Sussex R., Cubberley P. The Slavic Languages

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2. Vowel quality alternation may occur, as with the Polish/Sorbian

mutation of vowels before palatals:

(109) Pol wesoły ‘happy’, weseli [MascPers NomPl]

3. Vowel length and stress are very stable in the adjective paradigm, and

the main alternations occur between the long and short forms or

within the short forms (table 5.12).

4. Palatalization: 2nd Palatalization of Velars, and mutation of dentals,

in marked secondary gender in the nominative plural (4.3.1):

(110) Cz anglicky

‘English’, NomPl anglictı

Cz dobry

‘good’, NomPl dobr

Czech soft stems with the i-inflexion (from pr

ehla

ska) show particularly few

distinct forms in the singular, e.g. cizı

‘foreign’ has this form for all genders in

NomSg and all cases of FemSg; in the plural they show regular soft endings:

cizı

[Nom/AccPl], cizı

ch [Gen/LocPl], cizı

m [DatPl] and cizı

mi [InstrPl]

5.5.2.2 Determiners

Determiners – their declension is sometimes known as the ‘‘special adjective declen-

sion’’ – include deictics (‘this’, ‘that’), some non-personal pronouns (‘who’, ‘what’),

and concording quantifiers (‘one’, ‘all’). The nominative and accusative singular,

and the nominative plural, are the only forms which do not have adjective-like

endings. Among the other cases there are some irregularities, especially with

inflexional vowels, and with mixed hard and soft paradigms. The interrogative/

relative ‘who’ is hard (o-declension), but ‘what’ is mainly soft ( jo-declension). In

each the nominative has been extended by -to, probably since the loss of the final jer

would have left unpronounceable forms (tables 5.14, 5.15):

‘This’ and ‘that’ show a different mixture of the soft and hard paradigms (tables 5.16

for both paradigms in Proto-Slavic, 5.17 for hard paradigms in the modern languages).

The morphophonological alternations of the stem generally follow the pattern of the

Table 5.14. Proto-Slavic interrogative pronouns

Nom k-y-to ‘who’

c-{-to ‘what’

Acc ¼ GEN ¼ NOM

Gen k-ogo

c-eso/

c-{so

Dat k-omu

c-emu

Instr c-

em{ (PV2)

c-im{

Loc k-om{

c-em{

5.5 Paradigms 269

adjectives, with the nominative plural showing special forms for secondary gender.

Notice also the ‘‘nominal’’ forms in the nominative and accusative singular.

Inflexional forms of note include the nominative singular masculine, where the

loss of the weak jer would again have made the form unpronounceable, and we find

either reduplication (Rus tot,OCSs{s{), the addition of the ‘‘long’’ ending -j (B/C/S

j, Mac, Ukr toj, OCS sii, RusChSl sej), or the addition of another (demonstrative)

element (Cz, Slk, Pol, LSorb ten, Blg t

ozi).

Semantically, the t- form is now usually non-contrastive, or non-distinctive in respect

of proximity. Most languages have made lexical substitutions for proximate ‘this’,

Table 5.15. Modern Slavic interrogative pronouns: ‘who’, ‘what’

B/C/S Russian Czech

Sg Nom (t)k-o%

st-o%/

st-a

k-to

c-to k-do c-o

Acc ¼ GEN ¼ NOM ¼ GEN ¼ NOM ¼ GEN ¼ NOM

Gen k-o

c-e

ga k-og

c-eg

o k-oho

c-eho

Dat k-o

mu/k-o

c-e

mu k-omu

´ˇ

c-emu

k-omu

c-emu

Instr k-

m/k-ı

c-ı

me k-em

c-em k-y

c-ı

Loc ¼ DAT ¼ DAT k-om

em k-om

c-em

Table 5.16. Proto-Slavic demonstrative pronouns ty ‘that’ s{ ‘this’

Masc Fem Neut

Sg Nom ty s{( j{) ta si/s{ja to se/s{je

Acc ¼ NOM/GEN to

s{jo

¼ NOM

Gen togo sego toj

e/toje˛ sej

e/seje˛ ¼ MASC

Dat tomu semu toji seji ¼ MASC

Instr t

em{ sim{ tojo

sejo

¼ MASC

Loc tom{ sem{ toji seji ¼ MASC

Du Nom ta s{ja t

esi/ s{ji t

esi

Acc ¼ NOM/GEN ¼ NOM/GEN ¼ NOM

Gen toju seju ¼ MASC ¼ MASC

Dat t

ema sima ¼ MASC ¼ MASC

Instr ¼

DAT ¼ DAT ¼ DAT

Loc ¼ GEN ¼ GEN ¼ GEN

Pl Nom ti si/s{ji ty s{ j

e/s{je˛ ta si

Acc ¼ NOM/GEN ¼ NOM/GEN ¼ NOM

Gen t

exy six y ¼ MASC ¼ MASC

Dat t

emy simy ¼ MASC ¼ MASC

Instr t

emi simi ¼ MASC ¼ MASC

Loc t

exy six y ¼ MASC ¼ MASC

270 5. Morphology: inflexion

replacing s{ with an adapted form of ty,e.g.withadded-to in Czech and Slovak (tento,

tato, toto), added emphatic initial [f]or[˜f] in Russian and Belarusian (Rus e

tot, e

ta,

to, with the inflexions of t-, but in the plural the vowel of the soft stem: e

ti- vs te-;

Bel: he

ty, he

ta (ja),he

ta (e) ). Ukrainian added emphatic initial ot- to the forms of sej-,

then elided the initial vowel: cej,cja,ce. In all of East Slavic the new form is now the

non-contrastive one, with t- marked as contrastive or non-proximate. In the others, the

non-proximate ‘that’ form is either affixed: Cz, Slk, Pol tamten (tamta, tamto), Sln tı

sti

(tı

sta, tı

sto); or lexically different: Blg

onzi,Maconoj,B/C/So



aj,Sln

oni.

5.5.2.3 3 Person pronouns

The 3 Person pronouns show obvious parallels, apart from the nominative singular

and plural, with the long-form adjective and determiner paradigms, which were

originally formed by suffixing these pronouns to the adjective/determiner stem.

The full Proto-Slavic forms are given in table 5.11. All languages have since

substituted a former demonstrative/deictic pronoun for the nominative (singular

and plural), either on- ‘that (non-proximate)’ or

t- ‘that (proximate)’ (Blg, Mac):

Rus, Cz, Slk, Pol, B/C/S, Sln on-; Ukr vin, von-; Bel j

en, jan-;

Sorb w

on, won-; Blg toj, tja, to; Mac toj, toa, toe/tie

The remaining forms are close to those of Proto-Slavic (table 5.11):

(111) 3 Person Pronoun, GenSgMasc and Fem

B/C/S nje

ga, nje

; Rus eg

o, e

e (/jejo/); Cz jeho, jı

Table 5.17. Modern demonstrative t- ‘this/that’

B/C/S Russian Czech

Masc Neut Fem Masc Neut Fem Masc Neut Fem

Sg Nom t-a

j t-o

t-a

t-ot t-o t-a t-en t-o t-a

Acc ¼ NOM/GEN tu

¼ NOM/GEN t-u ¼ NOM/GEN t-u

Gen t-o% g(a) te

t-og

o t-oj t-oho t-e

Dat t-o%m(e/u) to

j t-omu

¼ GEN t-omu ¼ GEN

Instr t

m, tı

me to

m t-em ¼ GEN t-ı

m t-ou

Loc ¼ DAT ¼ DAT t-om ¼ GEN t-om ¼ GEN

Pl Nom t-

t-a

t-e

t-e ti/ty ta ty

Acc t-e

¼ NOM ¼ NOM ¼ NOM/GEN ty ¼ NOM ¼ NOM

Gen t-

h t-ex t-

ech

Dat t-

m, t-ı

ma t-em t-

Instr ¼ DAT t-e

mi t-

emi

Loc ¼ DAT ¼ GEN ¼ GEN

5.5 Paradigms 271

Case: no vocative

Gender: singular: primary gender

dual and plural: primary and secondary gender

masculine ¼ neuter, except for the nominative singular, and under the

control of gender factors for the nominative dual and plural.

West (except Sorbian) and South Slavic show clitic pronouns for the major oblique

cases of all three numbers. Even Bulgarian and Macedonian retain old case forms

(table 5.18).

After prepositions there is a special ‘‘prothetic n-’’ form of the pronoun in all but

Belarusian, where the n- never occurs, and in South Slavic, where the n- is standard

for all full forms of the pronouns (but missing in the clitic forms):

(112a) ‘him’ (Acc): Rus eg

o, Bel jah

o, B/C/S nje

(112b) ‘without him’: Rus bez neg

o, Bel bez jah

o, B/C/S bez nje

5.5.3 1–2 Person pronouns and the reflexive pronoun

The 1 and 2 Person pronouns, and the reflexive pronoun, are somewhat different

from the other pronoun paradigms, though their inflexional categories are similar

(table 5.19). On ‘short’ forms, see below and table 5.20.

Table 5.18. Full and clitic accusative and dative forms of 3 Person pronoun

Accusative (Dir Obj) Dative (Indir Obj)

Full Clitic Full Clitic

Blg M ne

go go (na ne

go) mu

F ne

ja ja (na ne

ja) i

Pl tjax gi (na tja

x) im

Mac M nego go nemu mu

F neja ja nejze i

Pl niv gi nim im

B/C/S M nje

ga ga nje

mu mu

F nje

je njo

j joj

Pl nj

hihnj

mim

Sln M nje

ga ga nje

mu mu

F nj

o jo nje

j/nje

j/njı

Pl njı

h jih njı

m jim

Du njı

ju/nju

ju njı

ma jima

Cz/Slk M jeho ho jemu mu

Pol M jego go jemu mu

272 5. Morphology: inflexion

Case: no vocative;

the reflexive pronoun has no nominative.

Gender: no gender, except for the nominative dual and plural in Slovenian:

e.g. mı

dva ‘we two’ [Masc], mı

dve/me

dve [Other]

mı

‘we’ [Masc], me

[Other]

Number: inherent and lexical, not an inflexional category;

the reflexive pronoun has no dual or plural.

The accusative and dative have clitic (short form) pronouns in West and South

Slavic. In the plural these differ from the full forms only in South Slavic (not

Slovenian) (table 5.20).

5.5.4 Numerals

The declension of numerals mainly follows patterns of nouns or pronouns presented

above. The word formation of the numerals themselves is presented in 8.6.1.

Table 5.19. Proto-Slavic 1–2 Person pronouns: ( j)azy ‘I’, ty ‘you’

[Sing], my ‘we’, vy ‘you’ [Pl], sebe ‘self’ (substitute s- for t- of

2 Person Sing)

1 Person 2 Person

Full Clitic Full Clitic

Sg Nom ( j ) azy ty

Acc ¼ GEN me˛ ¼ GEN te˛

Gen mene tebe

Dat m{n

e mi teb

eti

Instr mynojo˛ tobojo˛

Loc ¼ DAT ¼ DAT

Du Nom v

e va/vy

Acc na ny va vy

Gen naju vaju

Dat nama vama

Instr ¼ DAT ¼ DAT

Loc ¼ GEN ¼ GEN

Pl Nom my vy

Acc nasy ny vasy vy

Gen nasy vasy

Dat namy ny vamy vy

Instr nami vami

Loc nasy vasy

5.5 Paradigms 273

5.5.4.1 Cardinal numerals

The Proto-Slavic numerals had the following shape:

‘1’ had a determiner (Special adjective) declension (table 5.16) on the root jedin-:

(113) Proto-Slavic ‘one’

Nom: jedin-y [Masc] jedin-a [Fem] jedin-o [Neut]

Gen: jedin-ogo [Masc, Neut] jedin-o

e/jedin-oe˛ [Fem]

Table 5.20. Full and clitic accusative and dative forms of 1–2 Person pronoun

and reflexive

Accusative (Dir Obj) Dative (Indir Obj)

Full Clitic Full Clitic

Blg 1Sg me

ne me (na me

ne) mi

2Sg te

be te (na te

be) ti

Refl se

be se (na se

be) si

1Pl nas ni (na na

s) ni

2Pl vas vi (na va

s) vi

Mac 1Sg mene me mene mi

2Sg tebe te tebe ti

Refl sebe se sebe si

1Pl nas ne nam ni

2Pl vas ve vam vi

B/C/S 1Sg me

ne me me

ni mi

2Sg te

be te te

bi ti

Refl se

be se se

bi si

1Pl na

s nas na`` ma nam

2Pl va

s vas va`` ma vam

Sln ¼ B/C/S, but no length difference in the plural

Cz 1Sg mne m

emn

emi

2Sg tebe t

e tob

eti

Refl sebe se seb

esi

Slk 1Sg mn

a ma mne mi

2Sg teba t’a tebe ti

Refl seba sa sebe si

Pol 1Sg mnie mie˛ mnie mi

2Sg ciebie cie˛ tobie ci

Refl siebie sie˛ sobie se

USorb 1Sg mnje mje mni mi

2Sg tebje c

e tebi c

Refl sebje so sebi sej

274 5. Morphology: inflexion

‘2–4’: ‘2’ had the dual of the determiner declension, ‘3’ was i-stem plural, and

‘4’ consonant ( -r)-stem (table 5.21).

‘5–1,000’: The units ‘5, 6, 9, 10’ had the suffix -t-, and ‘7, 8’ had the suffix -m-.

They belonged mostly to the i-stem feminine; ‘100’ was o-stem neuter, and ‘1,000’

ja-stem feminine. Sample forms are shown in table 5.22.

‘11–19’ had the shape ‘x-on-ten’ (x declined, the second element had the locative

of ‘ten’: na-dese˛te), ‘20–90’ had the form ‘x tens’ (x declined, the second had the

same case as x for ‘2–4’, but was GenPl for ‘5–9’), as did also ‘200–900’ and the

thousands (‘x hundreds/thousands’):

(114) Proto-Slavic teens, tens, hundreds and thousands

‘12’: dyva na dese˛te ‘15’: pe˛t{ na dese˛te

‘20’: dyva dese˛ti ‘30’: tr{je dese˛te ‘50’: pe˛t{ dese˛t{

‘200’: dyv

esyt

e ‘300’: tri syta ‘500’: pe˛t{ s yt y

‘2,000’: dyv

e tyse˛t’

e ‘3,000’: tri tyse˛t’i ‘5,000’: pe˛t{ tyse˛t’{

Table 5.21. Proto-Slavic numerals ‘2–4’

dyva ‘two’ (like ty dual, table 5.16); tr{je ‘three’ (i-stem plural);

cetyre ‘four’ (consonant

(-r)-stem)

Masc Fem/Neut Masc Fem/Neut Masc Fem/Neut

Nom dyva dyv

etr{je tri

cetyre

cetyri

Acc ¼ NOM tri ¼ NOM

cetyri ¼ NOM

Gen dyvoju tr{j{

cetyry

Dat dyv

ema tr{my

cetyr{my

Instr ¼ DAT tr{mi

cetyr{mi

Loc ¼ GEN tr{xy

cetyr{xy

Table 5.22. Proto-Slavic numerals ‘5–1,000’

pe˛t{ ‘5’ (i-stem FemSg)’; dese˛t{ ‘10’ (mixed i-stem feminine and consonant (-t)-stem)’; syto

‘100’ (o-stem Neut)

Sg Sg Du Pl Sg Du Pl

Nom pe˛t{ dese˛t{ dese˛ti dese˛te syto syt

esyta

Acc ¼ NOM ¼ NOM ¼ NOM dese˛ti ¼ NOM ¼ NOM ¼ NOM

Gen pe˛ti dese˛ti dese˛tu dese˛t{ syta sytu syty

Dat ¼ GEN ¼ GEN dese˛t{ma dese˛t{my sytu sytoma sytomy

Instr pe˛t{jo

dese˛t{jo

¼ DAT dese˛t{mi sytomy ¼ DAT syty

Loc ¼ GEN dese˛te ¼ GEN dese˛t{xy syt

e ¼ GEN syt

exy

5.5 Paradigms 275

The modern situtation generally differs only in having fused and often contracted

the elements of compounds together, but often still declining both parts of the tens

and hundreds. Other points of interest include the following.

Bulgarian and Macedonian distinguish primary gender with ‘1’ and ‘2’, and have

no cases. The other languages have:

‘1’: like determiners, distinct gender:

(115) ‘one’: NomSgMasc and GenSgMasc

Ukr ody

n, odnoh

o; Sln e

den/e

n, e

nega; Pol jeden, jednogo

‘2–4’: the inflexions resemble plural adjectives, though with an unusual inflexional

vowel in the oblique cases (derived from the dual forms inherent in ‘2’). Likewise, the

instrumental in -ma echoes the dual form. The languages form two groups:

a. East Slavic, Czech, Slovenian and B/C/S: ‘2’ distinguishes primary

gender in all forms (Bel, B/C/S) or only in the non-oblique cases.

b. Slovak, Polish, Sorbian: distinguish primary and secondary gender.

The modern inflexions are listed in table 5.23.

‘5–19’, ‘20–90’: some numerals, like Rus, Ukr s

orok, Bel s

orak ‘40’ (masculine

o-declension) lie outside the general pattern, which is that of an i-declension

feminine noun. Sample forms are given in table 5.24. For the rest:

a. B/C/S, Bulgarian, Macedonian: do not decline

b. Russian, Ukrainian, Czech: decline generally like i-declension singulars,

with some irregularities in the instrumental: ‘5’ Rus pjat

, Ukr p’jat

Cz p

et; Instr: Rus pjat

, Ukr p’jat

,Czp

eti. Ukrainian has

an optional variant, used with animates, with forms like those of

‘2’: p’jat

, Gen p’jat

ox, etc.

Table 5.23. ‘2–4’ in the modern languages

B/C/S Russian Czech

234 2 34 23 4

M/N F M/N F M F/N

Nom dva

dve

tiri dva dve tri

cety

re dva dve tr

ctyr

Acc ¼ NOM ¼ NOM/GEN ¼ NOM

Gen dva

ju dve

ju trı

ju

cetirı

ju dvux tr

cetyr

ex dvou tr

ctyr

Dat dva

ma dve

ma trı

tirma dvum tr

cetyr

em dv

ema tr

ctyr

Instr ¼ DAT dvumja

tremja

cetyr

mja

¼ DAT tr

emi

ctyr

Loc ¼ DAT ¼ GEN ¼ GEN tr

ech

ctyr

ech

276 5. Morphology: inflexion

c. Belarusian, Slovak, Sorbian, Slovenian: decline generally like i-declension

plurals: ‘5’ Sln pe

t, Gen-Loc pe

tih, Dat pe

tim, Instr pe

timi

d. Polish: all oblique cases in -u: ‘5’ pie˛c

, oblique pie˛ciu

‘100’: is indeclinable in Slovenian (st

o), otherwise like masculine o- (table 5.2) or

feminine a-declension (table 5.5) nouns, depending on the language.

‘200–900’: written as two words in Czech (dv

est

e), Sorbian, Slovenian and B/C/S,

and as one word elsewhere (Ukr dvı

sti). The ‘hundreds’ component is invariant in

Slovenian, and the whole numeral optionally declines in Belarusian. Other lan-

guages show full declensions, with both components in the same case: Belarusian

dzevjac

ot ‘900’, [Dat] dzevjacista

m, etc.

‘1,000’: not declined in Slovenian; elsewhere it follows the i- or a- noun pattern.

The Proto-Slavic lexeme is replaced by the Greek root xiljad- in Bulgarian and

Macedonian, and also as a Serbian variant (9.2.2–9.2.3).

‘1,000,000’: million: is not declined in Slovenian; elsewhere it is an o-stem noun.

Secondary gender A special group of cardinal numerals shows secondary gender

as follows:

‘2–99’: Slovak, in non-oblique case forms:

‘5’: MascPers Nom traja, Acc=Gen)

Other Nom tri, Acc ¼ Nom, Gen troch ...

Other case forms, like troch, do not distinguish gender.

Lower Sorbian, in all case forms, with -o- for masculine animates and -i- elsewhere:

‘5’: MascPers p

o, Gen p

och, Dat p

om ...

Other p

, Gen p

ich, Dat p

im ...

(The parallel forms in Upper Sorbian are now archaic [Stone, 1993a: 633].)

Table 5.24. ‘5’, ‘11’, ‘20’

B/C/S Russian Czech

5 11 20 5 11 20 5 11 20

Nom pe

t jeda

naest dva

des



et pjat

odı

nnadcat

dva

dcat

et jedena

ct dvacet

Acc ¼ NOM ¼ NOM ¼ NOM

Gen ¼ NOM pjatı

odı

nnadcati dvadcatı

eti jedena

cti dvaceti

Dat ¼ NOM ¼ GEN ¼ GEN

Instr ¼ NOM pjat

odı

nnadcat

ju dvadcat

¼ GEN

Loc ¼ NOM ¼ GEN ¼ GEN

5.5 Paradigms 277

‘2–999’: Polish, in non-oblique case forms.

‘2’: MascPers dwaj/dw

och/dwu,Femdwie,Neutdwa;(Gendw

och, etc.)

‘3’: MascPers trzej/trzech, Other trzy; (Gen trzech , etc.)

‘5’: MascPers pie˛ciu, Other pie˛c

; (Gen pie˛ciu)

5.5.4.2 Ordinal numerals

Ordinal numerals are declined like hard or soft adjectives, with concording gender.

Most are hard and have the suffix -t (PSl *pe˛ty(j{) ‘fifth’). Others (the long form

being more common given the definite meaning) are:

PSl *pr

vy( j{)‘first’,*vtory( j{)‘second’,*tret{( j{) ‘third’ (soft stem),

*sedmy( j{) ‘seventh’, *osmy( j{) ‘eighth’. The root drug- ‘other’ is now

used for ‘second’ by all but Bulgarian, Macedonian and Russian.

5.5.4.3 Collective numerals

Collective numerals are used with pluralia tantum nouns, and with collections

of entities which form groups, like children, pairs of animals and so on, within

the range of ‘2–10’ (for ‘1 [Coll]’ the ‘‘plural’’ form is used). The common suffix

for ‘2–3 [Coll]’ is -j- (e.g. Rus dv

o-j-e ‘2 [Coll]’, tr

o-j-e ‘3 [Coll]’), for ‘4–10 [Coll]’

-er-, attached to either the cardinal (usually) or ordinal stem (Rus

tv-er-o ‘four

[Coll]’ with ordinal stem, se

m-er-o ‘seven [Coll]’ with cardinal stem). Their inflexions

may show:

a. no case: Bulgarian, Macedonian

b. plural adjectival inflexions: Czech, Sorbian

c. oblique cases like those of cardinal numerals or determiners: East

Slavic and Slovak

d. special forms: Pol ‘2 [Coll]’ dwo-j-e, Gen dwoj-ga, Dat-Loc -gu,

Instr -giem;

B/C/S ‘2 [Coll]’ dvo%-j-e, Gen dv

o-ga, other cases -ma

5.5.5 Verbs

5.5.5.1 Verbs: Morphological categories

The verb paradigms contain the morphological categories:

Person: 1, 2, 3

Number: singular, dual (Sorbian and Slovenian), plural

Gender: primary and secondary, according to the pattern of genders in the

nominative in the individual languages (5.4.4).

278 5. Morphology: inflexion