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encouragement of agriculture and manufactures, and to

the wealth, finances, defense, and liberty of the nation. Its

welfare can never interfere with the other great interests

of the State, but must promote and uphold them. Still,

those who are immediately concerned in the prosecution

of commerce, will of necessity be always a minority of the

nation. They are, however, best qualified to manage and

direct its course by the advantages of experience, and the

sense of interest. But they are entirely unable to protect

themselves against the sudden and injudicious decisions of

bare majorities, and the mistaken or oppressive projects of

those who are not actively concerned in its pursuits. Of

consequence, this interest is always exposed to be

harassed, interrupted, and entirely destroyed, upon pre-

tense of securing other interests. Had the merchants of

this nation been permitted, by their own government, to

pursue an innocent and lawful commerce, how different

would have been the state of the treasury and of public

credit! How shortsighted and miserable is the policy which

has annihilated this order of men, and doomed their ships

to rot in the docks, their capital to waste unemployed, and

their affections to be alienated from the Government

which was formed to protect them! What security for an

ample and unfailing revenue can ever be had, comparable

to that which once was realized in the good faith, punctu-

ality, and sense of honor, which attached the mercantile

class to the interests of the Government? Without com-

merce, where can be found the aliment for a navy; and

without a navy, what is to constitute the defense, and orna-

ment, and glory of this nation? No union can be durably

cemented, in which every great interest does not find itself

reasonably secured against the encroachment and combi-

nations of other interests. When, therefore, the past sys-

tem of embargoes and commercial restrictions shall have

been reviewed—when the fluctuation and inconsistency of

public measures, betraying a want of information as well as

feeling in the majority, shall have been considered, the rea-

sonableness of some restrictions upon the power of a bare

majority to repeat these oppressions, will appear to be

obvious.

The next amendment proposes to restrict the power of

making offensive war. In the consideration of this amend-

ment, it is not necessary to inquire into the justice of the

present war. But one sentiment now exists in relation to its

expediency, and regret for its declaration is nearly univer-

sal. No indemnity can ever be attained for this terrible

calamity, and its only palliation must be found in obstacles

to its future recurrence. Rarely can the state of this coun-

try call for or justify offensive war. The genius of our insti-

tutions is unfavorable to its successful prosecution; the

felicity of our situation exempts us from its necessity.—In

this case, as in the former, those more immediately

exposed to its fatal effects are a minority of the nation. The

commercial towns, the shores of our seas and rivers, con-

tain the population, whose vital interests are most vulner-

able by a foreign enemy. Agriculture, indeed, must feel at

last, but this appeal to its sensibility comes too late. Again,

the immense population which has swarmed into the West,

remote from immediate danger, and which is constantly

augmenting, will not be averse from the occasional distur-

bances of the Atlantic States. Thus interest may not infre-

quently combine with passion and intrigue, to plunge the

nation into needless wars, and compel it to become a mil-

itary, rather than a happy and flourishing people. These

considerations, which it would be easy to augment, call

loudly for the limitation proposed in the amendment.

Another amendment, subordinate in importance, but

still in a high degree expedient, relates to the exclusion of

foreigners, hereafter arriving in the United States, from

the capacity of holding offices of trust, honor or profit.

That the stock of population already in these States, is

amply sufficient to render this nation in due time suffi-

ciently great and powerful, is not a controvertible ques-

tion—Nor will it be seriously pretended, that the national

deficiency in wisdom, arts, science, arms or virtue, needs

to be replenished from foreign countries. Still, it is agreed,

that a liberal policy should offer the rights of hospitality,

and the choice of settlement, to those who are disposed to

visit the country.—But why admit to a participation in the

government aliens who were no parties to the compact—

who are ignorant of the nature of our institutions, and have

no stake in the welfare of the country, but what is recent

and transitory? It is surely a privilege sufficient, to admit

them after due probation to become citizens, for all but

political purposes.—To extend it beyond these limits, is to

encourage foreigners to come to these states as candidates

for preferment. The Convention forbear to express their

opinion upon the inauspicious effects which have already

resulted to the honor and peace of this nation, from this

misplaced and indiscriminate liberality.

The last amendment respects the limitation of the

office of President to a single constitutional term, and his

eligibility from the same State two terms in succession.

Upon this topic it is superfluous to dilate. The love of

power is a principle in the human heart, which too often

impels to the use of all practicable means to prolong its

duration. The office of President has charms and attrac-

tions which operate as powerful incentives to this passion.

The first and most natural exertion of a vast patronage is

directed towards the security of a new election. The inter-

est of the country, the welfare of the people, even honest

fame and respect for the opinion of posterity, are sec-

ondary considerations. All the engines of intrigue, all the

means of corruption, are likely to be employed for this

object. A President, whose political career is limited to a

single election, may find not other, interest than will be

542 ERA 4: Expansion and Reform

promoted by making it glorious to himself, and beneficial

to his country. But the hope of re-election is prolific of

temptations, under which these magnanimous motives are

deprived of their principal force. The repeated election of

the President of the United States from any one State,

affords inducements and means for intrigue, which tend to

create an undue local influence, and to establish the dom-

ination of particular States. The justice, therefore, of

securing to every State a fair and equal chance for the elec-

tion of this officer from its own citizens, is apparent, and

this object will be essentially promoted by preventing an

election from the same State twice in succession.

Such is the general view which this Convention has

thought proper to submit, of the situation of these States,

of their dangers and their duties. Most of the subjects

which it embraces have separately received an ample and

luminous investigation, by the great and able assertors of

the rights of their Country, in the National Legislature;

and nothing more could be attempted on this occasion,

than a digest of general principles, and of recommenda-

tions, suited to the present state of public affairs. The

peculiar difficulty and delicacy of performing, even this

undertaking, will be appreciated by all who think seriously

upon the crisis. Negotiations for Peace are at this hour

supposed to be pending, the issue of which must be deeply

interesting to all. No measures should be adopted, which

might unfavorably affect that issue; none which should

embarrass the Administration, if their professed desire for

peace is sincere; and none, which on supposition of their

insincerity, should afford them pretexts for prolonging the

war, or relieving themselves from the responsibility of a

dishonorable peace. It is also devoutly to be wished, that

an occasion may be afforded to all friends of the country,

of all parties, and in all places, to pause and consider the

awful state, to which pernicious counsels, and blind pas-

sions, have brought this people. The number of those who

perceive, and who are ready to retrace errors, must, it is

believed, be yet sufficient to redeem the nation. It is nec-

essary to rally and unite them by the assurance, that no

hostility to the Constitution is meditated, and to obtain

their aid, in placing it under guardians, who alone can save

it from destruction. Should this fortunate change be

effected, the hope of happiness and honor may once more

dispel the surrounding gloom. Our nation may yet be

great, our union durable. But should this prospect be

utterly hopeless, the time will not have been lost, which

shall have ripened a general sentiment of the necessity of

more mighty efforts to rescue from ruin, at least some por-

tion of our beloved Country.

Therefore Resolved—

That it be and hereby is recommended to the Legislatures

of the several States represented in this Convention, to

adopt all such measures as may be necessary effectually to

protect the citizens of said States from the operation and

effects to all acts which have been or may be passed by the

Congress of the United States, which shall contain provi-

sions, subjecting the militia or other citizens to forcible

drafts, conscription’s, or impressments, not authorized by

the Constitution of the United States.

Resolved, That it be and hereby is recommended to

the said Legislatures, to authorize an immediate and

earnest application to be made to the Government of the

United States, requesting their consent to some arrange-

ment, whereby the said States may, separately or in con-

cert, be empowered to assume upon themselves the

defense of their territory against the enemy; and a rea-

sonable portion of the taxes, collected within said States,

may be paid into the respective treasuries thereof, and

appropriated to the payment of the balance due said

States, and to the future defense of the same. The amount

so paid into the said treasuries to be credited, and the dis-

bursements made as aforesaid to be charged to the United

States.

Resolved, That it be, and it hereby is, recommended to

the Legislatures of the aforesaid States, to pass laws

(where it has not already been done) authorizing the Gov-

ernors or Commanders in Chief of their militia to make

detachments from the same, or to form voluntary corps, as

shall be most convenient and conformable to their Consti-

tutions, and to cause the same to be well armed, equipped

and disciplined, and held in readiness for service; and

upon the request of the Governor of either of the other

States, to employ the whole of such detachment or corps,

as well as the regular forces of the State, or such part

thereof as may be required and can be spared consistently

with the safety of the State, in assisting the State, making

such request to repel any invasion thereof which shall be

made or attempted by the public enemy.

Resolved, That the following amendments of the Con-

stitution of the United States, be recommended to the

States represented as aforesaid, to be proposed by them

for adoption by the State Legislatures, and, in such cases

as may be deemed expedient, by a Convention chosen by

the people of each State.

And it is further recommended, that the said States

shall persevere in their efforts to obtain such amendments,

until the same shall be effected.

First. Representatives and direct taxes shall be appor-

tioned among the several States which may be included

within this union, according to their respective numbers of

free persons, including those bound to serve for a term of

years, and excluding Indians not taxed, and all other per-

sons.

Second. No new State shall be admitted into the union

by Congress in virtue of the power granted by the Consti-

Territorial Expansion, Political and Economic Developments, and International Relations 543

tution, without the concurrence of two thirds of both

Houses.

Third. Congress shall not have power to lay any

embargo on the ships or vessels of the citizens of the

United States, in the ports or harbors thereof, for more

than sixty days.

Fourth. Congress shall not have power, without the

concurrence of two thirds of both Houses, to interdict the

commercial intercourse between the United States and

any foreign nation or the dependencies thereof.

Fifth. Congress shall not make or declare war, or

authorize acts of hostility against any foreign nation, with-

out the concurrence of two thirds of both Houses, except

such acts of hostility be in defense of the territories of the

United States when actually invaded.

Sixth. No person who shall hereafter be naturalized,

shall be eligible as a member of the Senate or House of

Representatives of the United States, nor capable of hold-

ing any civil office under the authority of the United

States.

Seventh. The same person shall not be elected Presi-

dent of the United States a second time; nor shall the Pres-

ident be elected from the same State two terms in

succession.

Resolved, That if the application of these States to the

government of the United States, recommended in a fore-

going Resolution, should be unsuccessful, and peace

should not be concluded, and the defense of these States

should be neglected, as it has been since the commence-

ment of the war, it will in the opinion of this Convention

be expedient for the Legislatures of the several States to

appoint Delegates to another Convention, to meet at

Boston, in the State of Massachusetts, on the third Thurs-

day of June next, with such powers and instructions as the

exigency of a crisis so momentous may require.

Resolved, That the Hon. George Cabot, the Hon.

Chauncey Goodrich, and the Hon. Daniel Lyman, or any

two of them, be authorized to call another meeting of this

Convention, to be holden in Boston, at any time before

new Delegates shall be chosen, as recommended in the

above Resolution, if in their judgment the situation of the

Country shall urgently require it.

Source:

William Smith Porter. Historical Notices of Connecticut. Hart-

ford: E. Geer’s Press, 1842, pp. 4–22.

Tariff Act, 1816

Legislation enacted on April 27, 1816, that established the first

protective tariff in the United States. (The first tariff for revenue

was passed in 1789, although it had protectionist aspects.)

Passed to protect “infant industries” that had developed when

the United States could not import British manufactured goods

during the War of 1812, the tariff placed a duty of 25 percent

on most woolen, cotton, and iron manufactures. It set a mini-

mum valuation of 25 cents per square yard on cotton cloth,

virtually eliminating cheap cotton imports. An ad valorem rate

of 30 percent was applied to certain paper and leather goods

and hats; a 15 percent rate applied to other commodities. (Ad

valorem rates are based on an estimated value of a product.)

The tariff was opposed by New England shipping and com-

mercial interests.

Federal legislation enacted on May 22, 1824, increased

tariff protection on wool, iron, lead, glass, silk, linens, cutlery,

hemp, and cotton bagging. The levy on cotton and woolens

set by the Tariff Act of 1816 was increased to 33.3 percent. The

1824 measure, favored by American manufacturers seeking

protection from foreign competition, was opposed by New

England shippers and commercial interests, as well as by those

in the South. Agitation for even greater protection led to the

Tariff Act of 1828, which provided the impetus for John C. Cal-

houn’s theorizing about nullification and strong expressions of

southern sectionalism.

Other tariff acts were passed in 1833 (a compromise

meant to placate southerners), 1842 (sponsored by Whigs and

raising import duties), and 1846 (the Democrat-sponsored

Walker Tariff of 1846, which lowered duties and divided

imports into several tariff classes). The Democrat-supported

tariff of March 3, 1857, made possible by excess government

income, lowered protectionist tariffs to a general level of

about 20 percent, the lowest rate since 1850, and enlarged

the free list.

________________________

_______________________

An Act

To regulate the duties on imports and tonnage.

Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representa-

tives of the United States of America, in Congress assem-

bled, That from and after the thirtieth day of June, one

thousand eight hundred and sixteen, the duties heretofore

laid by law, on goods, wares and merchandise, imported

into the United States, shall cease and determine, and

there shall be levied, and collected, and paid, the several

duties hereinafter mentioned, that is to say:

First. A duty of seven and a half per centum ad val-

orem, on all dyeing drugs and materials for composing

dyes, not subject to other rates of duty; gum arabic, gum

senegal, saltpetre; jewelry, gold, silver, and other watches,

and parts of watches; gold and silver lace, embroidery and

epaulettes; precious stones and pearls of all kinds, set or

not set; bristol stones or paste work, and all articles com-

posed wholly or chiefly of gold, silver, pearl and precious

stones; and laces, lace veils, lace shawls, or shades, of

thread on silk.

544 ERA 4: Expansion and Reform

Second. A duty of fifteen per centum ad valorem on

gold leaf, and on all articles not free, and not subject to any

other rate of duty.

Third. A duty of twenty per centum ad valorem on

hempen cloth or sail cloth, (except Russian and German

linens, Russia and Holland duck) stockings, or wool or cot-

ton; printing types; all articles manufactured from brass,

copper, iron, steel, pewter, lead or tin, or of which these

metals, or either of them, is the material of chief value;

brass wire, cutlery, pins, needles, buttons, button moulds

and buckles of all kinds; gilt, plated and japanned wares of

all kinds: cannon, muskets, fire arms and side arms; Prus-

sian blue, china ware, earthen ware, stone ware, porcelain

and glass manufactures, other than window glass and black

glass quart bottles.

Fourth. A duty of twenty-five per centum ad valorem,

on woollen manufactures of all description, or of which

wool is the material of chief value, excepting blankets,

woollen rugs and worsted or stuff goods, shall be levied,

collected and paid, from and after the thirtieth day of June

next, until the thirtieth day of June, one thousand eight

hundred and nineteen, and after that day, twenty per cen-

tum on the said articles; and on cotton manufactures of all

descriptions, or of which cotton is the material of chief

value, and on cotton twist, yarn or thread, as follows, viz:

for three years next ensuing the thirtieth day of June next,

a duty of twenty-five per centum ad valorem; and after the

expiration of the three years aforesaid, a duty of twenty per

centum ad valorem: Provided, That all cotton cloths, or

cloths of which cotton is the material of chief value,

(excepting nankeens, imported directly from China) the

original cost of which at the place whence imported, with

the addition of twenty per centum, if imported from the

cape of Good Hope, or from places beyond it, and of ten

per cent, if imported from any other place, shall be less

than twenty-five cents per square yard, shall, with such

addition, be taken and deemed to have cost twenty-five

cents per square yard, and shall be charged with duty

accordingly: Provided also, that all unbleached and

uncoloured cotten twist, yarn or thread, the original cost of

which shall be less than sixty cents per pound, shall be

deemed and taken to have cost sixty cents per pound, and

shall be charged with duty accordingly; and all bleached or

coloured yarn, the original cost of which shall have been

less than seventy-five cents per pound, shall be taken and

deemed to have cost seventy-five cents per pound, and

shall be charged with duty accordingly: And provided fur-

ther, that cotton piece goods imported in ships or vessels of

the United States which shall have sailed from the United

States before the passage of this act, and shall arrive

therein between the thirtieth day of June, one thousand

eight hundred and sixteen, and the first day of June, one

thousand eight hundred and seventeen, the original cost of

which cotton piece goods, at the place whence imported,

shall have been less than twenty-five cents per square yard,

shall be admitted to entry, subject only to a duty of thirty-

three and a third per centum on the cost of the said cotton

piece goods in India, and on the usual addition of twenty

per centum on that cost.

Fifth. A duty of thirty per centum ad valorem on

umbrellas, parasols, of whatever materials made, and sticks

or frames for umbrellas or parasols; bonnets and caps for

women, fans, feather ornaments for headdresses, artificial

flowers, millinery of all sorts; hats or caps of wool, fur,

leather, chip, straw or silk; cosmetics, washes, balsams,

perfumes; painted floor cloths; mats, of grass or flags; salad

oil, pickles, capers, olives, mustard, comfits or sweetmeats,

preserved in sugar or brandy, wafers, cabinet wares, and all

manufactures of wood; carriages of all descriptions, and

parts thereof; leather, and all manufactures of leather, or of

which leather is the material of chief value; saddles, bri-

dles, harness; paper of every description, paste-board,

paper hangings, blank books, parchment, vellum; brushes,

canes, walking sticks, whips; and clothing ready made. And

in all cases where an ad valorem duty shall be charged, it

shall be calculated on the net cost of the article, at the

place whence imported (exclusive of packages, commis-

sions and all charges) with the usual addition established

by law, of twenty per cent, on all merchandise, imported

from places beyond the cape of Good Hope, and of ten per

centum on articles imported from all other places.

Sixth. The following duties, severally and specifically:

on ale, beer and porter, in bottles, fifteen cents per gallon;

on ale, beer and porter, imported otherwise than in bottles,

ten cents per gallon; on alum, one dollar per hundred

weight; on almonds, three cents per pound; on black glass

quart bottles, one hundred and forty-four cents per groce;

on boots, one dollar and fifty cents per pair; on bristles,

three cents per pound; on playing cards, thirty cents per

pack; on tarred cables and cordage, three cents per pound;

on untarred cordage, yarns, twine, packthread, and seines,

four cents per pound; on tallow candles, three cents per

pound: on wax and spermaceti candles, six cents per

pound; on Chinese cassia, six cents per pound; on cinna-

mon, twenty-five cents per pound; on cloves, twenty-five

cents per pound: on cheese, nine cents per pound; on

chocolate, three cents per pound; on cocoa, two cents per

pound; on coal, five cents per heaped bushel: on copperas,

one dollar per hundred weight; on copper rods, bolts,

spikes or nails, and composition rods, bolts, spikes or nails,

four cents per pound; on coffee, five cents per pound; on

cotton, three cents per pound: on currants, three cents per

pound; on figs, three cents per pound; on foreign caught

fish, one dollar per quintal; on mackerel, one dollar and

fifty cents per barrel; on salmon, two dollars per barrel,

and on all other pickled fish, one dollar per barrel: on win-

Territorial Expansion, Political and Economic Developments, and International Relations 545

dow glass, not above eight inches by ten inches in size, two

dollars and fifty cents per hundred square feet; on the

same, not above ten inches by twelve inches in size, two

dollars and seventy-five cents per hundred square feet; on

the same, if above ten inches by twelve inches in size,

three dollars and twenty-five cents per hundred square

feet; on glue, five cents per pound; on gunpowder, eight

cents per pound; on hemp, one dollar and fifty cents per

hundred weight; on iron or steel wire not exceeding num-

ber eighteen, five cents per pound, and over number eigh-

teen, nine cents per pound; on iron, in bars and bolts,

excepting iron manufactured by rolling, forty-five cents

per hundred weight; on iron in sheets, rods and hoops, two

dollars and fifty cents per hundred weight, and in bars or

bolts, when manufactured by rolling, and on anchors, one

dollar and fifty cents per hundred weight; on indigo, fif-

teen cents per pound; on lead, in pigs, bars or sheets, one

cent per pound; on shot manufactured of lead, two cents

per pound; on red and white lead, dry or ground in oil,

three cents per pound; on mace, one dollar per pound; on

molasses, five cents per gallon; on nails, three cents per

pound: on nutmegs, sixty cents per pound; on pepper,

eight cents per pound; on pimento, six cents per pound; on

plums, and prunes, three cents per pound; on muscatel

raisins, and raisins in jars and boxes, three cents per

pound; on all other raisins, two cents per pound; on salt,

twenty cents per bushel of fifty-six pounds; on ochre, dry,

one cent per pound, in oil, one and a half cents per pound;

on steel, one dollar per hundred weight; on segars, two

dollars and fifty cents per thousand; on spirits, from grain

of first proof, forty-two cents per gallon; of second proof,

forty-five cents per gallon; of third proof, forty-eight cents

per gallon; of fourth proof, fifty-two cents per gallon; of

fifth proof, sixty cents per gallon; above fifth proof, sev-

enty-five cents per gallon; on spirits from other materials

than grain, of first and second proof, thirty-eight cents per

gallon; of third proof, forty-two cents per gallon; of fourth

proof, forty-eight cents per gallon; of fifth proof, fifty-

seven cents per gallon; above fifth proof, seventy cents per

gallon; on shoes, and slippers of silk, thirty cents per pair;

on shoes, and slippers of leather, twenty-five cents per

pair; on shoes and slippers for children, fifteen cents per

pair; on spikes, two cents per pound; on soap, three cents

per pound; on brown sugar, three cents per pound; on

white clayed or powdered sugar, four cents per pound; on

lump sugar, ten cents per pound; on loaf sugar and on

sugar candy, twelve cents per pound; ( a ) on snuff, twelve

cents per pound; on tallow, one cent per pound; on tea,

from China, in ships or vessels of the United States, as fol-

lows, viz. bohea, twelve cents per pound; souchong and

other black, twenty-five cents per pound; imperial, gun-

powder, and gomee, fifty cents per pound; hyson and

young hyson, forty cents per pound: hyson skin and other

green, twenty-eight cents per pound; on teas, from any

other place, or in any other than ships or vessels of the

United States, as follows, viz. bohea, fourteen cents per

pound; souchong and other black, thirty-four cents per

pound; imperial, gunpowder and gomee, sixty- eight cents

per pound; hyson and young hyson, fifty-six cents per

pound; hyson skin and other green, thirty-eight cents per

pound; on manufactured tobacco, other than snuff and

segars, ten cents per pound; on whiting and Paris white,

one cent per pound; on wine, as follows, viz. on Madeira,

Burgundy, Champaign, Rhenish and Tokay, one dollar per

gallon; on Sherry and St. Lucar, sixty cents per gallon; on

other wine, not enumerated, when imported in bottles or

cases, seventy cents per gallon; or Lisbon, Oporto and

other wines of Portugal, and on those of Sicily, fifty cents

per gallon; on the Teneriffe, Fayal, and other wines of the

western islands, forty cents per gallon; on all other wines

when imported otherwise than in cases and bottles,

twenty-five cents per gallon; on Russia duck, (not exceed-

ing fifty-two archeens each piece,) two dollars; on ravens

duck, (not exceeding fifty-two archeens each piece,) one

dollar and twenty-five cents; on Holland duck, (not

exceeding fifty-two archeens each piece,) two dollars and

fifty cents; on spermaceti oil of foreign fishing, twenty-five

cents per gallon; on whale and other fish oil, of foreign

fishing, fifteen cents per gallon; and on olive oil in casks, at

twenty-five cents per gallon.

Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That the following

articles shall be imported into the United States free of

duties; that is to say, all articles imported for the use of the

United States; philosophical apparatus, instruments,

books, maps, charts, statues, busts, casts, paintings, draw-

ings, engravings, specimens of sculpture, cabinets of coins,

gems, medals, and all other collections of antiquities, stat-

uary, modelling, painting, drawing, etching or engraving,

specially imported by order and for the use of any society

incorporated for philosophical or literary purposes, or for

the encouragement of the fine arts, or by order, and for the

use of any seminary of learning; specimens in natural his-

tory, mineralogy, botany, and anatomical preparations,

models of machinery and other inventions, plants and

trees; wearing apparel and other personal baggage in

actual use, and the implements or tools of trade of persons

arriving in the United States; regulus of antimony, bark of

the cork tree, unmanufactured; animals imported for

breed; burr stones, unwrought; gold coin, silver coin, and

bullion; clay; unwrought copper, imported in any shape for

the use of the mint; copper and brass, in pigs, bars, or

plates, suited to the sheathing of ships; old copper and

brass, and old pewter, fit only to be re-manufactured; tin,

in pigs or bars; furs, undressed, of all kinds; raw hides and

546 ERA 4: Expansion and Reform

skins; lapis calaminaris; plaster of Paris; rags of any kind of

cloth; sulphur or brimstone; barilla; Brazil wood, brazil-

letto, red wood, camwood, fustic, logwood, Nicaragua, and

other dye woods; wood, unmanufactured, of any kind; zinc,

teutenague or spelter.

Sec. 3. And be it further enacted, That an addition of

ten per centum shall be made to the several rates of duties

above specified and imposed, in respect to all goods,

wares, and merchandise, on the importation of which in

American or foreign vessels a specific discrimination has

not been herein already made, which, after the said thirti-

eth day of June, one thousand eight hundred and sixteen,

shall be imported, in ships or vessels not of the United

States: Provided, That this additional duty shall not apply

to goods, wares and merchandise, imported in ships or ves-

sels not of the United States, entitled by treaty, or by any

act or acts of Congress, to be centered in the ports of the

United States, on the payment of the same duties as are

paid on goods, wares and merchandise, imported in ships

or vessels of the United States.

Sec. 4. And be it further enacted, That there shall be

allowed a drawback of the duties, by this act imposed, on

goods, wares and merchandise imported into the United

States, upon the exportation thereof within the time, and

in the manner prescribed by the existing laws, subject to

the following provisions, that is to say: that there shall not

be an allowance of the drawback of duties in the case of

goods imported in foreign vessels from any of the domin-

ions, colonies or possessions of any foreign power, to and

with which the vessels of the United States are not per-

mitted to go and trade; that there shall not be an allowance

of the drawback of duties for the amount of the additional

duties by this act imposed on goods imported in vessels not

of the United States; that there shall not be an allowance

of the drawback in case of foreign dried and pickled fish,

and other salted provisions, fish oil, or playing cards; that

there shall be deducted and retained from the amount of

the duties on goods exported, with the benefit of draw-

back, (other than spirits) two and a half per centum; and

that there shall be retained in the case of spirits exported

with the benefit of drawback, two cents per gallon upon

the quantity of spirits, and also three per centum on the

amount of duties payable on the importation thereof. But,

nevertheless, the provisions of this act shall not be deemed

in any wise to impair any rights and privileges, which have

been or may be acquired by any foreign nation, under the

laws and treaties of the United States, upon the subject of

exporting goods from the United States, with the benefit of

a drawback of the duties payable upon the importation

thereof.

Sec. 5. And be it further enacted, That after the

thirtieth day of June next, in all cases of entry of mer-

chandise for the benefit of drawback, the time of twenty

days shall be allowed from the date of the entry, for giv-

ing the exportation bonds for the same: Provided, That

the exporter shall, in every other particular, comply

[with] the regulations and formalities heretofore estab-

lished for entries of exportation for the benefit of draw-

back.

Sec. 6. And be it further enacted, That the duty on the

tonnage of vessels, and the boundaries, advances, and

drawbacks in the case of exporting pickled fish, of the fish-

eries of the United States, in the case of American vessels

employed in the fisheries, and in the case of exporting

sugar, refined within the United States, shall be and con-

tinue the same as the existing law provides. Provided

always, That this provision shall not be deemed in anywise

to impair any rights and privileges, which have been, or

may be acquired by any foreign nation, under the laws and

treaties of the United States, relative to the duty of ton-

nage on vessels.

Sec. 7. And be it further enacted, That the existing

laws shall extend to, and be in force for the collection of

the duties imposed by this act, on goods, wares, and mer-

chandise, imported into the United States; and for the

recovery, collection, distribution and remission of all fines,

penalties, and forfeitures; and for the allowance of the

drawbacks and bounties by this act authorized, as fully and

effectually as if every regulation, restriction, penalty, for-

feiture, provision, clause, matter and thing, in the existing

laws contained, had been inserted in, and re-enacted by

this act. And that all acts, and parts of acts, which are con-

trary to this act, and no more, shall be, and the same are

hereby repealed.

Sec. 8. And be it further enacted, That the act passed

the third day of March, one thousand eight hundred and

fifteen, entitled “An act to repeal so much of the several

acts imposing duties on the tonnage of ships and vessels,

and on goods, wares and merchandise imported into the

United States, as imposes a discriminating duty on ton-

nage between foreign vessels and vessels of the United

States, and between goods imported into the United

States in foreign vessels and vessels of the United States,”

shall apply and be in full force as to the discriminating

duties established by this act on the tonnage of foreign

vessels, and the goods, wares, and merchandise therein

imported.

See also

TARIFF ACT

, 1789;

THE TARIFF ACT OF

1824,

THE

TARIFF ACT OF

1828,

THE TARIFF OF

1833,

THE WALKER

TARIFF OF

1846,

AND THE TARIFF ACT OF

1857.

Source:

United States Statutes at Large, Vol. 3, pp. 310–314.

Territorial Expansion, Political and Economic Developments, and International Relations 547

James Monroe’s

First Inaugural Address, 1817

Speech delivered by James Monroe on March 4, 1817, at his

inauguration as the fifth president of the United States. Fol-

lowing the successful conclusion of the War of 1812, Monroe

took office at a time of unprecedented American nationalistic

pride. Even though he was a Virginian, the warmth with which

Monroe was greeted in New England (the home turf of his

political rivals) led one newspaper to dub the commencement

of his presidency the “Era of Good Feelings.” Monroe reflected

that sentiment in his inaugural address, praising “the happy

Government under which we live . . . which contains within

it no cause of discord.” He went on to list the goals of his pres-

idency, which included fortifying the nation’s frontiers,

strengthening its militia, improving roads and canals, cultivat-

ing friendly relations with Indian tribes, and paying off the

national debt.

________________________

_______________________

I should be destitute of feeling if I was not deeply affected

by the strong proof which my fellow-citizens have given

me of their confidence in calling me to the high office

whose functions I am about to assume. As the expression

of their good opinion of my conduct in the public service,

I derive from it a gratification which those who are con-

scious of having done all that they could to merit it can

alone feel. My sensibility is increased by a just estimate of

the importance of the trust and of the nature and extent of

its duties, with the proper discharge of which the highest

interests of a great and free people are intimately con-

nected. Conscious of my own deficiency, I cannot enter on

these duties without great anxiety for the result. From a

just responsibility I will never shrink, calculating with con-

fidence that in my best efforts to promote the public wel-

fare my motives will always be duly appreciated and my

conduct be viewed with that candor and indulgence which

I have experienced in other stations.

In commencing the duties of the chief executive office

it has been the practice of the distinguished men who have

gone before me to explain the principles which would gov-

ern them in their respective Administrations. In following

their venerated example my attention is naturally drawn to

the great causes which have contributed in a principal

degree to produce the present happy condition of the

United States. They will best explain the nature of our

duties and shed much light on the policy which ought to be

pursued in future.

From the commencement of our Revolution to the

present day almost forty years have elapsed, and from the

establishment of this Constitution twenty-eight. Through

this whole term the Government has been what may

emphatically be called self-government. And what has

been the effect? To whatever object we turn our atten-

tion, whether it relates to our foreign or domestic con-

cerns, we find abundant cause to felicitate ourselves

in the excellence of our institutions. During a period

fraught with difficulties and marked by very extraordi-

nary events the United States have flourished beyond

example. Their citizens individually have been happy and

the nation prosperous.

Under this Constitution our commerce has been

wisely regulated with foreign nations and between the

States; new States have been admitted into our Union; our

territory has been enlarged by fair and honorable treaty,

and with great advantage to the original States; the States,

respectively protected by the National Government under

a mild, parental system against foreign dangers, and enjoy-

ing within their separate spheres, by a wise partition of

power, a just proportion of the sovereignty, have improved

their police, extended their settlements, and attained a

strength and maturity which are the best proofs of whole-

some laws well administered. And if we look to the condi-

tion of individuals what a proud spectacle does it exhibit!

On whom has oppression fallen in any quarter of our

Union? Who has been deprived of any right of person or

property? Who restrained from offering his vows in the

mode which he prefers to the Divine Author of his being?

It is well known that all these blessings have been enjoyed

in their fullest extent; and I add with peculiar satisfaction

that there has been no example of a capital punishment

being inflicted on anyone for the crime of high treason.

Some who might admit the competency of our Gov-

ernment to these beneficent duties might doubt it in trials

which put to the test its strength and efficiency as a mem-

ber of the great community of nations. Here too experi-

ence has afforded us the most satisfactory proof in its favor.

Just as this Constitution was put into action several of the

principal States of Europe had become much agitated and

some of them seriously convulsed. Destructive wars

ensued, which have of late only been terminated. In the

course of these conflicts the United States received great

injury from several of the parties. It was their interest to

stand aloof from the contest, to demand justice from the

party committing the injury, and to cultivate by a fair and

honorable conduct the friendship of all. War became at

length inevitable, and the result has shown that our Gov-

ernment is equal to that, the greatest of trials, under the

most unfavorable circumstances. Of the virtue of the peo-

ple and of the heroic exploits of the Army, the Navy, and

the militia I need not speak. Such, then, is the happy Gov-

ernment under which we live—a Government adequate to

every purpose for which the social compact is formed; a

Government elective in all its branches, under which every

citizen may by his merit obtain the highest trust recog-

548 ERA 4: Expansion and Reform

nized by the Constitution; which contains within it no

cause of discord, none to put at variance one portion of the

community with another; a Government which protects

every citizen in the full enjoyment of his rights, and is able

to protect the nation against injustice from foreign powers.

Other considerations of the highest importance

admonish us to cherish our Union and to cling to the Gov-

ernment which supports it. Fortunate as we are in our

political institutions, we have not been less so in other cir-

cumstances on which our prosperity and happiness essen-

tially depend. Situated within the temperature zone, and

extending through many degrees of latitude along the

Atlantic, the United States enjoy all the varieties of cli-

mate, and every production incident to that portion of the

globe. Penetrating internally to the Great Lakes and

beyond the sources of the great rivers which communicate

through our whole interior, no country was ever happier

with respect to its domain. Blessed, too, with a fertile soil,

our produce has always been very abundant, leaving, even

in years the least favorable, a surplus for the wants of our

fellow-men in other countries. Such is our peculiar felicity

that there is not a part of our Union that is not particularly

interested in preserving it. The great agricultural interest

of the nation prospers under its protection. Local interests

are not less fostered by it. Our fellow-citizens of the North

engaged in navigation find great encouragement in being

made the favored carriers of the vast productions of the

other portions of the United States, while the inhabitants

of these are amply recompensed, in their turn, by the nurs-

ery for seamen and naval force thus formed and reared up

for the support of our common rights. Our manufacturers

find a generous encouragement by the policy which

patronizes domestic industry, and the surplus of our pro-

duce a steady and profitable market by local wants in less-

favored parts at home.

Such, then, being the highly favored condition of our

country, it is the interest of every citizen to maintain it.

What are the dangers which menace us? If any exist they

ought to be ascertained and guarded against.

In explaining my sentiments on this subject it may be

asked, What raised us to the present happy state? How did

we accomplish the Revolution? How remedy the defects of

the first instrument of our Union, by infusing into the

National Government sufficient power for national pur-

poses, without impairing the just rights of the States or

affecting those of individuals? How sustain and pass with

glory through the late war? The Government has been in

the hands of the people. To the people, therefore, and to

the faithful and able depositaries of their trust is the credit

due. Had the people of the United States been educated

in different principles, had they been less intelligent, less

independent, or less virtuous, can it be believed that we

should have maintained the same steady and consistent

career or been blessed with the same success? While, then,

the constituent body retains its present sound and health-

ful state everything will be safe. They will choose compe-

tent and faithful representatives for every department. It is

only when the people become ignorant and corrupt, when

they degenerate into a populace, that they are incapable of

exercising the sovereignty. Usurpation is then an easy

attainment, and an usurper soon found. The people them-

selves become the willing instruments of their own

debasement and ruin. Let us, then, look to the great cause,

and endeavor to preserve it in full force. Let us by all wise

and constitutional measures promote intelligence among

the people as the best means of preserving our liberties.

Dangers from abroad are not less deserving of atten-

tion. Experiencing the fortune of other nations, the United

States may be again involved in war, and it may in that

event be the object of the adverse party to overset our

Government, to break our Union, and demolish us as a

nation. Our distance from Europe and the just, moderate,

and pacific policy of our Government may form some

security against these dangers, but they ought to be antic-

ipated and guarded against. Many of our citizens are

engaged in commerce and navigation, and all of them are

in a certain degree dependent on their prosperous state.

Many are engaged in the fisheries. These interests are

exposed to invasion in the wars between other powers, and

we should disregard the faithful admonition of experience

if we did not expect it. We must support our rights or lose

our character, and with it, perhaps, our liberties. A people

who fail to do it can scarcely be said to hold a place among

independent nations. National honor is national property

of the highest value. The sentiment in the mind of every

citizen is national strength. It ought therefore to be cher-

ished.

To secure us against these dangers our coast and

inland frontiers should be fortified, our Army and Navy,

regulated upon just principles as to the force of each, be

kept in perfect order, and our militia be placed on the best

practicable footing. To put our extensive coast in such a

state of defense as to secure our cities and interior from

invasion will be attended with expense, but the work

when finished will be permanent, and it is fair to presume

that a single campaign of invasion by a naval force supe-

rior to our own, aided by a few thousand land troops,

would expose us to greater expense, without taking into

the estimate the loss of property and distress of our citi-

zens, than would be sufficient for this great work. Our

land and naval forces should be moderate, but adequate

to the necessary purposes—the former to garrison and

preserve our fortifications and to meet the first invasions

of a foreign foe, and, while constituting the elements of a

greater force, to preserve the science as well as all the

necessary implements of war in a state to be brought into

Territorial Expansion, Political and Economic Developments, and International Relations 549

activity in the event of war; the latter, retained within the

limits proper in a state of peace, might aid in maintaining

the neutrality of the United States with dignity in the wars

of other powers and in saving the property of their citizens

from spoliation. In time of war, with the enlargement of

which the great naval resources of the county render it

susceptible, and which should be duly fostered in time of

peace, it would contribute essentially, both as an auxiliary

of defense and as a powerful engine of annoyance, to di-

minish the calamities of war and to bring the war to a

speedy and honorable termination.

But it ought always to be held prominently in view

that the safety of these States and of everything dear to a

free people must depend in an eminent degree on the

militia. Invasion may be made too formidable to be

resisted by any land and naval force which it would com-

port either with the principles of our Government or the

circumstances of the United States to maintain. In such

cases recourse must be had to the great body of the peo-

ple, and in a manner to produce the best effect. It is of the

highest importance, therefore, that they be so organized

and trained as to be prepared for any emergency. The

arrangement should be such as to put at the command of

the Government the ardent patriotism and youthful vigor

of the country. If formed on equal and just principles, it

can not be oppressive. It is the crisis which makes the pres-

sure, and not the laws which provide a remedy for it. This

arrangement should be formed, too, in time of peace, to be

the better prepared for war. With such an organization of

such a people the United States have nothing to dread

from foreign invasion. At its approach an overwhelming

force of gallant men might always be put in motion.

Other interests of high importance will claim atten-

tion, among which the improvement of our country by

roads and canals, proceeding always with a constitutional

sanction, holds a distinguished place. By thus facilitating

the intercourse between the States we shall add much to

the convenience and comfort of our fellow-citizens, much

to the ornament of the country, and, what is of greater

importance, we shall shorten distances, and, by making

each part more accessible to and dependent on the other,

we shall bind the Union more closely together. Nature has

done so much for us by intersecting the country with so

many great rivers, bays, and lakes, approaching from dis-

tant points so near to each other, that the inducement to

complete the work seems to be peculiarly strong. A more

interesting spectacle was perhaps never seen than is exhib-

ited within the limits of the United States—a territory so

vast and advantageously situated, containing objects so

grand, so useful, so happily connected in all their parts!

Our manufacturers will likewise require the systematic

and fostering care of the Government. Possessing as we do

all the raw materials, the fruit of our own soil and industry,

we ought not to depend in the degree we have done on

supplies from other countries. While we are thus depen-

dent the sudden event of war, unsought and unexpected,

can not fail to plunge us into the most serious difficulties.

It is important, too, that the capital which nourishes our

manufacturers should be domestic, as its influence in that

case instead of exhausting, as it may do in foreign hands,

would be felt advantageously on agriculture and every

other branch of industry. Equally important is it to provide

at home a market for our raw materials, as by extending

the competition it will enhance the price and protect

the cultivator against the casualties incident to foreign

markets.

With the Indian tribes it is our duty to cultivate

friendly relations and to act with kindness and liberality in

all our transactions. Equally proper is it to persevere in our

efforts to extend to them the advantages of civilization.

The great amount of our revenue and the flourishing

state of the Treasury are a full proof of the competency of

the national resources for any emergency, as they are of

the willingness of our fellow-citizens to bear the burdens

which the public necessities require. The vast amount of

vacant lands, the value of which daily augments, forms an

additional resource of great extent and duration. These

resources, besides accomplishing every other necessary

purpose, put it completely in the power of the United

States to discharge the national debt at an early period.

Peace is the best time for improvement and preparation

of every kind; it easily paid, and that the revenue is most

productive.

The Executive is charged officially in the Depart-

ments under it with the disbursement of the public money,

and is responsible for the faithful application of it to the

purposes for which it is raised. The Legislature is the

watchful guardian over the public purse. it is its duty to see

that the disbursement has been honestly made. To meet

the requisite responsibility every facility should be

afforded to the Executive to enable it to bring the public

agents intrusted with the public money strictly and

promptly to account. Nothing should be presumed against

them; but if, with the requisite facilities, the public money

is suffered to lie long and uselessly in their hands, they will

not be the only defaulters, nor will the demoralizing effect

be confined to them. It will evince a relaxation and want of

tone in the Administration which will be felt by the whole

community. I shall do all I can to secure economy and

fidelity in this important branch of the Administration, and

I doubt not that the Legislature will perform its duty with

equal zeal. A thorough examination should be regularly

made, and I will promote it.

It is particularly gratifying to me to enter on the dis-

charge of these duties at a time when the United States are

blessed with peace. It is a state most consistent with their

550 ERA 4: Expansion and Reform

prosperity and happiness. It will be my sincere desire to

preserve it, so far as depends on the Executive, on just

principles with all nations, claiming nothing unreasonable

of any and rendering to each what is its due.

Equally gratifying is it to witness the increased har-

mony of opinion which pervades our Union. Discord does

not belong to our system. Union is recommended as well

by the free and benign principles of our Government,

extending its blessings to every individual, as by the other

eminent advantages attending it. The American people

have encountered together great dangers and sustained

severe trials with success. They constitute one great family

with a common interest. Experience has enlightened us on

some questions of essential importance to the country. The

progress has been slow, dictated by a just reflection and a

faithful regard to every interest connected with it. To pro-

mote this harmony in accord with the principles of our

republican Government and in a manner to give them the

most complete effect, and to advance in all other respects

the best interests of our Union, will be the object of my

constant and zealous exertions.

Never did a government commence under auspices so

favorable, nor ever was success so complete. If we look to

the history of other nations, ancient or modern, we find no

example of a growth so rapid, so gigantic, of a people so

prosperous and happy. In contemplating what we have still

to perform, the heart of every citizen must expand with joy

when he reflects how near our Government has

approached to perfection; that in respect to it we have no

essential improvement to make; that the great object is to

preserve it in the essential principles and features which

characterize it, and that that is to be done by preserving

the virtue and enlightening the minds of the people; and as

a security against foreign dangers to adopt such arrange-

ments as are indispensable to the support of our indepen-

dence, our rights and liberties. If we persevere in the

career in which we have advanced so far and in the path

already traced, we can not fail, under the favor of a gra-

cious Providence, to attain the high destiny which seems to

await us.

In the Administrations of the illustrious men who have

preceded me in this high station, with some of whom I

have been connected by the closest ties from early life,

examples are presented which will always be found highly

instructive and useful to their successors. From these I

shall endeavor to derive all the advantages which they may

afford. Of my immediate predecessor, under whom so

important a portion of this great and successful experiment

has been made, I shall be pardoned for expressing my

earnest wishes that he may long enjoy in his retirement the

affections of a grateful country, the best reward of exalted

talents and the most faithful and meritorious service. Rely-

ing on the aid to be derived from the other departments of

the Government, I enter on the trust to which I have been

called by the suffrages of my fellow-citizens with my fer-

vent prayers to the Almighty that He will be graciously

pleased to continue to us that protection which He has

already so conspicuously displayed in our favor.