Boardman J., Hammond N.G. L. The Cambridge Ancient History Volume 3, Part 3: The Expansion of the Greek World, Eighth to Sixth Centuries BC
Подождите немного. Документ загружается.
THE MATERIAL EVIDENCE 2OJ
ones in scale and rivalled Ephesus in sophistication; and there were of
course other temples, like that
at
Phana in Chios, which by ordinary
standards were substantial.
16
The construction
of
the great stone and
marble temples demanded high skill in organization and engineering.
17
Huge stone blocks had to be transported, hoisted, and fitted (at Ephesus
the architrave blocks weighed up to forty tons), and Theodorus must
have used to advantage the square, the level, and the lathe (which was
employed on the Heraeum column drums), for he was later said to have
invented them. In these buildings techniques and carved ornamentation
were evolved which were applied in the new architecture of the Persian
capitals a decade or two later.
Places that have yielded works
of
Archaic East Greek
art and
craftsmanship
in
some quantity
are the
Samian Heraeum, Miletus,
Ephesus and Didyma (most productive of
sculpture),
and the cemeteries
of Rhodes; Old Smyrna and graves
at
Clazomenae and Pitane have
yielded painted pottery including terracotta sarcophagi; the Larisa site
by the Hermus and the island of Nisyros have produced local wares in
somewhat wayward styles; Sardis yields finds which come within the
ambit of East Greek art, though sometimes with
a
distinctive idiom;
and East Greek pottery has been found in overseas settlements such as
Naucratis and Tell Defenneh in Egypt, Tocra (Taucheira) and Cyrene
in North Africa, and the Black Sea area. The view that Ionia (or East
Greece) was artistically in the lead in comparison with mainland Greece
originated a hundred years ago; but a strong reaction set in a generation
ago,
and in particular
it
has become clear that Near Eastern impulses
were transmitted to Greece direct and not through Ionia.
18
In pottery Geometric decorative motifs and bird cups show something
of a common style spread over the East Greek area from before 700
B.C., and after that we find bird bowls and rosette bowls made to more
or less standard types
in
most parts
of
East Greece. From the mid
seventh century on a very distinctive style of vase-painting established
itself throughout East Greece
-
what is known as the Wild Goat Style
(fig. 33).
19
It
has its characteristic vase shapes (broad wine-jugs, plates
with tondo decoration,
and
stemmed dishes);
and in
addition
to
freehand floral ornaments
it
has a limited repertory of animals in more
or less schematic poses (principally lion, sphinx, griffin, bull, boar, deer,
dog and hare, duck, and above all the wild goats whose files often form
zones around
a
jug), all painted in silhouette and outline technique on
a white-slipped ground with some use of applied colour. The motifs
and arrangement quickly became canonical so that different schools can
not very easily be recognized in the East Greek area; but there was some
18
D
2O, 171-87.
" H 30.
18
D
29; D 46;
F
13.
" H
29, II)-4i;
D 57.
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008
206
Z.
THE EASTERN GREEKS
33.
Wild Goat style oenochoe from Vroulia, Rhodes. About 600
B.C.
Height 30 cm. (Rhodes Museum; after
D
60, pi. 16.1.)
general development, and broadly speaking the use of incision on animal
forms seems to have been adopted sooner in north Ionia than in the
south, while Chian workshops evolved a delicate genre of their own
with the fine chalice as the distinctive shape. In contrast to Attic and
Corinthian, the Wild Goat style was content to serve a decorative
purpose during the two and a half or three generations in which it
dominated the fine pottery of East Greece; and there was little advance
in the arrangement and forms, with human beings hardly introduced
at all and no concern with narrative scenes. The forms, however, were
attractive in themselves and well adapted to the adornment of
the
vases.
The Wild Goat style was for a long time best known to scholars from
finds in the island of Rhodes and therefore commonly called ' Rhodian';
but we can now see it as an almost universal East Greek style, and the
output of Rhodes appears perhaps rather conventional in comparison
with some Ionian centres.
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008
THE MATERIAL EVIDENCE 207
In the second quarter of
the
sixth century the domination of
the
Wild
Goat style came to,an end. Chios continued to produce its distinctive
fine ware without intermission.
20
But north Ionia and the south
diverged at this time. In the south, from Samos to Rhodes, a curious
experimental style asserted
itself-
that known as Fikellura.
21
The most
characteristic shape is the dumpy amphora; and the decoration
is
broadly conceived, often with a main motif isolated in an empty field.
Men are now shown in vigorous motion, the figures being done in dark
silhouette with the inner detail not incised but reserved. Here again,
though a locality in the island of Rhodes gave its name to this class of
pottery, the Rhodian output is not the finest. In the vase-painting of
northern Ionia the influence from Attica was stronger, and the style that
came to prevail there was a colourful black-figure one. Finds show it
at home in Clazomenae and Old Smyrna, but a body of material of this
class was found
at
the Iono-Carian military cantonment
at
Tell
Defenneh which seems to have come to an end with Cambyses' conquest
of Egypt in
5 25
B.C.
22
Sphinxes and human-headed birds often dominate
the files of these vases. But dancers and bacchants are not infrequent;
occasionally motifs are derived from the Greek mythology, but no
iconographical tradition comparable to that of Athens was formed. A
small but distinctive part of the East Greek ware found in Egypt may
perhaps have been produced there for the resident Greeks by immigrant
craftsmen from East Greece
;
23
and it
is
also possible that emigrants from
north Ionia after the Persian conquest set up workshops for painted
pottery in Etruria.
24
But the belief in a massive Ionian contribution to
the formation of Etruscan art belonged to the time when Ionia was
thought to be in the lead artistically, and is now less widely held.
Painted terracotta sarcophagi gave the East Greek artists an ampler
field for their figure style on the broadened upper rim flange of the
vessel.
25
They seem to have made their appearance in north Ionia about
530 B.C. and been manufactured for a couple of generations; scattered
examples have been found on Lesbos and beyond in the north and
Rhodes in the south, but the main production seems to have centred
on the Gulf of Smyrna, and the name 'Clazomenian' has with some
justice been applied to the class. Much of the decoration (including
animals) harks back to the Wild Goat style, which had continued in use
among vase-painters of the lower Hermus region; but a black-figure
style (and occasionally red-figure) took possession of the broader head
end of the rim, and here scenes of human activity (chariots and battles)
20
D 22, 156-71;
c
232, 57-63; D 233, 24-8; D 99, 67-73.
21
D 28; D 99 passim.
iz
D 51; D 52; D 26.
23
D 17; D 19; A 7, 123, 1379.
25
See n. 11.
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008
2O8 39<7. THE EASTERN GREEKS
were dominant. Some acquaintance with contemporary Attic art is
evident; and though lacking in originality these vessels show the
painters handling designs on a larger scale than vases would permit.
Eastern Greeks who visited Egypt must have been astonished at the
wealth of sculpture which they saw there. But they do not seem at first
to have been prompted to emulation; and it was only after the white
marble of Naxos had been brought into use and a sculptural tradition
established in the Cyclades that they turned seriously to the making of
full-scale statuary. What especially captured their interest was the
representation of drapery with its emphasis on slanting and radiating
folds;
with the skirt pulled tight over the legs it formed an attractive
theme not only for marble statues but for plastic terracotta vases
manufactured in southern Ionia and Rhodes. Chios had a famous
sculptural school, to judge by the literary sources, a family of sculptors
being named (Mikkiades, Archermus, and Boupalos and Athenis) whose
activity must have spanned the greater part of the sixth century and
covered the Central Aegean and Athens. The indications seem to be that
this was a fashionable school in the main stream of Aegean development.
The sculptural style of Samos and Miletus, as revealed by finds of the
two middle quarters of the sixth century there and at Didyma, was more
distinctive; and this seems to have been the characteristic East Greek
style.
The anatomy of the athletic male figure and the underlying bone
structure did not have the compulsive appeal here that it had on the
other side of the Aegean; in fact in their statues East Greek men were
commonly shown as well nourished, amply draped, and not infrequently
seated, and they do not appear less dignified for being so. This East
Greek sculpture is superficial in the sense that what lies beneath the
surface has not been explored. Simple forms of sphere and cylinder (or
cube in the case of seated figures) lend coherence to the design, as heads
and skirts most clearly show; and the effect of the curving planes is
heightened by the variation between deceptively simple unadorned
surfaces and piquant facial features or fine repetitive patterns. The
impression created is ample, sometimes voluptuous, and on occasion
exotic.
26
In other arts the East Greeks were no less original in their treatment
of forms and techniques learned from their neighbours or customers.
Several of the finer seventh-century ivories found in Greece carry clear
suggestions of East Greek or Lydian origin
—
a head at Perachora, the
' Apollo' with a lion at Delphi
—
and at home the sanctuary sites have
offered both imports from the East and Egypt, and the products of
distinctive local schools: best known the ivories of the Ephesus
foundation deposit and lyre-fittings like the kneeling youth from
28
D
39;
D
94; H 19, 68-72, 87-8,
160-1;
H
66, 70-86.
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008
THE MATERIAL EVIDENCE 2O9
Samos.
27
Some time before the middle of the sixth century East Greek
artists learned eastern techniques of cutting hardstone gem intaglios and
inaugurated an art which was to be taken up later by other areas of
Greece.
28
In
metalwork there was
a
studio
for
the production
of
orientalizing griffin-head cauldrons in
Samos,
29
matching the workshops
in
the
Peloponnese,
and a
limited vogue
for the
production
of
Phrygian-style belts in bronze for the women of Ionia.
30
The skills in
metal-working of Glaucus of Chios were legendary, while Samos was
the pioneer
in
hollow bronze casting
and
Theodorus
—
architect,
sculptor,
toreutes
and gem-engraver
—
appears
to
foreshadow Renais-
sance man in versatility.
31
In examining East Greek art we can not fail to be conscious that
despite local variants and occasional divergences there is a recognizable
homogeneity in both forms and development. So far as we can tell, the
Wild Goat Style arrived more or less simultaneously in the different
parts of East Greece, and it is remarkably uniform. In the sixth century
Chios
and
north Ionia diverged
to
some extent,
or
adopted
an
intermediate position in contact with new movements on the other side
of the Aegean. But there still remained a system of forms and an ethos
that can be characterized as East Greek, and in general we seem justified
in recognizing
an
artistic 'koine'.
To the
eastern Greeks
art
was
something more decorative and less intellectually exacting than it was
in Athens. It was not a medium of story-telling and transmission of the
legends rivalling the literary genres; nor did
it
involve
a
rigorous
exploration
of
the structure
of
the human form
in
all its details
or
perseverance in a progressing tradition from generation to generation.
The East Greek vase-painters were concerned to produce a harmonious
relationship between vase form and decoration rather than major
paintings in miniature. At the same time the Eastern Greeks were not
petty
in
the scale
of
their creations,
as is
shown
by
the enormous
cauldron that Colaeus is said to have dedicated at the Samian Heraeum
from the profits of his voyage to Tartessus (Hdt. iv.
15
2),
the fragments
of colossal statues found there and the sculptural group
of
a whole
family carved by Geneleus,
32
and of course the huge temples of the mid
sixth century. What
is
historically most interesting, however,
is
the
conscious adherence of the eastern Greeks to
a
common tradition in
their art which not only united them but distinguished them from other
Greeks. In the Archaic Greek world there was no other artistic
koine
with
a
comparable territorial spread; and
it
was not simply Ionian,
because Rhodes and to some extent the Aeolis participated in it. Rhodes,
27
D 38; D 41.
28
H ij;
H
16 ch. 4.
29
H 44; H 45.
30
D
22, 214-21; A
7,
90-I.
31
H 60, nos. 261-93.
32
D
39.
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008
2IO 39^-
THE
EASTERN GREEKS
which by the chance of archaeological discoveries seemed at one time
to be altogether the most productive centre in vase-painting at least,
does not show signs of any great originating power, and Chios tended
to be on a fringe of its own. If we had to select an Ionian city as the
leader in the creation of this artistic
koine,
it would not be easy to choose
between Miletus and Samos, for not nearly enough relevant material
is to hand. But it may be that we should not look for one single leader;
Samos and Miletus, together with Ephesus, formed the cultural heart
of Ionia, and they could have been capable, in collaboration and
competition, of promoting artistic movements which would find favour
with their East Greek neighbours and so encouraging the formation
of a common style. That the Rhodians so readily embraced this style
implies that their cultural links were with the Ionian cities by the time
that they became associated with them in commerce with the Levant
and Egypt.
East Greek craftsmen seem also to have worked at inland centres in
the sixth century, to judge by the court art of Sardis, fragments of
wall-paintings excavated at Gordium, and perhaps East Greek influence
on the carving of Phrygian tomb monuments. Of especial interest is the
recent discovery of painted terracotta gutter plaques with designs of a
griffin and an Iranian rider at Diiver in the southern Phrygian region.
33
These date about the third quarter of the sixth century and belong to
a class of terracotta revetments which was widespread in the East Greek
area and with painted relief designs of banquets, chariot scenes, and
predatory animals, formed an East Greek artistic genre at this time.
34
In this region of the south-west Anatolian plateau south of the Phrygian
heart-land a few sherds from imported East Greek pots of Archaic date
have been picked up,
35
and there are other possible Greek connexions
such as the name Celaenae by which a settlement here (at Dinar) appears
to have been known when Xerxes passed this way (Hdt. vn. 26). In
addition, a variety of forms and motifs in the pottery of this region show
resemblances with East Greek. So it is at first sight tempting to think
in terms of Ionian penetration to the top of the Maeander valley in the
seventh and sixth centuries. There seems, however, to have been a
strong native tradition of painted pottery in Iron Age southern
Anatolia, into which the motifs may be fitted without any great
discrepancy; and connexions with Lydia and inner Anatolian ceramics
may be postulated. It would be premature to claim that the south-west
of Anatolia was penetrated in depth by Ionians before the Persian
conquest; and on the other hand the evidence hardly permits us to speak
33
D
1
; D
88.
34
D }.
35
B
IO;
D
67;
D
70.
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008
OVERSEAS
EXPANSION 211
of a western Anatolian artistic style
in
which the eastern Greeks were
participants.
36
With their Iranian rider the Diiver plaques seem to show East Greek
art being brought into use
for
the benefit
of
the new masters; and
in
recent years evidence has been mounting up
in
the form
of
sculptured
reliefs
and
even
of
wall-paintings (Gordium
and
northern Lycia),
in
both
of
which East Greek artistic forms govern the iconography
but
are converted
to
suit
the
life-style
of
local potentates
or
Persian
grandees. With these, however, we are descending below the limits
of
the present volume.
III.
THE OVERSEAS EXPANSION OF THE EASTERN GREEKS
In the centuries that followed their establishment on the coast
of
Asia
Minor the East Greek cities there seem
to
have steadily consolidated
their frontier on the inland side so that in places their territory extended
for
a
couple
of
days' walk from
the
sea;
and
the gaps between
the
individual cities were filled up. Miletus affords an example. Herodotus
(i.
18 and vi. 20) speaks of three distinct lots of Milesian territory: their
own land (the peninsula
on
which Miletus
and
Didyma stood),
the
Hjperakria
(the hill country to the east of
this),
and the Maeander plain
across the
gulf.
But we also know of Milesian possession
of
Thebe on
Mt Mycale and
in the
region
of
Panionium; and
at
some early date,
contrary to the normal trend, the islands facing the Milesian coast were
annexed
by the
mainland city. Miletus appears
to
have turned
her
attention
to the
Hellespontine region
in the
first half
of
the seventh
century, and
it is an
easy surmise that the Ionian colonization
in the
north-east resulted from the blocking
of
her landward frontier by the
new Lydian power under Gyges. But it is probably no more than a half
truth. Before the end of the eighth century Mytilene was expanding on
to
the
mainland south
of the
Dardanelles,
and not
long after that
Mytilene
and
Chios seem
to
have been planting settlements
on the
Thracian coasts; so Lydian aggression is not the sole cause of the East
Greek expansion, and in the case of Chios there are grounds for thinking
that the aim may have been economic.
The eastern Greeks were late-comers
in the
history
of
Greek
colonization; and they were not in the forefront of trade with the Near
East (see above,
ch.
36a).
At
Tarsus
and Al
Mina excavations have
shown that Greek traders were active
in
the eighth century before the
Assyrian conquest, but they seem to have been mainly Euboeans. It was
only
in
the seventh century,
to
judge by the pottery found there, that
36
D68.
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008
212 39
d
-
THE
EASTERN GREEKS
eastern Greeks came to dominate the Greek element that helped to make
these places (and in a lesser degree Mersin and ^Feil Sukas) important
ports (above, pp. 7—11). The wealth of Cypriot objects found by
excavators in Samos and Rhodes suggests that in the seventh century
Cyprus was involved in the trade with eastern Greece
37
(and no doubt
supplying metal); and in the absence of firm archaeological evidence
on the spot we must tentatively assign to this period the foundations
in Pamphylia and Cilicia on the south coast of Asia Minor that are
recorded as East Greek colonies and would have provided shelter to
ships passing between the Aegean and Cyprus or the Levant: Nagiftus
and Celenderis (founded from Samos), Side (alleged to be from Aeolic
Cyme),
Phaselis and Soli (from Rhodes, with the Phaselites soon
participating in the Hellenium at Naucratis in their own right), and
Holmi (of uncertain
origin).
Archaeological evidence for their Hellenism
is slight, but Classical coins and literary sources attest consciousness of
the Greek heritage on this coast.
Egypt was more distant and at first less accessible. Whether as raiders
on their own account or on the instigation of
Gyges,
Ionian and Carian
bronze-clad mercenaries arrived in the Delta about 660
B.C.
and were
taken into the employment of Psammetichus I, who in due course
settled a large body of them in encampments on the banks of the
Pelusiac arm of the Nile; Herodotus (u. 154) tells us that they were the
first aliens to be given settlements in Egypt, and recent excavation* of
sites on the eastern edge of the Delta there show eastern Greeks resident
in the sixth century at least. The Iono-Carian guard itself was transferred
by Amasis to Memphis; but the Ionic presence in the Delta was
augmented by the establishment of a self-regulating community at
Naucratis on the Canopic arm of the Nile. Herodotus (11. 178) speaks
of the place as having been granted to Greek settlers and traders by
Amasis (so after 570 B.C.); but Strabo (xvn. 801) tells us that Naucratis
was founded by Milesians who had established a fort in the Delta in
the time of Psammetichus, and in fact the finds at Naucratis show that
Greek occupation dates back to the last quarter of the seventh century
(see above, p. 37ff). Clearly this was a settlement whose
raison
d
'etre
was trade. Grain must have been the principal commodity sought,
though manufactured products such as linen and papyrus were also
required by the Greeks at home; against this, silver is assumed to have
been the most important import, with perhaps a limited market for
Aegean specialities such as wine and olive oil. Herodotus speaks of the
Hellenium at Naucratis as being a joint venture of nine cities of East
Greece (of the Ionians Chios, Teos, Phocaea, and Clazomenae, of the
Dorians Rhodes, Cnidus, Halicarnassus, and Phaselis, and of the
" B 146; D 85.
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008
OVERSEAS EXPANSION 213
Aeolians Mytilene); but he adds that the Milesians and Samians, as also
the Aeginetans, set up shrines there. Finds on the site (including ethnics
on votive inscriptions) and coin hoards accord with his enumeration
of the participating cities. It is clear that the eastern Greeks played the
largest part in the Greek trade with Egypt before the Persian conquest
(525
B.C.)
and that northern Ionia had a substantial share in it. The
mention of participation by several south Dorian cities is of special
interest. The corporate action of the eastern Greeks from their different
cities will presumably have resulted more from cooperation on the spot
than by agreement between the cities themselves, though Herodotus'
mention of Rhodes as though it were a single city is suggestive. But
it shows a sense of unity and common purpose among the eastern
Greeks which corresponds to the artistic
koine
that has been remarked
above. The consciousness of belonging together seems to have affected
the eastern Greeks as a whole, and their readiness to cooperate may not
be unconnected with the previous East Greek ventures in the Levant.
This background of collaboration in the development of markets may
have influenced the course of Ionian colonization.
There are signs of Ionian interest in the North African coasts of Libya
and Numidia. But the two main Ionian colonial
fields
were the north-east
and the European far west; and in either case it was a single city that
provided the leadership (see above, ch. 37). In the north-east Miletus
set the pace, as possibly she may have done initially at Naucratis. She
is said by Latin writers to have been the mother city of
75
or even 90
colonies; this is no doubt an exaggeration, but we can give names to
two dozen places between the Hellespont and the far coasts of
the
Black
Sea for which a Milesian foundation was claimed. In the second half
of the seventh century Greek footholds were established on the shores
of the Black Sea, which came in time to be studded with settlements
of predominantly Milesian origin. Ultimately the more prosperous ones
provided a livelihood for a substantial population; it may be supposed
that many men from other East Greek cities joined in under Milesian
leadership, and in due course viticulture and manufactures were
developed (especially in the Crimea). These shores were not such as the
Greeks would choose to inhabit by preference; and there
is
some ground
for the belief that on the northern shores of the Black Sea at least regular
colonization was preceded by trading stations or fishing factories which
were frequented seasonally and only gradually developed into city
communities. In the sixth century these Pontic settlements must have
added a new dimension to the commerce of East Greece. Grain,
preserved fish, and hides no doubt formed a large part of the output,
with Cappadocian red ochre, Chalybian steel, and hardwood for
furniture exported from the southern coast. In this respect the Pontic
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008
214 39^-
THE
EASTERN GREEKS
colonies differed from the older ones in Sicily and south Italy, that they
complemented rather than duplicated the products of the Greek lands
and were able to furnish essential commodities in bulk. This could not
but affect the economic balance
of
the East Greek cities themselves.
In
the far
west
the
dominant force was
the
north Ionian city
of
Phocaea, whose situation on the end
of
a promontory made maritime
activity
a
necessity
if
it was
to
prosper. The Phocaeans may not have
been the first Greeks in the far west
-
Herodotus tells us (iv.
15 2)
that
Colaeus
the
Samian accidentally made
a
pioneering voyage which
disclosed the rich market for metals (silver, and no doubt bronze)
at
Tartessus beyond the Straits
of
Gibraltar, apparently about 638 B.C.;
and there is a possible hint of Rhodian activity on the north-east Spanish
coast and around the Rhone mouths. But
it
was the Phocaeans who
gained the confidence
of
Arganthonius the king
of
Tartessus and
for
many years had
a
monopoly
of
the metal trade there. They were
not
averse to planting agriculturally self-sufficient colonies in suitable spots.
Their foundation of about 600 B.C.
at
Massalia (Marseille) became one
of the great cities, and we can name over a dozen settlements that were
said to have been planted by the Phocaeans or Massaliots on the coasts
between Hyele (Elea)
in
south Italy and Maenace near the Straits
of
Gibraltar.
On the
other hand Emporiae (Ampurias)
on the
north-
eastern Spanish coast proclaims by its name
a
deliberate function as
a
trading station across the gulf from Massalia. The Phocaeans traded in
fifty-oared war galleys in these waters, which may imply that the state
was deeply implicated in the commercial enterprise of its people in the
west (Thucydides speaks of the Phocaeans as having a fleet with which
they defeated the Carthaginians there). In his account of the Phocaeans'
activity (1. 163—7) Herodotus stresses
the
long-distance character
of
their voyaging
in
the different seas; and after refugees from Phocaea
itself had come to reinforce their settlement at Alalia in Corsica shortly
before 540 B.C. (above, p. 199), the seas west of the Straits
of
Messina
seem to have been infested by Phocaeans for five years until their losses
in
the
'Cadmean' victory over superior Etruscan
and
Carthaginian
forces off Alalia put a check to their aggressiveness. But if the Phocaeans
ceased
to
exist as
a
power, their colonies remained; and Massalia and
its satellites brought the essentials
of
the Greek way of life, including
vines,
olives,
and
agriculture,
to the
natives
of
southern Gaul
and
promoted trade up the Rhone valley until
it
perhaps even tapped
a
tin
route up the Seine.
Here again
we may
surmise that though
one
single Ionian city
provided
the
leadership, citizens
of
others joined
in
manning
the
settlements; in fact the principal Greek deity of
this
stretch of coast was
Artemis of
Ephesus.
Carians may also have participated with the eastern
Greeks in ventures in the Black Sea and the west; for Carian place-names
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008