Sussex R., Cubberley P. The Slavic Languages

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qualities (see 1.3.1), and the relevant equivalences – which we shall use for these and

all subsequent examples (other than the declension names themselves) are:

Early PSl Late PSl

jo e



ı {

o o (no change)

a a (no change)

ja ja (no change)

 i

The six paradigms, with the standard model examples, are:

1. o/jo-declension: [Masc] raby ‘slave’ kon{ ‘horse’

[Neut] m

esto ‘place’ pole ‘field’

2. u- (¼ u

) declension: [Masc] syny ‘son’

3. a/ja-declension: [Fem] ˇzena ‘woman’ du

sa ‘soul’

4. i- (¼

ı) declension: [Fem] kost{ ‘bone’

[Masc] gost{ ‘guest’

5. u/v- (¼



u) declension: [Fem] kry ‘blood’ ljuby ‘love’

6. consonant-declension: (n) kamy [Masc] ‘stone’ ime˛ [Neut] ‘name’

(r) mati [Fem] ‘mother’

(s) slovo [Neut] ‘word’

(nt) tele˛ [Neut] ‘calf’

Some classify the u/v group as a member of the consonant

-declension on the

grounds that the



u (> y) of the NomSing appears as consonantal v elsewhere, on

the same pattern as the other consonant types. For our purposes, we shall retain the

notional distinction, as this group has occasionally a distinct reflex.

The modern Slavic languages have reduced this rich morphological variety in

several different ways.

Modern paradigms The six declensions of Proto-Slavic have been mainly reduced to

the i, a/ja and o/jo-declensions as living, productive categories. The consonant-

declension has left a few survivals, but has mostly been absorbed into the i-declension,

as has the u/v-declension – usually via the consonant type, and the u-declension has

been largely absorbed into the o/jo-declension. Various inflexions have migrated

between declensions with the re-classification of nouns, and have sometimes

5.5 Paradigms 249

established themselves for some or all nouns of the new declension. Czech, which is

morphologically rather conservative, retains more extensive traces of the consonant

and u/v-declensions as well.

Inflexional categories The three categories of number, case and gender are des-

cribed above, 5.4.1–5.4.4. In respect of nouns, gender is usually the property of the

stem. But the different paradigms are clearly arranged according to patterns which

correlate moderately well with primary gender: feminine with the i-declension and

with most nouns in -a; masculine with some nouns in -a, and with o/jo-declension

nouns which end in a consonant in the nominative singular; and neuter with those

ending in -o and -e. Secondary gender operates on the accusative singular mascu-

line, the accusative dual masculine, and the nominative and accusative plural. The

correlation between gender and paradigm has led many descriptive, especially

pedagogical, grammars to call the declensions by gender names (e.g. the ‘‘feminine

declension’’ for the a/ja type).

These three categories normally occur throughout the noun paradigms. There

are, however, some areas where their application is restricted.

1. Indeclinable nouns

A noun may be indeclinable, especially if

a. it ends in a vowel unknown to a Slavic nominative singular, like -u:

Rus Baku

(place name), Cz emu ‘emu’

b. its form disagrees with its ‘‘supposed’’ gender or number: Rus k

ofe

‘coffee’ [Masc], though -e is the usual marker of a neuter; or a final

hard consonant referring to a female person: Rus gospo ˇza

Bra

‘Mrs [NomFem] Brown’, gospo ˇzu

Bra

un [AccFem]; Pol profesor

‘(female) professor’.

c. it is formed from, and pronounced as, initials: Rus KGB [kagf

bf]

‘the KGB’.

Most indeclinable nouns (other than abbreviations) are borrowed

words or foreign proper names. Only occasionally are local place-

names or surnames indeclinable, e.g. Rus Pu

´ˇ

skino ‘the town of

Pushkino’ (so avoiding confusion with the town Pu

´ˇ

skin in all its case

forms), Evtu

nko (surname (Yevtushenko), whose suffix is of southern,

or Ukrainian, origin), Dolgı

x (surname, whose form is an oblique case,

here GenPl).

2. Defective paradigms

Bulgarian and Macedonian have kept number as an inflexional class,

but their case systems have been severely reduced. They show no case

250 5. Morphology: inflexion

in the plural, but in the singular there may be a vocative in a/ja and o/jo

nouns (5.5.1.3, 5.5.1.1). There is also an oblique case, which is found in

a. Bulgarian, but only with the article (5.4.3);

b. Macedonian, as an optional suffix with masculine personal nouns,

including proper names and names of relatives ending in a conso-

nant (5.5.1);

c. Mixed paradigms.

Some nouns have some inflexional forms borrowed from the adjective-

determiner declension (5.5.2). Proper names with adjective endings have only

adjectival inflexions (Rus Tolst

oj, Dostoe

vskij, Pol Penderecki). And in some of

the languages proper names, particularly those in -in/-ov (Fem -ina/-ova ), have

adjectival endings for some inflexional forms:

(71) Rus Masc: Petr

ov [Nom], Petr

ovym [InstrSg] (¼ adjectival)

(not nominal *Petr

ovom)

Fem: Petr

ova [Nom], Petr

ovu [AccSg] (¼ nominal),

Petr

ovoj [Gen-Dat-Instr-LocSg] (¼ adjectival)

We discuss the noun-like elements in adjective paradigms in 5.5.2.

Noteworthy are the Bulgarian definite article suffix, and the Macedonian defi-

nite article and deictic suffixes, since they are found with all noun paradigms (as

well as with the adjective-determiner paradigm, see 5.5.2). The article and deictic

suffixes are not ordinary word-forming suffixes, since they follow the inflexions. In

Bulgarian the article suffix can show an oblique case (one form for all but the

nominative and vocative) in the masculine singular (this form – or at least the

distinction – is not present in all regions or registers):

(72a) Bulgarian article suffix

Masc Fem Neut

SingNom: Hard -˘at -ta -to

Soft -jat (¼ /j ˘at/) -ta -to

SingOblique: Hard -a (¼ /˘a/) -ta -to

Soft -ja (¼ /j ˘a/) -ta -to

Plural: -te -te -ta

The above forms show also (in brackets) the phoneme /

˘a/ where it is ‘‘hidden’’

under orthographic a – in final position or after soft consonants, so that the letter ˘a

appears only in the NomSing.

(72b) Blg z˘ab ‘tooth’ z˘ab ˘a

t [Def] z˘aba

[DefObl] z˘a

bite [DefPl]

kon ‘horse’ k

onjat [Def] k

onja [DefObl] k

onete [DefPl]

5.5 Paradigms 251

dost ‘joy’ ra

dostta [Def] ra

dostite [DefPl]

lo ‘village’ se

loto [Def] se

lata [DefPl]

Macedonian has not only an article suffix but also proximate (‘this’) and non-

proximate (‘that’) deictic suffixes. They inflect for gender and number, but not

for case:

(73a) Macedonian article and deictic suffixes

Masc Fem Neut

‘the’: Sing -ot -ta -to

Plur -te -te -ta

Similarly: -ov ‘this’; -on ‘that

(73b) Mac nok

‘night’ [Fem]

nok

ta ‘the night’ nok

ite ‘the nights’

nok

va ‘this night’ nok

ive ‘these nights’

nok

na ‘that night’ nok

ine ‘those nights’

In both Bulgarian and Macedonian masculine nouns in -a and -o take the appro-

priate ‘‘gender’’ suffix, that is, the form of the noun determines that of the article.

(74a) Blg ba

sta ‘father’ [Masc] ba

stata ‘the father’

cı

co ‘uncle’ [Masc]

cı

coto ‘the uncle’

(74b) Mac bur ˇzoa

‘bourgeois’ [Masc] bur ˇzoa

ta ‘the bourgeois’

The syntax of the article/deictic suffix depends on the structure of the noun phrase

in which it occurs. If the head noun is modified by adjectives and/or determiners,

the article/deictic suffix is attached to the leftmost concording modifier (4.2.1).

5.5.1.1 The o/jo-declension

The Proto-Slavic forms are shown in table 5.1, and sample modern forms in

table 5.2 – one language from each group (B/C/S, Rus, Cz) plus special forms for

other languages. This pattern is followed for all paradigms in this section.

The o/jo paradigm is now often known as the ‘‘conson ant’’ paradigm, since the

nominative singular of most masculine nouns ends in a consonant, or as the ‘‘mascu-

line’ ’ declension, since it represents the bulk of masculine nouns. It forms a hard (o)

and soft ( jo) series in East and West Slavic. South Slavic shows mainly hard inflexions.

In the modern languages, some inflexional endings have been borrowed from

the a/ja-declension (e.g. the vowel -a- in the Dat-Instr-LocPl), and from the

u (u

)-declension (genitive and locative singular in -u, genitive plural in -ov). The

dative in -ovi (Pol -owi) in some East and South Slavic languages also comes from

the former u-declension.

252 5. Morphology: inflexion

Gender: Masculine in -ø, and -o (the latter mainly with proper names); neuter

in -o and -e. Some masculines have been absorbed from the u-declension (5.5.1.2:

PSl syny ‘son’), and consonant-declension (5.5.1.6: PSl kamy ‘stone’). Masculines

may express any secondary gender. The neuters are inanimate. Neuters include a

large number of verbal nouns in -n/t-i( j)e (Cz -ı

). Secondary gender (5.4.4)

operates in the masculine in the accusative singular, nominative-accusative dual

and nominative-accusative plural; and in the neuter in the accusative plural.

Belarusian neuters are like the masculines: the neuter gender in Belarusian is

considerably weaker than the other two genders (at least partly due to phonetic

fusion of unstressed endings), something which is also happening in non-standard

Russian (Schupbach, 1984).

Case: This is the most varied paradigm of Slavic, including a vocative, and a

second genitive and locative in the singular in Russian. Czech neuters in -ı

show

fewest distinct case forms in this paradigm.

Masculines and neuters have the same case forms, except in the nominative

singular, nominative plural, and genitive plural. The vocative singular and second

genitive and locative are not found in the neuters.

Morphophonology Typical alternations are listed below (for a full list, see chapter 4):

Stems:

1. Alternations related to the zero ending in the nominative singular of

masculine nouns, and the genitive plural of some neuters:

a. Vowel  zero:

(75a) Mac lakot-ø ‘elbow’ lakt-i [Pl]

(75b) Rus ka

men

-ø ‘stone’ ka

mn-ja [GenSg]

b. Vowel quality and quantity alternations:

(76) Pol mi

od-ø ‘honey’ [NomSg] miod-u [GenSg]

2. Vowel quality alternations before palatalized consonants:

(77) Pol miast-o ‘city, town’ [NomSg] mies

ci-e [LocSg]

3. Palatalization of velars and dentals:

a. PV1 before -e of VocSg:

(78a) Rus B

og-ø ‘God’ [NomSg] Bo

ˇz-e [VocSg]

(78b) B/C/S o

tac-ø ‘father’ [NomSg] (c < k) o

c-e [VocSg]

5.5 Paradigms 253

b. PV2 before -

e of LocSg and -i of NomPl:

(79a) Cz mle

k-o ‘milk’ [NomSg] mle

-ce [LocSg]

(79b) B/C/S u``

cen



ik-ø ‘pupil’ [NomSg] u``

cen



ic-i [NomPl]

c. Dentals before -

e of LocSg:

(80) Pol miast-o ‘city, town’ [NomSg] mies

ci-e [LocSg]

4. Stems may shorten, particularly with the suffix -(an)in ‘member of

group’:

(81) Bel balha

r-yn-ø ‘Bulgarian’ [NomSg] balha

r-y

[NomPl]

Rus gospod-ı

n-ø ‘gentleman, master’ [NomSg] gospod-a

[NomPl]

B/C/S gra`` d



an-in-ø ‘citizen’ [NomSg] gra`` d



an-i

[NomPl]

5. Stress alternation is common between the singular and the plural. The

Russian LocSg in -u

and NomPl in -a

are always stressed; the latter

sets the stress pattern for all the plural forms:

(82) Rus ‘teacher u

cı

tel

-ø [NomSg] u

citel-ja

[NomPl]

cı

tel-ja [GenSg] u

citele

j-ø [GenPl]

citel-ja

m [DatPl]

Note also: Bel be

rah ‘bank (river)’, Pl berahı

, berah

...

6. Suppletion in some common stems:

(83) ‘person’:

clov

ek [NomSg] lide

[NomPl]

Blg

cove

k [NomSg]

cove

ci/x

ora/lju

de [Pl]

Inflexions This exceptionally varied paradigm includes some inflexions which

merit special comment (especially those adopted from the u-declension):

NomSg: masculines in -a, mainly practitioners of a trade or profession,

belong formally to the a/ja declension (5.5.1.3): Pol poeta

‘poet’; Rus dja

dja ‘uncle’.

AccSg: masculines have the form of either the nominative or the

genitive, on the basis of animacy (5.4.4).

GenSg: masculines have -u (from the u-declension, 5.5.1.5) or retain -a.

Where both forms are available, -a is more common with

254 5. Morphology: inflexion

animates. B/C/S and Slovenian have only -a. Of the other

languages, Russian has the lowest use of -u ,whichoccurs

only in genitive

(partitive) with mass nouns:

ska

j-u

‘a cup of tea’ (vs za

pax

j-a ‘the smell of tea’).

DatSg: -u is more common when the GenSg ends in -a, and -ovi (from

the u-declension) when the GenSg ends in -u, thus avoiding

syncretism.

LocSg: -u (from the u-declension) is general in B/C/S and Slovenian,

and is sometimes available in the other languages, including

the locative

of Russian in -u

: Rus sad ‘garden’, v sad-u

‘in the

garden’.

VocSg: -u (from the u-declension, though supported by the jo

form) is usual for hard stems, especially velars; and -e for

all, but especially soft, stems, with pre-palatalization (either

replacive or additive: 4.3.1): Cz B

uh ‘God’, [VocSg] Bo ˇze.

Velars and (formerly) soft stems may take -u in Ukrainian

and Polish: Pol człowiek, człowiek-u ‘person’. Sorb -o

occurs with soft and velar stems, and stems in -s -z -c: B

‘God’, Bo ˇz-o. On Bulgarian and Macedonian see 5.4.2

and below.

NomPl: masculines have -i or -y, though Russian has a growing

number of nouns in stressed -a

like gorod-a

(table 5.2). -ovi

(from the u-declension) is found mainly with practitioners:

Cz filolog ‘philologist’, [NomPl] filolog-ovi. Neuters generally

retain -a, including in Bulgarian and Macedonian: Blg mja

st-o

‘place’, Pl mest-a

GenPl: the masculines which have the -ov ending, or variations of it,

have taken it from the u-declension. The zero ending has

survived in the neuters, where there is no risk of syncretism

with the NomSg.

Dat/Loc/InstrPl: many languages have generalized the a/ja endings here:

East Slavic, Slovak and Sorbian have -am/-ax/-ami, Polish has

-ach/-ami, but has retained the old dative -om. B/C/S has

generalized further, with -ima for all three. Only Slovenian

and Czech have retained the old forms (Sln -om/-ih/-i

Cz -

um/-ech/-y).

Of the remaining cases, the InstrSg has retained -om in all languages, and the AccPl

varies by animacy as in the singular (see above, 5.4.4).

5.5 Paradigms 255

Bulgarian and Macedonian are rather different from the other languages. In

definite masculine nouns they may distinguish a ‘‘Direct’’ from an ‘‘Oblique’’ case

(see also 5.4.2, 5.5.1):

Masculine oblique singular

Macedonian nouns in -e take -ta:

Mac Bla ˇze (man’s name) [MascDirSg], Bla ˇzeta [MascOblSg]

And other nouns take -a:

Mac tatk-o ‘father’ [MascDirSg], tatk-a [MascOblSing]

In Bulgarian only nouns in a consonant can have the oblique form, -a ([

])

Blg sı

n˘at ‘the son’ [MascDirSg], sı

n-a [MascOblSing]

In both languages the oblique case is frequently replaced by the nominative.

They also retain a vocative, which has partially survived the loss of the case system

in these languages:

Vocative singular

Bulgarian: -ju with formerly soft stems: kon ‘horse’, k

on-ju

-o after velars and hushings: m˘aˇz ‘man, husband’,

z-o

-e elsewhere: ote

c ‘father’,

c-e (PV1)

Macedonian: -u, also -e and -ø, sometimes in the same noun: brat

‘brother’, [Voc] brat, brat-u, brat-e

Czech verbal nouns in -(n/t)-ı

are cognate with other verbal nouns in -i( j)e, but

have undergone contraction. Their paradigm shows exceptional neutralization in

case forms, particularly in the singular:

(84) Cz ‘building’: stavenı

Sing: Nom Gen Dat Acc Loc: stavenı

Instr: stavenı

Pl: Nom Gen Acc stavenı

Dat stavenı

Instr stavenı

Loc stavenı

5.5.1.2 u(u

)-declension

The Proto-Slavic u

-stem nouns (table 5.3) were all masculine. They have now

merged into the o-declension, based on gender (all were masculine), but they

have sometimes left traces of their original inflexions (see above).

256 5. Morphology: inflexion

5.5.1.3 a/ja-declension

Although many Cyrillic grammars treat these as two distinct types – an approach

which is motivated by the orthography – they are, in fact, hard and soft versions of the

one declensional type in East and West Slavic, where the hard  soft distinction

remains. In South Slavic we find only the a type. The a/ja-declension has influenced

several standard forms of the i, o and jo-declensions, has absorbed many u/v-declension

words, and has also taken over many i-declension words, especially in Sorbian. For

forms, see tables 5.4, 5.5.

Gender Mainly feminine, with an important subgroup of masculines, both native:

Rus dja

dja ‘uncle’, B/C/S slu

ga ‘servant’, vo%jvoda ‘commander; and borrowed,

many (now) common gender: Pol poeta ‘poet’, Rus kolle

ga ‘colleague’. Secondary

gender is marked in the accusative plural for East Slavic feminines, and for non-

singular masculines as if they were o/jo-declension words.

Case Case distinctions are well preserved, including the vocative. Important

differences for nominative plural and accusative plural are found in individual

languages: Cz hrdina ‘hero’, hrdinove

[NomPl], hrdiny [AccPl].

Morphophonology

1. Alternations related to the zero-ending (genitive plural)

a. Vowel  zero alternations:

‘sister’: [NomSg] Cz Slk sestr-a, Pol siostr-a, Rus sestr-a

[GenPl] Cz sester-ø, Slk sestier-ø, Rus sest

er-ø,

cf. Pol si

ostr-ø

b. Vowel quality and quantity alternations:

Pol drog-a ‘road’, [GenPl] dr

og-ø; Slk slza ‘tear’, [GenPl] sl

z-ø

2. Other vowel quality alternations:

a. In the dative-locative singular, before palatalization, in Polish and

Sorbian:

Pol wiara ‘belief’ [NomSg], wierze [Dat-LocSg]

b. Czech shows pr

ehla

ska (3.2.1.5) in the ja inflexions (after soft and

formerly soft palatals):

Cz ulice ‘street’ [NomSg], ulici [Acc-Dat-LocSg], ulicı

[InstrSg]

3. 2nd Palatalization of Velars (3.2.2.3), and mutation of dentals and

labials (a-declension only) in:

[Dat-LocSg] in Ukr, Bel; Pol, Cz, Sorb; B/C/S:

Cz mı

ra ‘measure’, [Dat-LocSg] mı

Bel straxa

‘roof’, [Dat-LocSg] strase

[Nom-AccDu] in Sorb: Sorb ruka ‘hand’, [Nom-AccDu] rucy

5.5 Paradigms 257

4. Stress and pitch. Alternation of stress between stem and desinence is

common, especially with native Slavic monosyllabic roots, in East

Slavic, Slovenian, B/C/S and Bulgarian. The alternations may oppose

singular to plural, or individual case forms in any number:

Rus voda

‘water’, [AccSg] v

odu, [NomPl] v

ody, [LocPl] voda

Changes in stress may also change the quality of a vowel:

Bel raka

‘river’, [NomPl] re

5.5.1.4 i( ˘ı)-declension

This productive class is often signalled in East Slavic by the ‘‘soft sign’’, which is

historically the Proto-Slavic front jer ({) and phonologically a ‘‘zero’’ ending. The

other languages do not give an overt signal for the i-declension. The i-declension

has gained some former u/v-declension nouns (PSl kry ‘blood’, 5.5.1.5). It contains

the highly productive -nost abstract nouns, and, in some languages, the numerals

from ‘5’ to ‘19’, and the ‘tens’: ‘20’, ‘30’, etc. The ja-declension (5.5.1.3) shows some

influence on the i-declension (especially Cz/Slk, see table 5.7), and in Sorbian it has

largely absorbed it (Stone 1993: 619). For forms, see tables 5.6, 5.7.

Gender Masculine nouns, with some exceptions for PSl *po

t{ ‘road’, have joined

the jo-declension. Feminine nouns have usually remained a distinct declension.

Secondary gender (5.4.4) operates with the accusative plural, according to the

individual languages.

Case The vocative is retained in B/C/S, Polish, Czech and Ukrainian. Much of

the Proto-Slavic syncretism has been retained.

Morphophonology

a. Stems

1. Alternations related to the zero-ending (nominative singular):

a. Vowel  zero alternation (subject to the phonotactic rules of the

language): Cz krev ‘blood’, [GenSg] krve, Rus lo ˇz

‘a lie’, [GenSg]

lˇzi (cf. Rus krov

,kr

ovi).

b. ø  l alternation in B/C/S: B/C/S so

‘salt’ [MascSg], so%li [GenSg].

c. Vowel quanitity and quality alternations: Cz s

ul ‘salt’ [NomSg],

soli [GenSg]; Pol gała˛z

‘branch’ [NomSg], gałe˛zi [GenSg].

d. Stress and pitch may alternate, especially with monosyllabic

Slavic roots: B/C/S stva

r ‘thing’ [NomSg], stva

ri [LocSg], stva

[Nom-AccPl], stva



i [GenPl], stva

rima [Dat-Instr-LocPl].

258 5. Morphology: inflexion