Cobbs-Hoffman Elizabeth, Blum Edward J., Gjerde Jon. Major Problems in American History, Volume I, 3 edition (ENG)

Maryland could tax the national bank, he held both that Congress had more

powers than specifically given in the Constitution and that federal laws were

superior to state laws. And in Gibbons vs. Ogden (1824), Marshall decided that

states could not grant monopolies to businesses that cross state lines. These rulings

fostered economic development and national centralization. In document 3,

President John Quincy Adams, in his first annual message to Congress in 1825,

urged a group of internal improvement projects including exploring the West and

fostering scientific research. Document 4 illustrates the struggles of a farm family in

marketing their crops on the Illinois frontier. Document 5 is a memoir written by

Harriet Hanson Robinson, a woman who toiled in the textile mills in Lowell,

Massachusetts, in the early 1830s. Despite assurances from the mill owners that

the mills were safe and respectable, Robinson focuses instead on the harsh condi-

tions and labor unrest. In document 6, Alexis de Tocqueville in 1831 observes

what he calls the “influence of democracy” on the family amid the market revolu-

tion. In document 7, Charles Dickens, the prominent English author, provides a

vivid description of the frenzy of riding on a train in the early days of railroad

travel. Document 8 depicts the growing significance of the mother as the center

of the middle-class family, a family in which the significance of the mother in

instructing her children is highlighted. Slaveholder and South Carolina Governor

James Henry Hammond, in document 9, instructs his overseer how to run the

cotton plantation as a thriving business.

1. Slave Charles Ball Mourns the Growth of Cotton Culture

and “Sale Down the River, ” c. 1800

After we were all chained and handcuffed together, we sat down upon the

ground; and here reflecting upon the sad reverse of fortune that had so suddenly

overtaken me, I became weary of life, and bitterly execrated the day I was born.

It seemed that I was destined by fate to drink the cup of sorrow to the very

dregs, and that I should find no respite from misery but in the grave. I longed

to die, and escape from the hands of my tormentors; but even the wretched

privilege of destroying myself was denied me, for I could not shake off my

chains, nor move a yard without the consent of my master….

Our master ordered a pot of mush to be made for our supper; after des-

patching which we all lay down on the naked floor to sleep in our handcuffs

and chains. The women, my fellow-slaves, lay on one side of the room; and

the men who were chained with me, occupied the other. I slept but little this

night, which I passed in thinking of my wife and little children, whom I could

not hope ever to see again. I also thought of my grandfather, and of the long

nights I had passed with him, listening to his narratives of the scenes through

which he had passed in Africa. I at length fell asleep, but we distressed by painful

dreams….

Charles Ball, Fifty Years in Chains: Or the Life of an American Slave (New York: Dayton, and Indianapolis, Ind.: Asher and

Company, 1860), 30–31, 33–35.

THE REVOLUTIONS OF THE EARLY NINETEENTH CENTURY

233

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We left this place early in the morning, and directed our course toward the

south-west; our master riding beside us, and hastening our march, sometimes by

words of encouragement, and sometimes by threats of punishment. The women

took their place in the rear of our line. We halted about nine o’clock for breakfast,

and received as much corn-bread as we could eat, together with a plate of boiled

herrings, and about three pounds of pork amongst us. Before we left this place, I

was removed from near the middle of the chain, and placed at the front end of it;

so that I now became the leader of the file, and held this post of honor until our

irons were taken from us, near the town of Columbia in South Carolina.…

We continued our course up the country westward for a few days and then

turned South, crossed James river above Richmond, as I heard at the time. After

more than four weeks of travel we entered South Carolina near Camden, and for

the first time I saw a field of cotton in bloom.

As we approached the Yadkin river the tobacco disappeared from the fields

and the cotton plant took its place as an article of general culture.

I was now a slave in South Carolina, and had no hope of ever again seeing

my wife and children. I had at times serious thoughts of suicide so great was my

anguish. If I could have got a rope I should have hanged myself at Lancaster. The

thought of my wife and children I had been torn from in Maryland, and the

dreadful undefined future which was before me, came near driving me mad.

2. Chief Justice John Marshall Advances a Broad Construction

of the Constitution, 1819, 1824

McCulloch v. Maryland

The government of the Union, then (whatever may be the influence of this fact

on the case), is, emphatically and truly, a government of the people. In form, and

in substance, it emanates from them. Its powers are granted by them, and are to

be exercised directly on them, and for their benefit….

If any one proposition could command the universal assent of mankind, we

might expect it would be this—that the government of the Union, though lim-

ited in its powers, is supreme within its sphere of action. This would seem to

result, necessarily from its nature. It is the government of all; its powers are dele-

gated by all; it represents all, and acts for all. Though any one state may be will-

ing to control its operations, no state is willing to allow others to control them.

The nation, on those subjects on which it can act, must necessarily bind its com-

ponent parts. But this question is not left to mere reason: the people have, in

express terms, decided it …“this constitution, and the laws of the United States,

which shall be made in pursuance thereof, shall be the supreme law of the land,”

and by requiring that the members of the state legislatures, and the officers of the

executive and judicial departments of the states, shall take the oath of fidelity to it.

John Marshall, opinion in McCulloch v. Maryland (1819), in United States Supreme Court Reporters, XVII, p. 316.

John Marshall, opinion in Gibbons v. Ogden, 22 U.S. I (1824).

234 MAJOR PROBLEMS IN AMERICAN HISTORY

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The government of the United States, then, though limited in its powers, is

supreme; and its laws, when made in pursuance of the constitution, form the

supreme law of the land, “anything in the constitution or laws of any state to

the contrary notwithstanding.”

Gibbons v. Ogden

What do gentlemen mean by a “strict construction”? If they contend only against

that enlarged construction, which would extend words beyond their natural and

obvious import, we might question the application of the term, but should not

controvert the principle. If they contend for that narrow construction which, in

support or some theory not be found in the Constitution, would deny to the gov-

ernment those powers which the words of the grant, as usually understood,

import, and which are consistent with the general views and objects of the

instrument; for that narrow construction which would cripple the government

and render it unequal to the object for which it is declared to be instituted, and

to which the powers given, as fairly understood, render it competent; then we

cannot perceive the propriety of this strict construction, nor adopt it as the rule

by which the Constitution is to be expounded. As men whose intentions require

no concealment generally employ the words which most directly and aptly express

the ideas they intend to convey, the enlightened patriots who framed our Consti-

tution, and the people who adopted it, must be understood to have employed

words in their natural sense, and to have intended what they have said. If, from

the imperfection of human language, there should be serious doubts respecting the

extent of any given power, it is a well settled rule that the objects for which it was

given, especially when those objects are expressed in the instrument itself, should

have great influence in the construction. We know of no reason for excluding this

rule from the present case. The grant does not convey power which might be

beneficial to the grantor if retained by himself, or which can enure solely to the

benefit of the grantee, but is an investment of power for the general advantage, in

the hands of agents selected for that purpose, which power can never be exercised

by the people themselves, but must be placed in the hands of agents or lie dor-

mant. We know of no rule for construing the extent of such powers other than is

given by the language of the instrument which confers them, taken in connexion

with the purposes for which they were conferred….

What Is This Power?

It is the power to regulate, that is, to prescribe the rule by which commerce is to

be governed. This power, like all others vested in Congress, is complete in itself,

may be exercised to its utmost extent, and acknowledges no limitations other than

are prescribed in the Constitution. These are expressed in plain terms, and do not

affect the questions which arise in this case, or which have been discussed at the

bar. If, as has always been understood, the sovereignty of Congress, though limited

to specified objects, is plenary as to those objects, the power over commerce with

foreign nations, and among the several States, is vested in Congress as absolutely as

THE REVOLUTIONS OF THE EARLY NINETEENTH CENTURY 235

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it would be in a single government, having in its Constitution the same restrictions

on the exercise of the power as are found in the Constitution of the United States.

The wisdom and the discretion of Congress, their identity with the people, and the

influence which their constituents possess at elections are, in this, as in many other

instances, as that, for example, of declaring war, the sole restraints on which they

have relied, to secure them from its abuse. They are the restraints on which the people

must often rely solely, in all representative governments.

The power of Congress, then, comprehends navigation, within the limits of

every State in the Union, so far as that navigation may be in any manner con-

nected with “commerce with foreign nations, or among the several States, or

with the Indians tribes.” It may, of consequence, pass the jurisdictional line of

New York and act upon the very waters to which the prohibition now under

consideration applies.

3. President John Quincy Adams

Urges Internal Improvements, 1825

In assuming her station among the civilized nations of the earth it would seem

that our country had contracted the engagement to contribute her share of mind,

of labor, and of expense to the improvement of those and of expense to the

improvement of those parts of knowledge which lie beyond the reach of indi-

vidual acquisition, and particularly to geographical and astronomical science.

Looking back to the history only of the half century since the declaration of

our independence, and observing the generous emulation with which the Gov-

ernments of France, Great Britain, and Russia have devoted the genius, the in-

telligence, the treasures of their respective nations to the common improvement

of the species in these branches of science, is it not incumbent upon us to inquire

whether we are not bound by obligations of a high and honorable character to

contribute our portion of energy and exertion to the common stock? The

voyages of discovery prosecuted in the course of that time at the expense of

those nations have not only redounded to their glory, but to the improvement

of human knowledge. We have been partakers of that improvement and owe for

it a sacred debt, not only of gratitude, but of equal or proportional exertion in

the same common cause….

In inviting the attention of Congress to the subject of internal improvements

upon a view thus enlarged it is not my design to recommend the equipment of an

expedition for circumnavigating the globe for purposes of scientific research and

inquiry. We have objects of useful investigation nearer home, and to which our

cares may be more beneficially applied. The interior of our own territories has

been imperfectly explored. Our coasts along many degrees of latitude upon the

shores of the Pacific ocean, though much frequented by our spirited commercial

navigators, have been barely visited by our public ships. The River of the West,

John Quincy Adams, Annual Message to Congress (1825), in The Selected Writings of John and John Quincy Adams, ed.

Adrienne Koch and William Peden (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1946), 361–364.

236 MAJOR PROBLEMS IN AMERICAN HISTORY

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first fully discovered and navigated by a countryman of our own, still bears the

name of the ship in which he ascended its waters, and claims the protection of

our armed national flag at its mouth. With the establishment of a military post

there or at some other point of that coast, recommended by my predecessor and

already matured in the deliberations of the last Congress, I would suggest the ex-

pediency of connecting the equipment of a public ship for the exploration of the

whole northwest coast of this continent.

The establishment of an uniform standard of weights and measures was one

of the specific objects contemplated in the formation of our Constitution, and to

fix that standard was one of the powers delegated by express terms in that instru-

ment to Congress….

Connected with the establishment of an university, or separate from it,

might be undertaken the erection of an astronomical observatory, with provision

for the support of an astronomer, to be in constant attendance of observation

upon the phenomena of the heavens, and for the periodical publication of his

observations….

And while scarcely a year passes over our heads without bringing some new

astronomical discovery to light, which we must fain receive at second hand from

Europe, are we not cutting ourselves off from the means of returning light for

light while we have neither observatory nor observer upon our half of the globe

and the earth revolves in perpetual darkness to our unsearching eyes?

4. A Family in Illinois Struggles

with Marketing Their Crops, 1831

Having thrashed and winnowed our wheat …, our next consideration was how

we were to sell it. The produce of the three acres might be about eighty bushels,

one-fourth of which was but imperfectly cleared of cheat [a troublesome weed

that grows in wheat], and was therefore unsaleable. We had only five sacks, …

but these even we did not require, as we subsequently learnt the store-keepers

were accustomed to furnish the settlers with bags for their corn. My husband

took a specimen of wheat, which as it had been sown too sparingly on the

ground was a fine sample. Mr. Varley offered half a dollar per bushel in money,

or a few cents more in barter. We borrowed a waggon and a yoke of oxen of

one of our neighbours, and carried to the store fifty bushels. The first thing we

did was to settle our meal account; we next bought two pairs of shoes for self

and husband, which by this time we wanted as we did other articles of apparel,

which we knew we could conveniently procure. The truth is, we had intended

to have a little more clothing, but finding the prices so extravagant, we felt com-

pelled to abandon that intention. For a yard of common printed calico, they

asked half a dollar, or a bushel of wheat, and proportionate prices for other

goods. We gave ten bushels of wheat for the shoes …. Our next purchase was a

Rebecca and Edward Burlend, in A True Picture of Emigration, ed. Milo Milton Quaife (Secaucus, N.J.: The Citadel

Press, 1968), 107–109.

THE REVOLUTIONS OF THE EARLY NINETEENTH CENTURY

237

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plough, bought in hopes that we should, at some time, have cattle to draw it, as

we were tired of the hoeing system. We also bought two tin milk bowls; these

and the plough cost about twenty bushels. We obtained further a few pounds of

coffee, and a little meal; the coffee cost us at the rate of a dollar for four pounds;

and thus we laid out the greater part of our first crop of wheat. We had only

reserved about twenty bushels for seed, besides a quantity imperfectly cleared of

cheat, which unfit either for sale or making bread. On balancing our account

with Mr. Varley, we found we had to take about five dollars, which we received

in paper money, specie being exceedingly scarce in Illinois.

5. Harriet Hanson Robinson, a “Lowell Girl,”

Describes Her Labor in a Textile Mill, 1831

In 1831, under the shadow of a great sorrow, which had made her four children

fatherless,—the oldest but seven years of age,—my mother was left to struggle

alone; and, although she tried hard to earn bread enough to fill our hungry

mouths, she could not do it, even with the help of kind friends….

Shortly after this my mother’s widowed sister, Mrs. Angeline Cudworth,

who kept a factory boarding-house in Lowell, advised her to come to that city.

I had been to school constantly until I was about ten years of age, when my

mother, feeling obliged to have help in her work besides what I could give, and

also needing the money which I could earn, allowed me, at my urgent request

(for I wanted to earn money like the other little girls), to go to work in the mill. I

worked first in the spinning-room as a “doffer.” The doffers were the very

youngest girls, whose work was to doff, or take off, the full bobbins, and replace

them with the empty ones….

… When not doffing, we were often allowed to go home, for a time, and

thus we were able to help our mothers in their housework. We were paid two

dollars a week; and how proud I was when my turn came to stand up on the

bobbin-box, and write my name in the paymaster’s book, and how indignant I

was when he asked me if I could “write.”“Of course I can,” said I, and he

smiled as he looked down on me.

The working-hours of all the girls extended from five o’clock in the morn-

ing until seven in the evening, with one-half hour for breakfast and for dinner.

Even the doffers were forced to be on duty nearly fourteen hours a day, and this

was the greatest hardship in the lives of these children….

I do not recall any particular hardship connected with this life, except get-

ting up so early in the morning, and to this habit, I never was, and never shall be,

reconciled, for it has taken nearly a lifetime for me to make up the sleep lost at

that early age. But in every other respect it was a pleasant life. We were not

hurried any more than was for our good, and no more work was required of

us than we were able easily to do.

Harriet Hanson Robinson, Loom and Spindle or Life Among the Early Mill Girls (New York: T. Y. Crowell, 1898;

reprinted, Press Pacifica, 1976), 16–22, 37–43, 51–53.

238 MAJOR PROBLEMS IN AMERICAN HISTORY

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Most of us children lived at home, and we were well fed, drinking both tea

and coffee, and eating substantial meals (besides luncheons) three times a day.

We had very happy hours with the older girls, many of whom treated us like

babies, or talked in a motherly way, and so had a good influence over us….

I cannot tell how it happened that some of us knew about the English fac-

tory children, who, it was said, were treated so badly, and were even whipped by

their cruel overseers….

In contrast with this sad picture, we thought of ourselves as well off, in our

cosey corner of the mill, enjoying ourselves in our own way, with our good

mothers and our warm suppers awaiting us when the going-out bell should ring.

When I look back into the factory life of fifty or sixty years ago, I do not see

what is called “a call” of young men and women going to and from their daily

work, like so many ants that cannot be distinguished one from another; I see

them as individuals, with personalities of their own. This one has about her the

atmosphere of her early home. That one is impelled by a strong and noble pur-

pose. The other,—what she is, has been an influence for good to me and to all

womankind.

Yet they were a class of factory operatives, and were spoken of (as the same

class is spoken of now) as a set of persons who earned their daily bread, whose

condition was fixed, and who must continue to spin and to weave to the end of

their natural existence. Nothing but this was expected of them, and they were

not supposed to be capable of social or mental improvement….

In 1831 Lowell was little more than a factory village. Several corporations

were started, and the cotton-mills belonging to them were building. Help was in

great demand; and stories were told all over the country of the new factory town,

and the high wages that were offered to all classes of work-people,—stories that

reached the ears of mechanics’ and farmers’ sons, and gave new life to lonely and

dependent women in distant towns and farmhouses….

But the early factory girls were not all country girls. There were others also,

who had been taught that “work is no disgrace.” There were some who came to

Lowell solely on account of the social or literary advantages to be found there.

They lived in secluded parts of New England, where books were scarce, and

there was no cultivated society. They had comfortable homes, and did not per-

haps need the money they would earn; but they longed to see this new “City of

Spindles.”…

It must be remembered that at this date woman had no property rights. A

widow could be left without her share of her husband’s (or the family) property,

a legal “incumbrance” to his estate. A father could make his will without refer-

ence to his daughter’s share of the inheritance….

The law took no cognizance of woman as a money-spender. She was a

ward, an appendage, a relict. Thus it happened, that if a woman did not choose

to marry, or, when left a widow, to re-marry, she had no choice but to enter

one of the few employments open to her, or to become a burden on the charity

of some relative.

In almost every New England home could be found one or more of these

women, sometimes welcome, more often unwelcome, and leading joyless, and

THE REVOLUTIONS OF THE EARLY NINETEENTH CENTURY 239

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in many instances unsatisfactory, lives. The cotton-factory was a great opening to

these lonely and dependent women. From a condition approaching pauperism they

were at once placed above want; they could earn money, and spend it as they pleased;

and could gratify their tastes and desires without restraint, and without rendering an

account to anybody….

One of the first strikes of cotton-factory operatives that ever took place in

this country was that in Lowell, in October, 1836. When it was announced that

the wages were to be cut down, great indignation was felt, and it was decided to

strike, en masse….

One of the girls stood on a pump, and gave vent to the feelings of her com-

panions in a neat speech, declaring that it was their duty to resist all attempts at

cutting down the wages. This was the first time a woman had spoken in public

in Lowell, and the event caused surprise and consternation among her audience.

Cutting down the wages was not their only grievance, nor the only cause of

this strike. Hitherto the corporations had paid twenty-five cents a week towards the

board of each operative, and now it was their purpose to have the girls pay

the sum; and this, in addition to the cut in wages, would make a difference of at

leastonedollaraweek.Itwasestimatedthatasmanyastwelveorfifteenhundred

girls turned out, and walked in procession through the streets….

It is hardly necessary to say that so far as results were concerned this strike

did no good. The dissatisfaction of the operatives subsided, or burned itself out,

and though the authorities did not accede to their demands, the majority

returned to their work, and the corporation went on cutting down the wages.

And after a time, as the wages became more and more reduced, the best

portion of the girls left and went to their homes, or to the other employments

that were fast opening to women, until there were very few of the old guard left;

and thus the status of the factory population of New England gradually became

what we know it to be to-day.

6. European Visitor Alexis de Tocqueville Considers

the Influence of Democracy on the Family, 1831

I have just been considering how among democratic peoples, particularly America,

equality modifies the relations between one citizen and another.

I want to carry the argument further and consider what happens within the

family. I am not trying to discover new truths, but to show how known facts

have a bearing on my subject.

Everyone has noticed that in our time a new relationship has evolved between

the different members of a family, that the distance formerly separating father

and son has diminished, and that paternal authority, if not abolished, has at least

changed form.

Something analogous, but even more striking, occurs in the United States.

Pages 584–5, 587–9 from Democracy in America by Alexis de Tocqueville. Edited by J. P. Mayer and Max Lerner. Trans-

mission of HarperCollins Publishers.

240 MAJOR PROBLEMS IN AMERICAN HISTORY

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In America the family, if one takes the word in its Roman and aristocratic

sense, no longer exists. One only finds scattered traces thereof in the first years

following the birth of children. The father then does, without opposition, exer-

cise the domestic dictatorship which his sons’ weakness makes necessary and

which is justified by both their weakness and his unquestionable superiority.

But as soon as the young American begins to approach man’s estate, the

reins of filial obedience are daily slackened. Master of his thoughts, he soon

becomes responsible for his own behavior. In America there is in truth no adoles-

cence. At the close of boyhood he is a man and begins to trace out his own path.

It would be wrong to suppose that this results from some sort of domestic

struggle, in which, by some kind of moral violence, the son had won the free-

dom which his father refused. The same habits and principles which lead the

former to grasp at independence dispose the latter to consider its enjoyment as

an incontestable right.

So in the former one sees none of these hateful, disorderly passions which

disturb men long after they have shaken off an established yoke. The latter feels

none of those bitter, angry regrets which usually accompany fallen power. The

father has long anticipated the moment when his authority must come to an end,

and when that time does come near, he abdicates without fuss. The son has

known in advance exactly when he will be his own master and wins his liberty

without haste or effort as a possession which is his due and which no one seeks

to snatch from him….

When the state of society turns to democracy and men adopt the general

principle that it is good and right to judge everything for oneself, taking former

beliefs as providing information but not rules, paternal opinions come to have

less power over the sons, just as his legal power is less too.

Perhaps the division of patrimonies which follows from democracy does

more than all the rest to alter the relations between father and children.

When the father of a family has little property, his son and he live constantly

in the same place and carry on the same work together. Habit and necessity

bring them together and force them all the time to communicate with each

other. There is bound, then, to be a sort of intimate familiarity between them

which makes power less absolute and goes ill with respectful formalities.

Moreover, in democracies those who possess these small fortunes are the

very class which gives ideas their force and sets the tone of mores. Both its will

and its thoughts prevail everywhere, and even those who are most disposed to

disobey its orders end by being carried along by its example. I have known fiery

opponents of democracy who allowed their children to call them “thou.”

So at the same time as aristocracy loses its power, all that was austere, con-

ventional, and legal in parental power also disappears and a sort of equality reigns

around the domestic hearth.

I am not certain, generally speaking, whether society loses by the change,

but I am inclined to think that the individual gains. I think that as mores and

laws become more democratic the relations between father and sons become

more intimate and gentle; there is less of rule and authority, often more of

THE REVOLUTIONS OF THE EARLY NINETEENTH CENTURY 241

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confidence and affection, and it would seem that the natural bond grows tighter

as the social link loosens….

Democracy too draws brothers together, but in a different way.

Under democratic laws the children are perfectly equal, and consequently

independent; nothing forcibly brings them together, but also nothing drives

them apart. Having a common origin, brought up under the same roof, and trea-

ted with the same care, as no peculiar privilege distinguishes or divides them, the

affectionate and frank intimacy of childhood easily takes root among them….

This gentleness of democratic manners is such that even the partisans of

aristocracy are attracted by it, and when they have tasted it for some time, they

are not at all tempted to return to the cold and respectful formalities of the aristo-

cratic family. They gladly keep the family habits of democracy provided they can

reject its social state and laws….

I think that I may be able to sum up in one phrase the whole sense of this

chapter and of several others that preceded it. Democracy loosens social ties, but

it tightens natural ones. At the same time as it separates citizens, it brings kindred

closer together.

7. Author Charles Dickens Describes Travel

on an Early Railroad Train, 1842

Before leaving Boston, I devoted one day to an excursion to Lowell….

I made acquaintance with an American railroad, on this occasion, for the first

time. As these works are pretty much alike all through the States, their general

characteristics are easily described.

There are no first and second class carriages as with us; but there is a gentle-

men’s car and a ladies’ car: the main distinction between which is that in the first,

everybody smokes; and in the second, nobody does. As a black man never travels

with a white one, there is also a negro car; which is a great, blundering, clumsy

chest, such as Gulliver put to sea in, from the kingdom of Brobdingnag [a land

where everything is huge]. There is a great deal of jolting, a great deal of noise, a

great deal of wall, not much window, a locomotive engine, a shriek, and a bell.

The cars are like shabby omnibuses, but larger: holding thirty, forty, fifty, peo-

ple. The seats, instead of stretching from end to end, are places crosswise. Each seat

holds two persons. There is a long row of them on each side of the caravan, a nar-

row passage up the middle, and a door at both ends. In the centre of the carriage

there is usually a stove, fed with charcoal or anthracite coal; which is for the most

part red-hot. It is insufferably close; and you see the hot air fluttering between your-

self and any other object you may happen to look at, like the ghost of smoke….

Except when a branch road joins the main one, there is seldom more than

one track of rails; so that the road is very narrow, and the view, where there is a

deep cutting, by no means extensive. When there is not, the character of the

Charles Dickens, American Notes for General Circulation (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1842; reprinted Harmondsworth,

Eng.: Penguin, 1972), 111–113.

242 MAJOR PROBLEMS IN AMERICAN HISTORY

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