late 1960s and early 1970s have continued to add their voice to those deeply concerned
about the Church’s tendency to ‘interfere’ in Italian politics, especially on matters
affecting sexual freedom (see sexual mores, censorship).
The collapse of the Church-sponsored Christian Democratic party in 1993 has also
substantially altered the relationship between church and state in Italy. No party can now
claim the ‘sponsorship’ of the Church although Catholics are still to be found amongst
the leadership and electorate of nearly all of Italy’s political parties and groupings, even
the Northern League, against whom the Church at a grassroots level has often taken a
strong stand on the issue of the unity of Italy, the continuing necessity of the welfare state
and the need for special assistance to the South on the basis of the Catholic doctrine of
‘social solidarity’. In the absence of a major governing party which is exclusively
Catholic in inspiration and leadership, the Church, and more precisely the Italian
Bishops’ Conference (CEI), has entered into a direct dialogue with government. Since
1994, the major issues that have concerned the Church are abortion, bioethics, the
protection of the family—especially against the European Parliament motion on gay
marriages—and the financing of church schools. As far as the latter is concerned, a joint
commission has been instituted to produce a compromise solution.
Despite the depredations of secularization, the Catholic Church remains a major force
in Italian civil society At 30 per cent, Italy’s rate of Sunday mass attendance is still one of
the highest in Europe and the figure has been stable for over a decade. Adherence to and
practice of the faith firmly transcends class: Italian Catholicism is emphatically not a
middle-class phenomenon. Admittedly there are several geographical black spots, notably
the Emilia-Romagna region, the former so-called ‘red belt’, which in 1995 was described
by Cardinal Oddi, perhaps slightly tongue in cheek, as ‘Sodom and Gomorrah’. However,
during the last three decades there has also been a significant revitalization of the Church
in the South, where leading bishops including Cardinal Giordano of Naples have given
public warnings about the need to preserve welfare provision for the poorest and most
vulnerable groups. The Italian Bishops’ Conference as a whole has campaigned against
organized crime, economic decline and the resulting disintegration of southern urban
society, and the heroism of anti-mafia priests has resulted in two of their number being
murdered (see mafia). Thus Italian Catholicism remains a national religion in
geographical terms, even if it is no longer officially the religion of the state.
There is also still an extensive network of Catholic newspapers, periodicals and
publishing houses which testifies to the intellectual vitality of Italian Catholicism. And if
traditional Catholic associationalism is somewhat in decline, support for such movements
as Focolare, Communione e Liberazione, the St Egidio Community in Rome and the
voluntary organizations generally demonstrates the continuing idealism and commitment
of Catholic young people. Significantly, despite secularization, the Church remains a
major provider of health, welfare and educational facilities, and is in the forefront of
action to meet the twin evils of drugs (see drug culture) and HIV/AIDS and to meet the
needs of Italy’s rapidly growing immigrant populations (see immigration). Taking all
these factors into account, it is clear that the Catholic Church remains a major cultural,
social, economic and, in a somewhat reduced form, political influence in Italy at the end
of the 1990s.
See also: Catholic Action; Catholic associations; Catholic press and publishing;
Vatican
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