ij (Polish: if the stem ends in more than one consonant):

(168) Pol cia˛gna˛ c

‘to pull’ [Prfv], [1Sg] cia˛ gn-e˛: [Imper] cia˛ gn-ij

Once the 2 Sg imperative is known, the other imperative forms can normally be

derived by adding appropriate endings (e.g. 1 Pl -m,2Pl-te). Note: (1) in Bulgarian,

Macedonian and Czech the i of the 2 Person singular is replaced by e/

e in the plural

(reflecting PSl -i/-

e):

(169) Mac nos-i ‘he carries’, [Imper 2Sg] nos-i: [2Pl] nos-e-te

(2) Bulgarian, Macedonian and Russian have no special 1 Person plural forms, and

may use instead the 1 Person future perfective indicative (Russian), or a periphras-

tic form with a particle (all three languages):

(170) ‘let us write’: Rus napı

s-em [Prfv], dava

j-te pisa

-t

[Imprfv]

Blg ne

ka ( da) napı

s-em [Prfv]/pı

s-em [Imprfv]

Morphophonology

1. Sorbian secondary gender: -taj for masculine personal, -tej elsewhere.

2. Vowel quality alternation: regularly in Polish in final syllables (zero-

endings): rob-ic

‘to do’, [Imper 2Sg] r

ob-ø.

3. Vowel length: Czech shortens long stem vowels: Cz pı

s-i ‘I write’,

[Imper 2Sg] pi

s-ø.

300 5. Morphology: inflexion

4. Palatalization follows the pattern of the 2 Person singular present

(5.5.5.4).

5. Stress follows the pattern of the 1 Person singular present in mobile

stress languages (167c).

5.5.5.10 Participles

Present active (Not found in B/C/S or Macedonian.) Formed from the present-

tense stem: delete any final consonant in the 3 Person plural present and add:

Rus -

cij Pol -cy Sln -

Ukr -

cyj Sorb -cy/ty Blg Class VI: -

Bel -

cy(j) Slk -ci Blg other: final vowel e/ja þ

Cz -cı

(171a) ‘they read’: Rus

cita

ju-t Pol czytaja˛ Blg

cet-a

(171b) ‘reading’: Rus

cita

ju-

cij Pol czytaja˛-cy Blg

cet-e

cf. (171c) Blg gle

da-t ‘they look’ gle

da-

st ‘looking’

Past active (I) Russian alone has retained the genuinely adjectival past participle

active of Proto-Slavic, which is formed from the infinitive stem of either aspect by

adding -(v)

s-(ij): ( pro)

cita

-t

‘to read’, ( pro)

cita

-l ‘he read’, ( pro)

cita

-v

s-ij ‘having read’.

Past active (II)(the ‘‘l-participle’’) This past participle active is of either aspect,

and is formed from the infinitive stem. It is used with auxiliaries to form the simplex

imperfective/perfective past, and most compound verb paradigms (above). In East

Slavic it is usually just the ‘‘past tense’’, since there is no auxiliary. Bulgarian has

two imperfective forms: one from the aorist stem, which is the normal one; and one

from the imperfect stem, which is used only in renarration (5.5.5.8). The formation

rules are:

1. Class II–VI verbs: add the l-participle inflexions to the infinitive stem

(i.e. minus the infinitive inflexion) (the stem in these verbs always ends

in a vowel):

Masc Sg: Rus, Cz, Slk, Sln, Blg, Mac: -l

Pol, Sorb: -ł

Ukr: -v (¼ [u

])

Bel: -u

B/C/S: -o

Fem Sg: Pol, Sorb -ła, others -la

5.5 Paradigms 301

Neut Sg: Pol, Sorb -ło, others -lo

Du: Sorb Masc Pers -łoj, other -łej

Sln Masc -la, other -li

The plural shows no gender in Russian, Belarusian, Bulgarian ( -li),

Ukrainian (-ly) and Macedonian (-le). Other languages show second-

ary gender as for their adjectives. This affects the final vowel, and in

Polish and Sorbian mutates the ł to l before -i:

(172) Pol ‘we wrote’: napisa-li-s

my [MascPers] napisa-ły-s

my [Other]

2. Class I verbs: consonant stems reinstate the final velar (all languages)

or dental (West Slavic) which is ‘‘hidden’’ in the infinitive, but which

shows up in the 1 Person singular present:

(173) ‘bake’: Rus pe

[Inf]: p

ek-ø [Masc], pek-la

[Fem]

Pol piec: piek-ł, piek-ła

B/C/S pe

i: pe%k-ao, pe

k-la

East and South: remove t and d before l in all forms:

(174) ‘lead’: (PSl ves-ti < *ved-ti):

Rus vestı

[Infin]: v

e-l [Masc], ve-la

[Fem]

Blg doveda

[1Sg]: dove

-l, dove

-la

Cz ve

st: ved-l, ved-la

The endings are as for Class II–VI verbs in the feminine, neuter,

dual and plural. In the masculine singular there is variation and

alternation:

East Slavic: omit -l after velars and dentals (except /t d/, see (174)):

(175) ‘he baked’: Rus, Bel p

ek-ø Ukr pik-ø cf. Cz pek-l

‘he carried’: Rus, Bel n

es-ø Ukr nis-ø cf. Cz nes-l

All languages potentially insert a fill vowel before final -l:

B/C/S -a-: pe%k-a-o

Slk -o-: piek-o-l

Sln -e- ([

]): sku

b-sti ‘to pluck’, sku

b-e-l

Blg -˘a-: re

k- ˘a-l ‘said’

Syllabic liquids may appear in the stem: Sln, B/C/S mre

ti ‘to die’,

Sln mr

l [¨m

], B/C/S mr`` o [ ¨mr

], or in the desinence: Cz ne

st ‘to

carry’, nesl [¨nesl

]).

302 5. Morphology: inflexion

Other morphophonological alternations include stress variation:

(176) Rus ‘was’ by-l [Masc], by-la

[Fem], by

-lo [Neut], by

-li [Pl]

and vowel-quality alternation between palatals in Polish and Sorbian:

(177) Pol nies

‘to carry’: ni

os-ł [Masc], nios-ła [Fem],

nios-ło [Neut], nies-li [MascPers], nios-ły [Other]

The l-participle is not used regularly as an adjective/predicate, except in some

fossilized forms like Rus usta

l-yj ‘tired’.

Present passive Also now found only in Russian, this participle adds the adjecti-

val suffix -m-(yj) to the present-tense stem of some transitive verbs (or, as pedago-

gical texts tend to say, the adjectival ending to the 1 Person plural present):

(178) Rus vv

odi-m ‘we introduce’, vvodı

-m-yj ‘being introduced’

Many such participles in Russian and other languages are now adjectives:

(179a) Rus ljubı

myj ‘favorite’ (ljubı

‘to like, love’)

(179b) Pol rodzimy ‘native’ (rodzic

‘to give birth’)

When formed from a perfective stem (and less commonly from imperfective), they

are adjectives meaning ‘(un ...)-able’:

(180) Rus (ne)ispravı

myj ‘(in)corrigible’ (ispra

vit

[Prfv] ‘to correct’)

Past passive The past participle passive is usually perfective, though it may be

imperfective. It is formed only from transitive verbs, and is used in the passive

construction (7.1.5, 7.3.5), and as an attribute, and also to make compound past

tenses in Macedonian (151–2). Its stem is normally the infinitive stem. The most

common ending is ‘(vowel) þ n þ adjective desinence’, but some verbs take -t- in place

of the -n-. The three forms are distributed among the classes of verb stems as follows:

-t-:

a. monosyllabic stems ending in a vowel (where the vowel is part of the

root, not a suffix):

(181) Cz my

-t ‘to wash’, [PPP] my-t

Rus vzja-t

‘to take’, [PPP] vzja

-t-yj

b. Class II verbs (not Sorbian or Slovenian):

(182a) Rus protjanu

-t

‘to stretch’ [Prfv], [PPP] protja

nu-t-yj

Slk ukradnu

-t’ ‘to steal’ [Prfv], [PPP] ukradnu-t-y

5.5 Paradigms 303

c. stems ending in r or l:

(182b) (PSl -per/p{r-): Bel zape

r-ci ‘to lock’ [Prfv], [PPP] zape

-r-ty

(PSl mel-): Bel mal

o-c

‘to grind’, [PPP] mal

o-t-y

-(n)n- (double -nn- in Russian and Ukrainian):

verbs with infinitives in -a-, notably in classes III, IV and VI:

(183) Rus sde

la-t

‘to do’ [Prfv], [PPP] sde

la-nn-yj

Rus na-pisa

‘to write’ [Prfv], [PPP] napı

sa-nn-yj

Sln napı

sa-ti, napı

sa-n

-en-:

all other verbs, mainly Class IV, but including Sorbian and Slovenian

Class II verbs:

(184) Sorb wukn-y-c

‘to learn’, [PPP] wuknj-en-y

Morphophonology

1. Palatalization in the root: all languages show PVl in Class I verbs:

(185) Cz pe

ci (PSl pek-) ‘to bake’, [PPP] pe

c-eny

2. Mutation of dentals and labials in Class IV:

(186) Rus zaprosı

-t

‘to request’, [PPP] zapr

s-enn-yj

3. B/C/S has an epenthetic j/v to avoid ‘vowel þ vowel’ sequences in

Class III verbs with -en in place of -t:

(187) ‘to hit’ B/C/S bı%ti, [PPP] bı%-j-en and bı%-v-en

cf. Rus bi-t

, PPP bı

-t-yj

4. Alternations of vowel quality: stressed -en- becomes -

en- in Russian

and Belarusian:

(188) Rus udiv-ı

‘amaze’, [PPP] udivl-

ennyj (with mutation)

And Polish and Sorbian show this alternation between palatals and

hard consonants:

(189) Pol prosic

‘to ask’, [PPP] proszeni [MascPers], proszony [Other]

5. Predicative forms: only Russian and Czech have special predicative

forms of this participle. Russian ‘‘removes’’ one -n- (in fact a single -n- is

304 5. Morphology: inflexion

the older form) and the adjective ending (or just the ending after -t-),

and Czech removes the ending:

(190) Rus sde

la-nn-yj ‘done’ [Masc], predicative sde

la-n-ø

Cz vypi-t-y

‘drunk (up)’ [Masc], predicative vypi-t-ø

6. Macedonian uses this formation with transitive verbs to form the past

tense (5.5.5.6).

5.5.5.11 Gerunds and supine

The Slavic gerunds (also ‘‘verbal adverbs’’ or ‘‘adverbial participles’’) are invariant,

except in Czech where they inflect for gender and number. Slavic gerunds can only

refer to the subject of the main sentence (see 7.3.5):

(191) Rus sı

dja na stu

le, on uvı

del e

e ‘sitting on a chair, he caught sight of

her’ (has to be that he was sitting on the chair)

Gerunds are virtually restricted to the written languages, except when they form

other parts of speech and then fossilize, like Rus blagodarja

(þ dative) ‘thanks to’.

While the primary distinction is actually one of aspect, we shall refer to the two

types as ‘present’ and ‘past’, as a reflection of their formal derivation.

Present gerund (all languages) The present (imperfective) gerund is very close in

form to the present participle active. It is formed in a number of different ways for

different languages and classes of verbs, with many irregularities. Principal forma-

tion types include:

1. Add to the present-tense stem the same vowel as in the 3 Person plural

present and a suffix with mutated /t/ (< PSl t’/tj)):

Bel -

cy Slk, Pol -c B/C/S -c

Ukr -

cy Sln Class I -

(192) Bel sjadze

‘to be seated’, [3Pl] sjadzja

-c

, [PresGer] sjadzja

2. Add this suffix to the present-tense stem:

Blg, Mac: add -jki/-jk

i, respectively, to vowel stems, -ejki/-ejk

(Mac also -ajk

i) to consonant stems:

(193) Blg pı

s-a ‘I write’, [PresGer] pı

s-ejki

Sorb (alternative to (3) below): add -jcy to vowel stems, -icy to con-

sonant stems (or -o, as Russian -a/ja in (3))

5.5 Paradigms 305

(194) Sorb stupac

‘to step’, [3Pl] stupa-ju, [PresGer] stupa-jcy

sły

sec

‘to hear’, [3Pl] sły

s-a, [PresGer] sły

s-icy

3. Add a vowel to the present-tense stem (reflex of PSl -e˛, then

[NomSgMasc] ):

Russian: -a/ja:

cita

‘to read’, [3Pl]

cita

-jut, [PresGer]

cita

-ja

side

‘to be seated’, [3Pl] sid-ja

t, [PresGer] sı

d-ja

Sln (Class III–IV): e/je: de

lati ‘to do’, [3Pl] de

la-jo, [PresGer] de

laje

molı

ti ‘to ask’, [3Pl] m

oli-jo, [PresGer] mole

Sorb (alternative to 2): -o: stupac

‘to step’, [3Pl] stupa-ju, [PresGer]

stupajo

njesc

‘to carry’, [3Pl] njes-u, [PresGer] njeso

4. Czech gerunds inflect for number and gender, and add the endings:

Hard: [Masc] -a, [Fem/Neut] -ouc, [Pl] -ouce:

st ‘to lead’, veda, vedouc, vedouce

Soft: [Masc](-e), [Fem/Neut] -ı

c, [Pl] -ı

ce:

mazat ‘to smear’, maze, mazı

c, mazı

Past gerund (not in Bulgarian or Macedonian) The past (perfective) gerund is

usually formed from the perfective infinitive stem. With the exception of Russian

Table 5.34. Proto-Slavic athematic verbs

Infinitive byti ‘be’

esti/jasti ‘eat’ dati ‘give’ v

eti ‘know’ im

eti ‘have’

Inf stem by-

ed- da- v

e- im

Future stem bud-(e)-(I) – – – –

Present stem ( j)es-

ed-/jad- dad- v

ed- ima-(/im-)

(1. d > s before t; d > ø before other consonant; 2. s > ø before s)

Pres 1Sg es-m{

e-m{ da-m{ v

e-m{ ima-m{

2Sg es-i

e-si da-si v

e-si ima-si

3Sg es-t{

es-t{ das-t{ v

es-t{ ima-t{

1Du e-v

e-v

e da-v

e-v

e ima-v

2Du es-ta

es-ta das-ta v

es-ta ima-ta

3Du es-te

es-te das-te v

es-te ima-te

1Pl es-my

e-my da-my v

e-my ima-my

2Pl es-te

es-te das-te v

es-te ima-te

3Pl s-o˛t {

ed-e˛t{ dad-e˛t{ v

ed-e˛t{ im-o˛t {

Imper bud-i/

e-te

ed’-i/

ed-i-te dad’-i/dad-i-te v

ed-i/

e-te (im

e-i-te)

Pres Part Act s-y/s-o˛t’-

ed-y/

ed-o˛t’- ––imy/im-o˛t’-

Past Part Act I by-v-/-v

ed-/-

s- da-v-/-v

s- v

e-v-/-v

s- im

e-v-/-v

Past Part Act II by-l-

ed-l- da-l- v

e-l- im

e-l-

306 5. Morphology: inflexion

Table 5.35. Modern irregular verbs

A. ‘be’ (East Slavic has only 3Sg, in the sense of ‘‘emphatic presence’’: Bel

esc

, Rus est

,Ukrje (st

);

Russian has also an archaic 3Pl copula: sut

)

Blg Mac B/C/S Sln Sorb Pol Cz Slk

(non-)clitic U\L

Pres 1Sg sa˘m sum ( je

)sam se

m [

] sym\som jestem jsem som

2Sg si si ( je

)si sı

sy jestes

jsi si

3Sg ee je%st(e)/je je

je\ jo jest je je

1Du sva

oj \smej

2Du sta

staj/stej \stej

3Du sta

staj/stej \stej

1Pl sme sme ( je

)smo smo

smy jestes

my jsme sme

2Pl ste ste ( je

)ste ste

e\sc

o jestes

cie jste ste

3Pl sa [

] se ( je

)su so

su sa˛ jsou su

B. Other former athematic and ‘want’ (the Proto-Slavic root xyt-)

Blg B/C/S Russian Polish Czech

‘eat’

Infin – je%s-ti es-t

jes

-c

jı

s-t

1Sg Pres ja-m je%d-



em je-m je-m jı

-m

3Pl Pres jad-a

tje%d-



u jed-ja

t jedz-a˛ jı

-ø

Imper 2Sg ja- ˇzje%d-i je ˇz

-ø jedz-ø jez-ø

‘give’

Infin – da`` -ti da-t

d-ac

1Sg Pres da-m d a`` -m/da



em da-m da-m da

-m

3Pl Pres dad-a

tda`` -j



u/da



u dad-u

t dadz-a˛ da-jı

Imper 2Sg da-j da

-j da-j da-j de-j

‘know’ (zna-)(zna-)(zna-)

Inf wiedz-ie-c

ed-

e-t

1Sg Pres wie-m vı

-m

3Pl Pres wiedz-a˛ v

ed-ı

Imper 2Sg wiedz-ø v

ez-ø

‘have’

Inf – ı

ma-ti im-e

-t

m-ie-c

mı

-t

1Sg Pres ı

m-am ı



am im-e

-ju m-a-m m-a

-m

3Pl Pres ı

m-at ı

ma-j



u im-e

-jut m-a-ja˛ m-a-jı

Imper 2Sg ı

m-aj ı

m-aj im-e

j m-ie-j m-

e-j

‘want’ (PSl xyt-

e-ti, 1Sg xyt’-o˛ 3Pl xyt’-o˛t{/xyte˛-t{)

Inf – hte%-ti xot-e

-t

chc-ie-c

cht-ı

-t

1Sg Pres

st-a ho

-u\c

uxo

c-u

chc-e˛ chc-i

3Pl Pres

st-at ho



e\c



e xot-ja

t chc-a˛ cht-

e-jı

/cht-ı

Note: in A: \ separates USorb and LSorb forms;

in B: \ separates full and clitic forms;

in A and B: / marks variant forms

5.5 Paradigms 307

and B/C/S, which have alternative forms in -v, the gerund ends in -

si or -v

si. Only

Czech gerunds inflect. The rules for formation are:

for vowel stems add -v- (Pol, Sorb -w-, Bel -u

-), for consonant stems add nothing;

then add -

si (Pol -szy, Bel -

sy):

(195) Bel zrabı

-c

‘to do’, [PastGer] zrabı

-u

pra

cyta

-c

‘to read’, [PastGer] pra

cyta

-u

Czech gerunds inflect. For vowel stems add -v- as described above. Then for both

consonant and vowel stems add:

(196) [Masc] -ø, [Fem/Neut] -

si, [Pl] -

se:

c-i ‘to say’, [PastGer] rek-ø, rek-

si, rek-

koupi-t ‘to buy’, [PastGer] koupi-v-

si/-

Note that some past (perfective) gerunds may have the formation of the present

gerund:

(197) Rus vojtı

[Prfv] ‘to enter’, [3Pl] vojd-u

t, [PastGer] vojd-ja

Supine The supine survives only in Czech and Slovenian, and has effectively now

disappeared in Czech. It is used after verbs of motion in place of the infinitive,

though the infinitive itself is preferred (7.2.2.1).

The supine is formed by deleting the -i from the infinitive:

Cz: infinitive spa

t ‘to sleep’, supine spat (with its different quantity, the only

form still quoted as being distinct from the infinitive)

Sln: infinitive pe

ci ‘to bake’ supine pe

pı

ti ‘to drink’ supine pı

5.5.6 Athematic and auxiliary verbs

The athematic verbs ‘be’, ‘eat’, ‘give’, ‘know’ and ‘have’ of Proto-Slavic showed

-m in the 1 Singular present. This and the other endings were attached directly to

the present-tense stem, without a thematic vowel, hence the name ‘athematic’. The

generalization of the -m to many other verb classes has helped to make these verbs

more irregular than athematic in the modern context. We list below the main parts

of the verb ‘be’, which is also important as an auxiliary, as well as ‘eat’, ‘give’,

‘know’ and ‘have’ in Proto-Slavic (table 5.34), and those plus ‘want’ (regular in

Proto-Slavic) in sample languages (all still have some irregularity in the paradigms,

if only in the relationship between the infinitive and present-tense stems)

(table 5.35).

308 5. Morphology: inflexion