Rosenfeld Susan. Encyclopedia of American Historical Documents

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You cannot but remember how reluctantly we were

dragged into this arduous contest, and how repeatedly,

with the earnestness of humble entreaty, we supplicated a

redress of our grievances from him who ought to have

been the father of his people. In vain did we implore his

protection, in vain appeal to the justice, the generosity, of

Englishmen—of men who had been the guardians, the

asserters and vindicators of liberty, through a succession of

ages; men who, with their swords, had established a firm

barrier of freedom, and cemented it with the blood of

heroes. Every effort was vain; for, even whilst we were

prostrated at the foot of the throne that fatal blow was

struck which hath separated us for ever. Thus spurned,

contemned, insulted, thus driven by our enemies into

measures which our souls abhorred, we made a solemn

appeal to the tribunal of unerring wisdom and justice, to

that Almighty Ruler of Princes, whose kingdom is over all.

We were then quite defenceless—without arms, with-

out ammunition, without clothing, without ships, without

money, without officers skilled in war, with no other

reliance but the bravery of our people, and the justice of

our cause. We had to contend with a nation great in arts

and in arms, whose fleets covered the ocean, whose ban-

ners had waved in triumph through every quarter of the

globe. However unequal this contest, our weakness was

still farther increased by the enemies which America had

nourished in her bosom. Thus exposed on the one hand, to

external force and internal divisions, on the other, to be

compelled to drink of the bitter cup of slavery, and to go

sorrowing all our lives long in this sad alternative, we chose

the former. To this alternative we were reduced by men

who, had they been animated by one spark of generosity,

would have disdained to take such mean advantage of our

situation, or, had they paid the least regard to the rules of

justice, would have considered with abhorrence a proposi-

tion to injure those who had faithfully fought their battles,

and industriously contributed to rear the edifice of their

glory.

But however great the injustice of our foes in com-

mening this war, it is by no means equal to the cruelty with

which they have conducted it. The course of their armies

is marked by rapine and devastation. Thousands, without

distinction of age or sex, have been driven from their

peaceful abodes, to encounter the rigours of inclement

seasons; and the face of heaven hath been insulted by the

wanton conflagration of defenceless towns. Their victories

have been followed by the cool murder of men, no longer

able to resist; and those who escaped from the first act of

carnage have been exposed, by cold, hunger, and naked-

ness, to wear out a miserable existence in the tedious hours

of confinement, or to become the destroyers of their coun-

trymen, of their friends, perhaps, dreadful idea! of their

parents or children. Nor was this the outrageous barbarity

of an individual, but a system of deliberate malice,

stamped with the concurrence of the British legislature,

and sanctioned with all the formalities of law. Nay, deter-

mined to dissolve the closest bonds of society, they have

stimulated servants to slay their masters in the peaceful

hour of domestick security. And, as if all this were insuffi-

cient to stake their thirst of blood, the blood of brothers of

unoffending brothers, they have excited the indians against

us; and a General, who calls himself a Christian, a follower

of the merciful Jesus, hath dared to proclaim to all the

world his intention of letting loose against us whole hosts

of savages, whose rule of warfare is promiscuous carnage,

who rejoice to murder the infant smiling in its mother’s

arms, to inflict on their prisoners the most excruciating tor-

ments, and exhibit scenes of horrour from which nature

recoils.

Were it possible, they would have added to this terri-

ble system, for they have offered the inhabitants of these

states to be exported by their merchants to the sickly,

baneful climes of India, there to perish. An offer not

accepted of, merely from the impracticability of carrying it

into execution.

Notwithstanding these great provocations, we have

treated such of them as fell into our hands with tender-

ness, and studiously endeavoured to alleviate the afflic-

tions of their captivity. This conduct we have pursued so

far as to be by them stigmatised with cowardice, and by our

friends with folly. But our dependence was not upon man,

it was upon him who hath commanded us to love our ene-

mies, and to render good for evil. And what can be more

wonderful than the manner of our deliverances? How

often have we been reduced to distress, and yet been

raised up? When the means to prosecute the war have

been wanting to us, have not our foes themselves been

rendered instrumental in producing them? This hath been

done in such a variety of instances, so peculiarly marked

almost by the direct interposition of Providence, that not

to feel and acknowledge his protection would be the

height of impious ingratitude.

At length that God of Battles, in whom was our trust,

hath conducted us through the paths of danger and dis-

tress to the thresholds of security. It hath now become

morally certain that, if we have courage to persevere, we

shall establish our liberties and independence. The

haughty Prince who spurned us from his feet with contu-

mely and disdain, and the parliament which proscribed us,

how descend to offer terms of accommodation. Whilst in

the full career of victory, they pulled off the mask, and

avowed their intended despotism; but, having lavished in

vain the blood and treasure of their subjects in pursuit of

this execrable purpose, they now endeavour to ensnare us

with the insidious offers of peace. They would seduce you

into a dependence, which necessarily, inevitably leads to

292 ERA 3: Revolution and New Nation

the most humiliating slavery. And, do they believe that you

will accept these fatal terms? Because you have suffered

the distresses of war, do they suppose that you will basely

lick the dust before the feet of your destroyer? Can there

be an American so lost to the feelings which adorn human

nature? To the generous price, the elevation, the dignity of

freedom! Is there a man who would not abhor a depen-

dence upon those who have deluged his country in the

blood of its inhabitants? We cannot suppose this, neither is

it possible that they themselves can expect to make many

converts. What then is their intention? Is is not to lull you

with the fallacious hopes of peace, until they can assemble

new armies to prosecute their nesarious designs? If this is

not the case, why do they strain every nerve to levy men

throughout their islands? Why do they meanly court each

little tyrant of Europe to sell them his unhappy slaves?

Why do they continue to imbitter the minds of the savages

against you? Surely this is not the way to conciliate the

affections of America. Be not therefore deceived. You have

still to expect one severe conflict. Your foreign alliances,

though they secure your independence, cannot secure

your country from desolation, your habitations from plun-

der, your wives from insult or violation, nor your children

from butchery. Foiled in their principal design, you must

expect to feel the rage of disappointed ambition. Arise

then! to your tents! and gird you for the battle. It is time to

turn the headlong current of vengeance upon the head of

the destroyer. They have filled up the measure of their

abominations; and, like ripe fruit, must soon drop from the

tree. Although much is done, yet much remains to do.

Expect not peace whilst any corner of America is in pos-

session of your foes. You must drive them away from this

land of promise, a land flowing indeed with milk and

honey. Your brethren at the extremities of the continent

already implore your friendship and protection. It is your

duty to grant their request. They hunger and thirst after

liberty. Be it yours to dispense to them the heavenly gift.

And what is there now to prevent it?

After the unremitted efforts of our enemies, we are

stronger than before; nor can the wicked emissaries who so

assiduously labour to promote their cause point out any

one reason to suppose that we shall not receive daily acces-

sions of strength. They tell you, it is true, that your money

is of no value, and your debts so enormous they can never

be paid. But we tell you, that if Britain prosecutes the war

another campaign, that single campaign will cost her more

than we have hitherto expended. And yet these men would

prevail upon you to take up that immense load, and for it

to sacrifice your dearest rights; for, surely, there is no man

so absurd as to suppose, that the least shadow of liberty can

be preserved in a dependent connexion with Great Britain.

From the nature of the thing, it is evident that the only

security you could obtain would be the justice and moder-

ation of a Parliament who have sold the rights of their own

constituents; and this slender security is still farther weak-

ened, by the consideration that it was pledged to rebels (as

they unjustly call the good people of their State) with

whom they think they are not bound to keep faith by any

law whatsoever. Thus would you be cast bound among

men, whose minds (by your virtuous resistance) have been

sharpened to the keenest edge of revenge. Thus would

your children, and your childrens children, be by you

forced to a participation in all their debts, their wars, their

luxuries, and their crimes. And this mad, this impious sys-

tem, they would lead you to adopt, because of the derange-

ment of your finances.

It becomes you deeply to reflect on this subject. Is

there a country on earth which hath such resources for the

payment of her debts as America? Such an extensive terri-

tory? So fertile, so blessed in its climate and productions?

Surely there is none. Neither is there any to which the wife

Europeans will sooner confide their property. What then

are the reasons that your money hath depreciated?

Because no taxes have been imposed to carry on the war.

Because your commerce hath been interrupted by your

enemies fleets. Because their armies have ravages and des-

olated a part of your country. Because their agents have vil-

lainously conterfeited your bills. Because extortioners

among you, inflamed with the lust of gain, have added to

the price of every article of life. And because weak men

have been artfully led to believe that it is of no value. How

is this dangerous disease to be remedied? Let those among

you, who have leisure and opportunity, collect the monies

which individuals in their neighbourhood are desirous of

placing in the publick funds. Let the several legislatures

sink their respective emissions, that so, there being but

one kind of bills, there may be less danger of counterfeits.

Refrain a little while from purchasing those things which

are not absolutely necessary, that so those who have

engrossed commodities may suffer (as they deservedly

will) the loss of their ill-gotten hoards, by reason of the

commerce with foreign nations, which their fleets will pro-

tect. Above all, bring forward your armies into the field.

Trust not to appearance of peace or safety. Be assured,

that, unless you persevere, you will be exposed to every

species of barbarity. But if you exert the means of defence

which God and nature have given you, the time will soon

arrive when every man shall sit under his own vine, and

under his own fig tree, and there shall be none to make

him afraid.

The sweets of a free commerce with every part of the

earth will soon reimburse you for all the losses you have

sustained, The full tide of wealth will flow in upon your

shores, free from the arbitrary impositions of those whose

interest, and whose declared policy, it was to check your

growth. Your interests will be fostered and nourished by

The American Revolution 293

governments that derive their power from your grant, and

will therefore be obliged, by the influence of cogent neces-

sity, to exert it in your favour.

It is to obtain these things that we call for your stren-

uous, unremitted exertions. Yet do not believe that you

have been, or can be saved, merely by your own strength.

No! it is by the assistance of Heaven, and this you must

assiduously cultivate, by acts which Heaven approves.

Thus shall the power and the happiness of these sovereign,

free, and independent states, founded on the virtue of

their citizens, increase, extend, and endure, until the

Almighty shall blot out all the empires of the earth.

Source:

Library of Congress, Rare Book and Special Collections Division,

Continental Congress Broadside Collection.

Letters from an American Farmer,

Letter II, 1782

Book written by Michel-Guillaume Saint-Jean de Crèvecoeur

using the pen name J. Hector St. John de Crevecoeur. This

French-American writer had settled in New York following his

service in the French and Indian War (1756–63).

Letters from

An American Farmer

is a series of essays that he wrote describ-

ing American life and the coming revolution. The purpose, as

explained in Letter I, is to “[remark] throughout these pro-

vinces the causes which render so many people happy[by]

delineating the unnoticed means by which we daily increase

the extent of our settlements [and to show h]ow we convert

huge forests into pleasing fields, and exhibit through these thir-

teen provinces so singular a display of easy subsistence and

political felicity.”

First published in 1782, the book is considered a classic

of its type because of its outstanding descriptions of American

rural life during this period. Letter II describes what it means to

be an American and includes descriptions of inhabitants,

including individuals of many different nationalities, as well as

the local Indians, but leaving out blacks. In Letter I, however,

Crevecoeur writes, “My negroes are tolerably faithful and

healthy.”

________________________

_______________________

Letter II

On the Situations, Feelings, and Pleasures of an American

Farmer

As you are the first enlightened European I have ever

had the pleasure of being acquainted with, you will not be

surprised that I should, according to your earnest desire

and my promise, appear anxious of preserving your friend-

ship and correspondence. By your accounts, I observe a

material difference subsists between your husbandry,

modes, and customs, and ours; everything is local; could we

enjoy the advantages of the English farmer, we should be

much happier, indeed, but this wish, like many others,

implies a contradiction; and could the English farmer have

some of those privileges we possess, they would be the first

of their class in the world. Good and evil I see is to be found

in all societies, and it is in vain to seek for any spot where

those ingredients are not mixed. I therefore rest satisfied,

and thank God that my lot is to be an American farmer,

instead of a Russian boor, or an Hungarian peasant. I thank

you kindly for the idea, however dreadful, which you have

given me of their lot and condition; your observations have

confirmed me in the justness of my ideas, and I am happier

now than I thought myself before. It is strange that misery,

when viewed in others, should become to us a sort of real

good, though I am far from rejoicing to hear that there are

in the world men so thoroughly wretched; they are no

doubt as harmless, industrious, and willing to work as we

are. Hard is their fate to be thus condemned to a slavery

worse than that of our negroes. Yet when young I enter-

tained some thoughts of selling my farm. I thought it

afforded but a dull repetition of the same labours and plea-

sures. I thought the former tedious and heavy, the latter

few and insipid; but when I came to consider myself as

divested of my farm, I then found the world so wide, and

every place so full, that I began to fear lest there would be

no room for me. My farm, my house, my barn, presented to

my imagination objects from which I adduced quite new

ideas; they were more forcible than before. Why should not

I find myself happy, said I, where my father was before? He

left me no good books it is true, he gave me no other edu-

cation than the art of reading and writing; but he left me a

good farm, and his experience; he left me free from debts,

and no kind of difficulties to struggle with.—I married, and

this perfectly reconciled me to my situation; my wife ren-

dered my house all at once cheerful and pleasing; it no

longer appeared gloomy and solitary as before; when I went

to work in my fields I worked with more alacrity and

sprightliness; I felt that I did not work for myself alone, and

this encouraged me much. My wife would often come with

her knitting in her hand, and sit under the shady trees,

praising the straightness of my furrows, and, the docility of

my horses; this swelled my heart and made everything light

and pleasant, and I regretted that I had not married before.

I felt myself happy in my new situation, and where is

that station which can confer a more substantial system of

felicity than that of an American farmer, possessing free-

dom of action, freedom of thoughts, ruled by a mode of

government which requires but little from us? I owe noth-

ing, but a pepper corn to my country, a small tribute to my

king, with loyalty and due respect; I know no other land-

lord than the lord of all land, to whom I owe the most sin-

294 ERA 3: Revolution and New Nation

cere gratitude. My father left me three hundred and sev-

enty-one acres of land, forty-seven of which are good tim-

othy meadow, an excellent orchard, a good house, and a

substantial barn. It is my duty to think how happy I am that

he lived to build and to pay for all these improvements;

what are the labours which I have to undergo, what are my

fatigues when compared to his, who had everything to do,

from the first tree he felled to the finishing of his house?

Every year I kill from 1500 to 2000 weight of pork, 1200 of

beef, half a dozen of good wethers in harvest: of fowls my

wife has always a great stock: what can I wish more? My

negroes are tolerably faithful and healthy; by a long series

of industry and honest dealings, my father left behind him

the name of a good man; I have but to tread his paths to be

happy and a good man like him. I know enough of the law

to regulate my little concerns with propriety, nor do I

dread its power; these are the grand outlines of my situa-

tion, but as I can feel much more than I am able to express,

I hardly know how to proceed.

When my first son was born, the whole train of my

ideas were suddenly altered; never was there a charm that

acted so quickly and powerfully; I ceased to ramble in

imagination through the wide world; my excursions since

have not exceeded the bounds of my farm, and all my prin-

cipal pleasures are now centred within its scanty limits: but

at the same time there is not an operation belonging to it

in which I do not find some food for useful reflections.

This is the reason, I suppose, that when you were here, you

used, in your refined style, to denominate me the farmer

of feelings; how rude must those feelings be in him who

daily holds the axe or the plough, how much more refined

on the contrary those of the European, whose mind is

improved by education, example, books, and by every ac-

quired advantage! Those feelings, however, I will delineate

as well as I can, agreeably to your earnest request. . . .

Source:

Crevecoeur, J. Hector St. John. Letters from an American

Farmer. New York: E.P. Dutton & Co. Inc., 1926.

Treaty of Paris of 1783

(Treaty of Versailles of 1783)

Peace agreement concluded at Versailles, near Paris, France,

on September 3, 1783, between Great Britain and the United

States (the former 13 colonies), officially ending the American

Revolution (1775–83). Britain also signed separate treaties

with France and Spain. Britain recognized American indepen-

dence and agreed to withdraw its troops. The boundaries of

the United States were established: the Mississippi River as the

western boundary (navigation on the river was open), Canada

as the northern, and Florida as the southern (Spain reacquired

Florida and the island of Majorca in its treaty with Britain,

which retained Gibraltar). The United States and Britain

agreed that creditors of either side could collect just debts. The

former promised also to press several states to return property

confiscated from American Tories (supporters of Britain) during

the Revolution. The Americans were given fishing rights off

Newfoundland too. In separate treaties with Spain and France,

Britain exchanged territory and guaranteed fishing and other

rights. A formal declaration ending hostilities between Great

Britain and the new United States of America was still neces-

sary to end various military actions and return confiscated

properties after the war. Cessation of Hostilities (1783) bound

all parties to abide by the agreements forged in France.

________________________

_______________________

Definitive Treaty of Peace

Between the United States of America and his Britannic

Majesty

In the name of the Most Holy and Undivided Trinity.

It having pleased the Divine Providence to dispose the

hearts of the most serene and most potent Prince George

the Third, by the Grace of God King of Great-Britain,

France and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, Duke of

Brunswick and Lunebourg, Arch-Treasurer and Prince

Elector of the Holy Roman Empire, &c. and of the United

States of America, to forget all past misunderstandings and

differences that have unhappily interrupted the good cor-

respondence and friendship which they mutually wish to

restore; and to establish such a beneficial and satisfactory

intercourse between the two countries, upon the ground of

reciprocal advantages and mutual convenience, as may

promote and secure to both perpetual peace and harmony:

And having for this desirable end, already laid the founda-

tion of peace and reconciliation, by the provisional articles,

signed at Paris, on the thirtieth of November, one thou-

sand seven hundred and eighty-two, by the commissioners

empowered on each part, which articles were agreed to be

inserted in, and to constitute the treaty of peace proposed

to be concluded between the crown of Great-Britain and

the said United States, but which treaty was not to be

concluded until terms of peace should be agreed upon

between Great-Britain and France, and his Britannic

Majesty should be ready to conclude such treaty accord-

ingly; and the treaty between Great-Britain and France,

having since been concluded, his Britannic Majesty and

the United States of America, in order to carry into full

effect the provisional articles abovementioned, according

to the tenor thereof, have constituted and appointed, that

is to say, His Britannic Majesty on his part, David Hartley,

Esquire, Member of the Parliament of Great-Britain; and

the said United States on their part, John Adams, Esquire,

late a Commissioner of the United States of America at the

The American Revolution 295

Court of Versailles, late Delegate in Congress from the

state of Massachusetts, and Chief Justice of the said state,

and Minister Plenipotentiary of the said United States to

their High Mightinesses the States General of the United

Netherlands; Benjamin Franklin, Esquire, late Delegate

in Congress from the state of Pennsylvania, President of

the Convention of the said state, and Minister Plenipo-

tentiary from the United States of America at the Court

of Versailles; John Jay, Esquire, late President of

Congress, and Chief Justice of the state of New-York, and

Minister Plenipotentiary from the said United States at

the Court of Madrid, to be the Plenipotentiaries for the

concluding and signing the present definitive treaty; who

after having reciprocally communicated their respective

full powers, have agreed upon and confirmed the follow-

ing articles.

Article I

His Britannic Majesty acknowledges the said United

States, viz. New-Hampshire, Massachusetts-Bay, Rhode-

Island and Providence Plantations, Connecticut, New-

York, New-Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland,

Virginia, North-Carolina, South-Carolina, and Georgia, to

be free, sovereign and independent States; that he treats

with them as such; and for himself, his heirs and suc-

cessors, relinquishes all claims to the government, propri-

ety and territorial rights of the same, and every part

thereof.

Article II

And that all disputes which might arise in future, on the

subject of the boundaries of the said United States, may be

prevented, it is hereby agreed and declared, that the fol-

lowing are, and shall be their boundaries, viz. From the

north-west angle of Nova-Scotia, viz. that angle which is

formed by a line, drawn due north from the source of St.

Croix river to the Highlands; along the said Highlands

which divide those rivers, that empty themselves into the

river St. Lawrence, from those which fall into the Atlantic

ocean, to the northwesternmost head of Connecticut river,

thence down along the middle of that river, to the forty-

fifth degree of north latitude; from thence, by a line due

west on said latitude, until it strikes the river Iroquois or

Cataraquy; thence along the middle of said river into lake

Ontario, through the middle of said lake until it strikes the

communication by water between that lake and lake Erie;

thence along the middle of said communication into lake

Erie, through the middle of said lake until it arrives at the

water-communication between that lake and lake Huron;

thence along the middle of said water-communication into

the lake Huron; thence through the middle of said lake to

the water-communication between that lake and lake

Superior; thence through lake Superior northward of the

isles Royal and Phelipeaux, to the Long Lake; thence

through the middle of said Long Lake, and the water-

communication between it and the Lake of the Woods, to

the said Lake of the Woods; thence through the said lake

to the most north-western point thereof, and from thence

on a due west course to the river Mississippi; thence by a

line to be drawn along the middle of the said river Missis-

sippi until it shall intersect the northernmost part of the

thirty-first degree of north latitude. South by a line to be

drawn due east from the determination of the line last

mentioned, in the latitude of thirty-one degrees north of

the Equator, to the middle of the river Apalachicola or

Catahouche; thence along the middle thereof to its junc-

tion with the Flint river; thence strait to the head of St.

Mary’s river; and thence down along the middle of St.

Mary’s river to the Atlantic ocean. East by a line to be

drawn along the middle of the river St. Croix, from its

mouth in the Bay of Fundy to its source, and from its

source directly north to the aforesaid Highlands which

divide the rivers that fall into the Atlantic ocean, from

those which fall into the river St. Lawrence; comprehend-

ing all islands within twenty leagues of any part of the

shores of the United States, and lying between lines to be

drawn due east from the points where the aforesaid

boundaries between Nova-Scotia on the one part, and

East-Florida on the other, shall respectively touch the Bay

of Fundy and the Atlantic ocean; excepting such islands as

now are, or heretofore have been within the limits of the

said province of Nova-Scotia.

Article III

It is agreed that the people of the United States shall con-

tinue to enjoy unmolested the right to take fish of every

kind on the Grand Bank, and on all the other banks of

Newfoundland; also in the gulph of St. Lawrence, and at

all other places in the sea, where the inhabitants of both

countries used at any time heretofore to fish; and also that

the inhabitants of the United States shall have liberty to

take fish of every kind on such part of the coast of New-

foundland as British fishermen shall use (but not to dry or

cure the same on that island); and also on the coasts, bays

and creeks of all other of his Britannic Majesty’s dominions

in America; and that the American fishermen shall have

liberty to dry and cure fish in any of the unsettled bays,

harbours and creeks of Nova-Scotia, Magdalen islands,

and Labrador, so long as the same shall remain unsettled;

but so soon as the same or either of them shall be settled,

it shall not be lawful for the said fishermen to dry or cure

fish at such settlement, without a previous agreement for

that purpose with the inhabitants, proprietors or posses-

sors of the ground.

296 ERA 3: Revolution and New Nation

Article IV

It is agreed that creditors on either side, shall meet with no

lawful impediment to the recovery of the full value in ster-

ling money, of all bona fide debts heretofore contracted.

Article V

It is agreed that the Congress shall earnestly recommend

it to the legislatures of the respective states, to provide for

the restitution of all estates, rights and properties, which

have been confiscated, belonging to real British subjects,

and also of the estates, rights and properties of persons res-

ident in districts in the possession of his Majesty’s arms,

and who have not borne arms against the said United

States. And that persons of any other description shall have

free liberty to go to any part or parts of any of the thirteen

United States, and therein to remain twelve months,

unmolested in their endeavours to obtain the restitution of

such of their estates, rights and properties, as may have

been confiscated; and that Congress shall also earnestly

recommend to the several states a reconsideration and

revision of all acts or laws regarding the premises, so as to

render the said laws or acts perfectly consistent, not only

with justice and equity, but with that spirit of conciliation,

which on the return of the blessings of peace should uni-

versally prevail. And that Congress shall also earnestly rec-

ommend to the several states, that the estates, rights and

properties of such last mentioned persons, shall be

restored to them, they refunding to any persons who may

be now in possession, the bona fide price (where any has

been given) which such persons may have paid on pur-

chasing any of the said lands, rights or properties, since the

confiscation. And it is agreed, that all persons who have

any interest in confiscated lands, either by debts, marriage

settlements, or otherwise, shall meet with no lawful

impediment in the prosecution of their just rights.

Article VI

That there shall be no future confiscations made, nor any

prosecutions commenced against any person or persons

for, or by reason of the part which he or they may have

taken in the present war; and that no person shall, on that

account, suffer any future loss or damage, either in his per-

son, liberty or property; and that those who may be in con-

finement on such charges, at the time of the ratification of

the treaty in America, shall be immediately set at liberty,

and the prosecutions so commenced be discontinued.

Article VII

There shall be a firm and perpetual peace between his Bri-

tannic Majesty and the said States, and between the sub-

jects of the one and the citizens of the other, wherefore all

hostilities, both by sea and land, shall from henceforth

cease: all prisoners on both sides shall be set at liberty, and

his Britannic Majesty shall, with all convenient speed, and

without causing any destruction, or carrying away any

negroes or other property of the American inhabitants,

withdraw all his armies, garrisons and fleets from the said

United States, and from every post, place and harbour

within the same; leaving in all fortifications the American

artillery that may be therein; and shall also order and cause

all archives, records, deeds and papers, belonging to any of

the said states, or their citizens, which in the course of the

war may have fallen into the hands of his officers, to be

forthwith restored and delivered to the proper states and

persons to whom they belong.

Article VIII

The navigation of the river Mississippi, from its source to

the ocean, shall for ever remain free and open to the sub-

jects of Great-Britain, and the citizens of the United

States.

Article IX

In case it should so happen that any place or territory

belonging to Great-Britain or to the United States, should

have been conquered by the arms of either from the other,

before the arrival of the said provisional articles in Amer-

ica, it is agreed, that the same shall be restored without dif-

ficulty, and without requiring any compensation.

Article X

The solemn ratifications of the present treaty, expedited in

good and due form, shall be exchanged between the con-

tracting parties, in the space of six months, or sooner if

possible, to be computed from the day of the signature of

the present treaty. In witness whereof, we the under-

signed, their Ministers Plenipotentiary, have in their name

and in virtue of our full powers, signed with our hands the

present definitive treaty, and caused the seals of our arms

to be affixed thereto.

Done at Paris, this third day of September, in the year

of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and eighty-three.

Source:

Charles I. Bevans. Treaties and Other Agreements of the United

States of America, 1776–1949. Washington, D.C.: Govern-

ment Printing Office, 1968–76.

The American Revolution 297

Articles of Confederation, 1776

Plan of union for the newly independent United States, framed

by a committee appointed by the Second Continental

Congress and presented on July 12, 1776. A draft, approved on

November 15, 1777, was sent to the 13 states (former colo-

nies) for ratification, which had to be unanimous. Although 12

states had signed by 1779, the articles did not become law

until March 1, 1781, when Maryland finally ratified them. The

government established a congress made up of two to seven

delegates from each state, possessing one vote each. A com-

mittee of representatives from each state ran national matters

between sessions. Congress would have the power to manage

Native American and foreign affairs, establish a postal system,

regulate coinage, borrow money, and settle disputes between

states. All rights not specifically granted to the federal govern-

ment were retained by the states. Each state was obliged to

contribute to a common treasury in proportion to the value of

surveyed lands and improvements and to supply its quota of

troops, based on the number of white inhabitants. However,

no enforcement mechanism for tax collection or filling military

quotas was established. Moreover, except for admiralty ques-

tions, the articles did not contain a method to resolve interstate

commercial or territorial disputes. The system came to be

widely viewed as deficient, and in 1787 the Constitutional

Convention was called to overhaul it; the result was an

entirely new system of federal government.

________________________

_______________________

The Articles of Confederation

To all to whom these presents shall come, we the under-

signed delegates of the states affixed to our names send

greeting. Whereas the delegates of the United States of

America in Congress assembled did on the fifteenth day of

November in the year of our Lord one thousand seven

hundred and seventy-seven, and in the second year of the

independence of America agree to certain Articles of Con-

federation and Perpetual Union between the states of New

Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay, Rhode Island and Provi-

dence plantations, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey,

Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Car-

olina, South Carolina and Georgia in the words following,

viz.: Articles of Confederation and Perpetual Union

between the states [as aforesaid].

Article I

The stile of this confederacy shall be “The United States of

America.”

Article II

Each state retains its sovereignty, freedom and indepen-

dence, and every power, jurisdiction and right, which is not

by this confederation expressly delegated to the United

States, in Congress assembled.

Article III

The said states hereby severally enter into a firm league of

friendship with each other, for their common defence, the

security of their liberties, and their mutual and general

welfare, binding themselves to assist each other, against all

force offered to, or attacks made upon them, or any of

them, on account of religion, sovereignty, trade, or any

other pretence whatever.

Article IV

The better to secure and perpetuate mutual friendship and

intercourse among the people of the different states in this

Union, the free inhabitants of each of these states, pau-

pers, vagabonds and fugitives from justice excepted, shall

be entitled to all privileges and immunities of free citizens

in the several states; and the people of each state shall have

free ingress and regress to and from any other state, and

shall enjoy therein all the privileges of trade and com-

merce, subject to the same duties, impositions and restric-

tions as the inhabitants thereof respectively, provided that

such restrictions shall not extend so far as to prevent the

removal of property imported into any state, to any other

state of which the owner is an inhabitant; provided also

that no imposition, duties or restriction shall be laid by any

state, on the property of the United States, or either of

them.

If any person guilty of, or charged with treason, felony,

or other high misdemeanor in any state, shall flee from jus-

tice, and be found in any of the United States, he shall

upon demand of the governor of executive power, of the

state from which he fled, be delivered to the state having

jurisdiction of his offence.

Full faith and credit shall be given in each of these

states to the records, acts and judicial proceedings of the

courts and magistrates of every other state.

Article V

For the more convenient management of the general

interests of the United States, delegates shall be annually

appointed in such manner as the legislature of each state

shall direct, to meet in Congress on the first Monday in

November, in every year, with a power reserved to each

298 ERA 3: Revolution and New Nation

Formation of the New Government

state, to recall its delegates, or any of them, at any time

within the year, and to send others in their stead, for the

remainder of the year. No state shall be represented in

Congress by less than two, nor by more than seven mem-

bers; and no person shall be capable of being a delegate for

more than three years in any term of six years; nor shall any

person, being a delegate, be capable of holding any office

under the United States, for which he, or another for his

benefit receives any salary, fees, or emolument of any kind.

Each state shall maintain its own delegates in a meet-

ing of the states, and while they act as members of the

committee of the states.

In determining questions in the United States, in

Congress assembled, each state shall have one vote. Free-

dom of speech and debate in Congress shall not be

impeached or questioned in any court, or place out of

Congress, and the members of Congress shall be protected

in their persons from arrests and imprisonments, during

the time of their going to and from, and attendance on

Congress, except for treason, felony, or breach of the

peace.

Article VI

No state without the consent of the United States in

Congress assembled, shall send any embassy to, or

receive any embassy from, or enter into any conference,

agreement, alliance or treaty with any king, prince or

state; nor shall any person holding any office or profit or

trust under the United States, or any of them, accept of

any present, emolument, office or title of any kind what-

ever from any king, prince or foreign state; nor shall the

United States in Congress assembled, or any of them,

grant any title of nobility. No two or more states shall

enter into any treaty, confederation or alliance whatever

between them, without the consent of the United States

in Congress assembled, specifying accurately the pur-

poses for which the same is to be entered into, and how

long it shall continue.

No state shall lay any imposts or duties, which may

interfere with any stipulations in treaties, entered into by

the United States in Congress assembled, with any king,

prince or state, in pursuance of any treaties already pro-

posed by Congress, to the courts of France and Spain.

No vessels of war shall be kept up in time of peace by

any state, except such number only, as shall be deemed

necessary by the United States in Congress assembled, for

the defence of such state, or its trade; nor shall any body of

forces be kept up by any state, in time of peace, except

such number only, as in the judgment of the United States,

in Congress assembled, shall be deemed requisite to garri-

son the forts necessary for the defence of such state; but

every state shall always keep up a well regulated and disci-

plined militia, sufficiently armed and accoutred, and shall

provide and constantly have ready for use, in public stores,

a due number of field pieces and tents, and a proper quan-

tity of arms, ammunition and camp equipage.

No state shall engage in any war without the consent

of the United States in Congress assembled, unless such

state be actually invaded by enemies, or shall have

received certain advice of a resolution being formed by

some nation of Indians to invade such state, and the dan-

ger is so imminent as not to admit of a delay, till the United

States in Congress assembled can be consulted: nor shall

any state grant commissions to any ships or vessels of war,

nor letters of marque or reprisal, except it be after a dec-

laration of war by the United States in Congress assem-

bled, and then only against the kingdom or state and the

subjects thereof, against which war has been so declared,

and under such regulations as shall be established by the

United States in Congress assembled, unless such state be

infested by pirates, in which case vessels of war may be fit-

ted out for that occasion, and kept so long as the danger

shall continue, or until the United States in Congress

assembled shall determine otherwise.

Article VII

When land-forces are raised by any state for the common

defence, all officers of or under the rank of colonel, shall

be appointed by the legislature of each state respectively

by whom such forces shall be raised, or in such manner as

such state shall direct, and all vacancies shall be filled up

by the state which first made the appointment.

Article VIII

All charges of war, and all other expenses that shall be

incurred for the common defence or general welfare, and

allowed by the United States in Congress assembled, shall

be defrayed out of a common treasury, which shall be sup-

plied by the several states, in proportion to the value of all

land within each state, granted to or surveyed for any per-

son, as such land and the buildings and improvements

thereon shall be estimated according to such mode as the

United States in Congress assembled, shall from time to

time direct and appoint.

The taxes for paying that proportion shall be laid and

levied by the authority and direction of the legislatures of

the several states within the time agreed upon by the

United States in Congress assembled.

Article IX

The United States in Congress assembled, shall have the

sole and exclusive right and power of determining on

peace and war, except in the cases mentioned in the sixth

article—of sending and receiving ambassadors—entering

into treaties and alliances, provided that no treaty of com-

merce shall be made whereby the legislative power of the

respective states shall be restrained from imposing such

imposts and duties on foreigners, as their own people are

Formation of the New Government 299

subjected to, or from prohibiting the exportation or impor-

tation of any species of good or commodities whatsoever—

of establishing rules for deciding in all cases, what captures

on land or water shall be legal, and in what manner prizes

taken by land or naval forces in the service of the United

States shall be divided or appropriated—of granting letters

of marque and reprisal in times of peace—appointing

courts for the trial of piracies and felonies committed on

the high seas and establishing courts for receiving and

determining finally appeals in all cases of captures, pro-

vided that no member of Congress shall be appointed a

judge of any of the said courts.

The United States in Congress assembled shall also be

the last resort on appeal in all disputes and differences now

subsisting or that hereafter may arise between two or more

states concerning boundary, jurisdiction or any other cause

whatever; which authority shall always be exercised in the

manner following. Whenever the legislative or executive

authority or lawful agent of any state in controversy with

another shall present a petition to Congress, stating the

matter in question and praying for a hearing, notice

thereof shall be given by order of Congress to the legisla-

tive or executive authority of the other state in controversy,

and a day assigned for the appearance of the parties by

their lawful agents, who shall then be directed to appoint

by joint consent, commissioners or judges to constitute a

court for hearing and determining the matter in question:

but if they cannot agree, Congress shall name three per-

sons out of each of the United States, and from the list of

such persons each party shall alternately strike out one, the

petitioners beginning, until the number shall be reduced

to thirteen; and from that number not less than seven, nor

more than nine names as Congress shall direct, shall in the

presence of Congress be drawn out by lot, and the persons

whose names shall be so drawn or any five of them, shall

be commissioners or judges, to hear and finally determine

the controversy, so always as a major part of the judges who

shall hear the cause shall agree in the determination: and

if either party shall neglect to attend at the day appointed,

without showing reasons, which Congress shall judge suf-

ficient, or being present shall refuse to strike, the Congress

shall proceed to nominate three persons out of each state,

and the Secretary of Congress shall strike in behalf of such

party absent or refusing; and the judgment and sentence of

the court to be appointed, in the manner before pre-

scribed, shall be final and conclusive; and if any of the par-

ties shall refuse to submit to the authority of such court, or

to appear or defend their claim or cause, the court shall

nevertheless proceed to pronounce sentence, or judgment,

which shall in like manner be final and decisive, the judg-

ment or sentence and other proceedings being in either

case transmitted to Congress, and lodged among the acts

of Congress for the security of the parties concerned: pro-

vided that every commissioner, before he sits in judgment,

shall take an oath to be administered by one of the judges

of the supreme or superior court of the state where the

cause shall be tried, “well and truly to hear and determine

the matter in question, according to the best of his judg-

ment, without favour, affection or hope of reward”: pro-

vided also that no state shall be deprived of territory for

the benefit of the United States.

All controversies concerning the private right of soil,

claimed under different grants of two or more states,

whose jurisdictions as they may respect such lands, and the

states which passed such grants, are adjusted, the said

grants or either of them being at the same time claimed to

have originated antecedent to such settlement of jurisdic-

tion, shall on the petition of either party to the Congress of

the United States, be finally determined as near as may be

in the same manner as is before prescribed for deciding

disputes respecting territorial jurisdiction between differ-

ent states.

The United States in Congress assembled shall also

have the sole and exclusive right and power of regulating

the alloy and value of coin struck by their own authority, or

by that of the respective states—fixing the standard of

weights and measures throughout the United States—reg-

ulating the trade and managing all affairs with the Indians,

not members of any of the states, provided that the leg-

islative right of any state within its own limits be not

infringed or violated—establishing and regulating post-

offices from one state to another, throughout all the

United States, and exacting such postage on the papers

passing thro’ the same as may be requisite to defray the

expenses of the said office—appointing all officers of the

land forces in the service of the United States, excepting

regimental officers—appointing all the officers of the

naval forces, and commissioning all officers whatever in

the service of the United States—making rules for the gov-

ernment and regulation of the said land and naval forces,

and directing their operations.

The United States in Congress assembled shall have

authority to appoint a committee, to sit in the recess of

Congress, to be denominated “a committee of the states,”

and to consist of one delegate from each state; and to

appoint such other committees and civil officers as may be

necessary for managing the general affairs of the United

States under their direction—to appoint one of their num-

ber to preside, provided that no person be allowed to serve

in the office of President more than one year in any term

of three years; to ascertain the necessary sums of money to

be raised for the service of the United States, and to appro-

priate and apply the same for defraying the public

expenses—to borrow money, or emit bills on the credit of

300 ERA 3: Revolution and New Nation

the United States, transmitting every half year to the

respective states an account of the sums of money so bor-

rowed or emitted—to build and equip a navy—to agree

upon the number of land forces, and to make requisitions

from each state for its quota, in proportion to the number

of white inhabitants in such state; which requisitions shall

be binding, and thereupon the legislature of each state

shall appoint the regimental officers, raise the men and

clothe, arm and equip them in a soldier-like manner, at the

expense of the United States; and the officers and men so

clothed, armed and equipped shall march to the place

appointed, and within the time agreed on by the United

States in Congress assembled: but if the United States in

Congress assembled shall, on consideration of circum-

stances, judge proper that any state should not raise men,

or should raise a smaller number of men than its quota,

and that any other state should raise a greater number of

men than the quota thereof, such extra number shall be

raised, officered, clothed, armed and equipped in the same

manner as the quota of such state, unless the legislature of

such state shall judge that such extra number cannot be

safely spared out of the same, in which case they shall

raise, officer, clothe, arm and equip as many of such extra

number as they judge can be safely spared. And the offi-

cers and men so clothed, armed and equipped, shall march

to the place appointed, and within the time agreed on by

the United States in Congress assembled.

The United States in Congress assembled shall never

engage in a war, nor grant letters of marque and reprisal in

time of peace, nor enter into any treaties or alliances, nor

coin money, nor regulate the value thereof, nor ascertain

the sums and expenses necessary for the defence and wel-

fare of the United States, or any of them, nor emit bills,

nor borrow money on the credit of the United States, nor

appropriate money, nor agree upon the number of vessels

of war to be built or purchased, or the number of land or

sea forces to be raised, nor appoint a commander in chief

of the army or navy, unless nine states assent to the same:

nor shall a question on any other point, except for adjourn-

ing from day to day be determined, unless by the votes of

a majority of the United States in Congress assembled.

The Congress of the United States shall have power to

adjourn to any time within the year, and to any place within

the United States, so that no period of adjournment be for

a longer duration than the space of six months, and shall

publish the journal of their proceedings monthly, except

such parts thereof relating to treaties, alliances or military

operations, as in their judgment require secrecy; and the

yeas and nays of the delegates of each state on any ques-

tion shall be entered on the journal, when it is desired by

any delegate; and the delegates of a state, or any of them,

at his or their request shall be furnished with a transcript

of the said journal, except such parts as are above

excepted, to lay before the legislatures of the several states.

Article X

The committee of the states, or any nine of them, shall be

authorized to execute, in the recess of Congress, such of

the powers of Congress as the United States in Congress

assembled, by the consent of nine states, shall from time to

time think expedient to vest them with; provided that no

power be delegated to the said committee, for the exercise

of which, by the Articles of Confederation, the voice of

nine states in the Congress of the United States assembled

is requisite.

Article XI

Canada acceding to this confederation, and joining in the

measures of the United States, shall be admitted into, and

entitled to all the advantages of this Union: but no other

colony shall be admitted into the same, unless such admis-

sion be agreed to by nine states.

Article XII

All bills of credit emitted, monies borrowed and debts con-

tracted by, or under the authority of Congress, before the

assembling of the United States, in pursuance of the pre-

sent confederation, shall be deemed and considered as a

charge against the United States, for payment and satisfac-

tion whereof the said United States, and the public faith

are hereby solemnly pledged.

Article XIII

Every state shall abide by the determinations of the United

States in Congress assembled, on all questions which by

this confederation are submitted to them. And the articles

of this confederation shall be inviolably observed by every

state, and the Union shall be perpetual; nor shall any alter-

ation at any time hereafter be made in any of them; unless

such alteration be agreed to in a Congress of the United

States, and be afterwards confirmed by the legislatures of

every state.

And whereas it has pleased the Great Governor of the

world to incline the hearts of the legislatures we respec-

tively represent in Congress, to approve of, and to autho-

rize us to ratify the said Articles of Confederation and

Perpetual Union. Know ye that we the undersigned dele-

gates, by virtue of the power and authority to us given for

that purpose, do by these presents, in the name and in

behalf of our respective constituents, fully and entirely rat-

ify and confirm each and every of the said Articles of Con-

federation and Perpetual Union, and all and singular the

matters and things therein contained: and we do further

solemnly plight and engage the faith of our respective con-

Formation of the New Government 301