Beasley E. Empire as the Triumph of Theory: Imperialism, Information and the Colonial Society of 1868 (British and Foreign and Colonial Policy)
Подождите немного. Документ загружается.
1982), pp. 63–76; John H.Waller, Beyond the Khyber Pass: The Road to British
Disaster in the First Afghan War (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1990), pp. 45–
6.
87 Another member with a family connection to missionaries, Francis Cornwallis
Maude, was more military than devout, although his uncle was a bulwark of the
Church Missionary Society. Stock, Church Missionary Society, vol. I, p. 256, and
vol. II, p. 377, and passim; Buckland, Dictionary of Indian Biography, p. 118.
88 Except for a few sidelong references to imperial officials, the members of the
Colonial Society simply do not appear in such works as Thomas C.Holt, The
Problem of Freedom: Race, Labour, and Politics in Jamaica and Britain, 1832–
1938 (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1992); Seymour Drescher,
Capitalism and Antislavery: British Mobilization in Comparative Perspective (New
York: Oxford University Press, 1987); William A.Green, British Slave
Emancipation: The Sugar Colonies and the Great Experiment 1830–1865 (Oxford:
Clarendon Press, 1976); and Howard Temperley, British Antislavery 1833–1870
(London: Longmans, 1972); or even in works focused upon more select groups and
periods, such as C.Duncan Rice, The Scots Abolitionists, 1833–1861 (Baton Rouge:
Louisiana State University Press, 1981). Most of the London-based anti-slavery
societies disappeared in the 1830s or early 1840s. The two exceptions are the British
and Foreign Antislavery Society, which continues to this day, and the London
Emancipation Committee (later the London Emancipation Society), which existed
from 1859 up until about 1866—Temperley, British Antislavery, pp. 271–2.
89 Lovett, London Missionary Society, vol. II, pp. 689–93, 712–15, 722–3, 727–8;
Stock, Church Missionary Society, vol. II, pp. 390, 409–10, 654; Anderson-
Morshead, Universities’ Mission to Central Africa, vol. I, p. 64; Donald
M.Macfarlan, Calabar: The Church of Scotland Mission Founded 1846, rev. edn
(1946; London: Thomas Nelson & Sons, 1957), pp. 6–14.
4
Businessmen
1 C.C.Eldridge, England’s Mission: The Imperial Idea in the Age of Gladstone and
Disraeli 1868–1880 (London: Macmillan, 1973), pp. 161–5.
2 Frederic Boase, Modern English Biography, 6 vols (London: Privately printed,
1892–1921; reprint, New York: Barnes and Noble, 1965), vol. II, pp. 715–16. For
some of Manchester’s imperial investments in the 1880s, see G.P.Taylor, ‘Business
and Politics in Queensland, 1859–1895’, New Zealand Journal of History 1, 1 (April
1967), pp. 75–92.
3 Disraeli to Mrs Brydges Williams, given in Monypenny and Buckle, Life of Disraeli,
vol. III, p. 87; Joan Perkin, Women and Marriage in Nineteenth-century England
(London: Routledge, 1989), pp. 93–4.
4 William Drogo Montagu [7th Duke of Manchester], Court and Society from
Notes 154
Elizabeth to Anne: Edited from the Papers at Kimbolton, 2 vols (London: Hurst and
Blackett, 1864)—and for the editorial and ghost-writing assistance that the Duke
received, see vol. I, p. v; and Patrick Jackson, The Last of the Whigs: A Political
Biography of Lord Hartington, Later Eighth Duke of Devonshire (1833–1908)
(Cranbury, NJ: Associated University Presses, 1994), pp. 20–3.
5 Or so it would seem. The Jamaican estate existed and then was gone, so presumably
it went during Buckingham’s great forced land sales in the late 1840s. For the estate
see Frederick B.Heath, ‘The Grenvilles in the Nineteenth Century: The Emergence
of Commercial Affiliations’, Huntington Library Quarterly, 25, 1 (November 1961),
pp. 29–49 at p. 35.
6 Frederick B.Heath, ‘Richard Greville, Third Duke of Buckingham and Chandos: A
Case Study of the 19th Century “Amphibious” Aristocrat’ (Ph.D. dissertation,
University of Southern California, 1959), p. 34; Heath, Grenvilles; John Beckett,
The Rise and Fall of the Grenvilles, Dukes of Buckingham and Chandos, 1710–1921
(Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1994), pp. 192–278.
7 Lord Chandos to Gladstone, May 1857, enclosure in Lord Chandos to Gladstone, 10
July 1857, fos 19–21; Lord Chandos to Gladstone, 26 September 1857, fo 59; Lord
Chandos to Gladstone, 30 September 1857, fo 75, GP vol. CCCIII, BL Add. MS
44388.
8 Geoffrey Searle, ‘New Light on the Colonial Office, Sir George Bowen, and the
Victorian Constitutional Crises’, Historical Studies (Australia and New Zealand),
13, 52 (April 1969), pp. 533–8; Dorothy P.Clarke, ‘The Colonial Office and the
Constitutional Crises in Victoria, 1865–68’, Historical Studies (Australia. & New
Zealand), 5, 18 (May 1952), pp. 160–71.
9 Angus Hawkins, Parliament, Party, and the Art of Politics in Britain, 1855–59
(Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1987), p. 208.
10 Heath, ‘Richard Greville’, p. 78; Beckett, The Rise and Fall of the Grenvilles, pp.
226–81 (esp. pp. 264–5, 280).
11 George Eden Marindin (ed.), Letters of Frederic Lord Blachford, Undersecretary o
f
State for the Colonies, 1860–1871 (London: John Murray, 1896), p. 264; Warwick
P.N.Tyler, ‘Sir Frederic Rogers, Permanent Under-Secretary at the Colonial Office,
1860–1871’ (Ph.D. dissertation, Duke University, 1963), pp. 64–5; Fred
D.Schneider, ‘Deadlock on the Rock: Constitutionalism and Counteraction in
Heligoland, 1864–1868’, Canadian Journal of History, 8, 1 (March 1973), pp. 23–
35.
12 For the affair of the Halifax and Quebec Company, see John S.Galbraith, The
Hudson’s Bay Company as an Imperial Factor, 1821–1869 (Berkeley and Los
Angeles: University of California Press, 1957), pp. 362–4.
13 Ibid., pp. 376–7, 386.
14 Roger Fulford, Glyn’s, 1753–1953: Six Generations in Lombard Street (London:
Macmillan, 1953), pp. 179–81; Andrew Robb, ‘Edward Watkin and the Pacific
Telegraph, 1861–1865’, Ontario History, 65, 4 (December 1973), pp. 189–209 at
pp. 196, 201; A.F.Thompson, ‘Gladstone’s Whips and the General Election of
1868’, English Historical Review, 43 (April 1948), pp. 189–200.
15 On Baring’s refusal of the leadership, see Blake, Disraeli, p. 307; and Monypenny
Notes 155
and Buckle, Disraeli, vol. III, pp. 81, 307–8. On the Hon. Francis Baring and his lack
of involvement with the family bank, see R.B.Madgwick, Immigration into Eastern
Australia (London: Longmans, Green & Co, 1937; reprint, Sydney University Press,
1969), p. 93, n. 4; Winch, Classical Political Economy and the Colonies, pp. 109ff.;
Philip Ziegler, The Sixth Great Power: Barings, 1762–1929 (London: Collins,
1988), pp. 119–23.
16 Adderley to Gladstone, enclosure, 20 December 1849, GP vol. CCLXXXIII, BL
Add. MS. 44368, fo 309.
17 Baring to Clerk, Clerk MSS, IOLR, MSS Eur D.538/2, chiefly fos 150–74. For the
cotton trade, Baring to Clerk, 19 November 1861, fos 195–6. For stationery and
larger economies, Baring to Clerk, 30 September 1860, fos 160–7.
18 Bernard Mallet, Thomas George Earl of Northbrook, GCSI, A Memoir (London:
Longmans, Green & Co, 1908), pp. 5–9; Stenton and Lees, Who’s Who of British
Members of Parliament, vol. I, pp. 21–2; Stock, Church Missionary Society, vol. I,
p. 109.
19 Ziegler, The Sixth Great Power, pp. 158–9, 161–2.
20 Thomas Baring to Peel, 31 January 1845, Peel Papers, vol. CCCLXXVIII, BL Add.
MS 40588, fos 428–30.
21 PP, Report from the Select Committee on Indian Territories, No. 533 (1852–53);
PP, Report from the Select Committee on Indian Territories, Nos. 426, 479, 556,
692, 768, 897 (1853).
22 Boase, Modern English Biography, vol. I, sect. 162; Monypenny and Buckle, Life
of Disraeli, vol. III, pp. 78, 84–5, 295, n. 1, 349, 510–11, and vol. IV, pp. 94, 107–8,
166.
23 Becker, Scientific London, pp. 189–200.
24 Lord Stanley’s diary, 6 August 1866, given in Vincent, Dismeli, Derby, and the
Conservative Party: Journals of Lord Stanley, p. 263.
25 Baring to Peel, 20 July 1844, Peel Papers, vol. CCCLXVIII, BL Add. MS 40548,
fos 320–1; Baring to Austen Henry Layard, 3 May 1860, AHLP vol. CXC, BL Add.
MS 39120, fo 18; Baring to Layard, 26 August 1862, AHLP vol. CLXXIII, BL Add.
MS 39103, fos 436–7; Baring to Layard, 13 March and 20 March 1863, AHLP vol.
CLXXV, BL Add. MS 39105, fos 149 and 167; Baring to Layard [March 1864],
AHLP vol. CLXXIX, BL Add. MS 39109, fo 18.
26 PP, Report from the Select Committee on the Sydney Branch Mint, No. 421 (1862);
for testimony to his expertise, see Peel to Baring, 13 January 1845, Peel Papers, vol.
CCCLXXVIII, BL Add. MS 40557.
27 For the latter journey, see Charles Greville to Mrs Baring, 26 August 1852, given in
Johnson, Letters of Greville and Reeve, p. 182.
28 For banking connections, see e.g. Michael J.Piva, ‘Continuity and Crisis: Francis
Hincks and Canadian Economic Policy’, Canadian Historical Review, 6, 2 (March
1985), pp. 185–210.
29 Ralph W.Hidy, The House of Baring in American Trade and Finance: English
Merchant Bankers at Work, 1763–1861, Harvard Studies in Business History, 14
(Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1949); Guildhall Library, ‘Catalogue o
f
the Baring Papers’, H.C. 1.20.4/3. The Papers were withdrawn from deposit by
Notes 156
Baring Bros in July 1992.
30 Monypenny and Buckle, Life of Disraeli, vol. III, p. 295, n. 1; Ziegler, The Sixth
Great Power, pp. 143–61; Tocqueville, Democracy in America, pp. 567–71.
31 Guildhall Library, ‘Catalogue of the Baring Papers’, H.C. 5.15, fos 2–103, Grand
Trunk Railway of Canada; Currie, Grand Trunk Railroad, pp. 31–2.
32 D.C.M.Platt and Jeremy Adelman, ‘London Merchant Bankers in the First Phase of
Heavy Borrowing: The Grand Trunk Railroad of Canada’, Journal of Imperial and
Commonwealth History, 18 (May 1990), pp. 208–27 at pp. 215–22 and 226, n. 30;
and Careless, Union of the Canadas, pp. 142–4.
33 Ann M.Carlos and Frank D.Lewis, ‘The Creative Financing of an Unprofitable
Enterprise: The Grand Trunk Railway of Canada, 1853–1881’, Explorations in
Economic History, 32, 3 (July 1995), pp. 273–301 at pp. 276, 287, n. 25 and 288.
Carlos and Lewis note that smaller British investors were unaware of the first call on
Grand Trunk assets, but pace their own argument, Carlos and Lewis also show that
Thomas Baring would have known all about it, yet he personally took the largest
share of the risk.
34 Ziegler, The Sixth Great Power, pp. 182–3, 199–201, 210–20.
35 D.C.M.Platt, Foreign Finance in Continental Europe and the United States, 1815–
1870: Quantities, Origins, Functions and Distribution (London: George Allen &
Unwin, 1984), pp. 140–71.
36 For the five years after 1848, however, the clients seemed to prefer United States
investment. Hidy, House of Baring, p. 475; Ziegler, Sixth Great Power, pp. 143–57.
37 Galbraith, Hudson’s Bay Company, pp. 376–7.
38 Peel to Baring, 11 January 1845, Peel Papers, vol. CCCLXXVIII, BL Add. MS
40557, fos 350–1.
39 Baring to Peel, 30 January 1846, Peel Papers, vol. CCCCIII, BL Add. MS 40583,
fos 300–1.
40 W.D.Rubinstein, ‘British Millionaires, 1809–1949’, Bulletin of the Institute of
Historical Research, 47, 116 (November 1974), pp. 202–23. The year 1916 is a
good stopping point for counting millionaires because it marked the death of the
second-to-the-last known surviving founder member of the Colonial Society. (The
last member to die was Leonard Wray, Junior, no millionaire; he was the son of
another founder-member, and he joined the Society on 25 February 1869, aged 16 or
17. He died in 1942.) See also Anon., ‘English Millionaires’, The Spectator, 2316
(16 November 1872), pp. 1454–6.
41 The picture does not change when wills proved in Scotland are added into the
picture—no new names reveal themselves. Sir William Mackinnon, about whom
something will be said below, proved to be a half-millionaire in Scotland; he died in
1893. See Rachel Britton, ‘Wealthy Scots, 1876–1913’, Bulletin of the Institute of
Historical Research, 68, 137 (May 1985), pp. 78–94. Rubinstein, ‘British
Millionaires’.
42 Beckett, The Aristocracy in England, pp. 58–84.
43 John Bateman, The Great Landowners of Great Britain & Ireland, 4th edn
(London: Harrison, 1883; reprint, New York: Augustus M.Kelley, 1970). I am
including among the twenty-two landowners several who had died by the time of
Notes 157
Bateman’s fourth edition (1883), but whose immediate heirs Bateman listed. One
cautionary note: Bateman took no account of London property. Scholarly attempts
to correct for this fact and for other less serious problems in Bateman do not seem to
change the picture that Bateman presents, at least for the Colonial Society
founders—see Beckett, The Aristocracy in England, pp. 44, n. 40, 79 and 79, n. 140,
290–3. By contrast, death duty registers might pick up financial conditions from late
in the age of New Imperialism, unlike Bateman’s snapshot of conditions near 1868;
in any case, the registers would provide fragmented data, although not as
fragmented or incomplete as the data from the probate records of the dioceses and
the two provinces of Canterbury and York—see Barbara English, ‘Probate
Valuations and Death Duty Registers’, Bulletin of the Institute of Historical
Research, 57, 135 (May 1984), pp. 80–91.
44 Beckett, The Aristocracy in England, pp. 70–9. The question of what proportion of
nineteenth-century businessmen bought large estates has been debated by
F.M.L.Thompson, who believes that many businessmen did buy land, and
W.D.Rubinstein, who believes that they did not: W.D.Rubinstein, Men of Property:
The Very Wealthy in Britain Since the Industrial Revolution (New Brunswick, NJ:
Rutgers University Press, 1981); F.M.L.Thompson, ‘Life After Death: How
successful nineteenth-century businessmen disposed of their fortunes’, Economic
History Review, 2nd ser., 43, 1 (1990), pp. 40–61; W.D. Rubinstein, ‘Cutting Up
Rich: A Reply to F.M.L.Thompson’, Economic History Review, 2nd ser., 45, 2
(1992), pp. 350–61; Thompson, ‘Stitching It Together Again’, Economic History
Review, 2nd ser., 45, 2 (1992), pp. 362–75; and Rubinstein, ‘Businessmen into
Landowners: The Question Revisited’, in Negley Harte and Roland Quinault (eds),
Land and Society in Britain, 1700–1914: Essays in Honour of F.M.L.Thompson
(Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1996), pp. 90–118—this most recent
paper also maps other contributors to the debate, as well as providing a useful
defence of the continued applicability of Bateman. Since 1996, the battle has been
joined again in Eileen Spring, ‘Businessmen and Landowners Re-engaged’,
Historical Research, 72, 177 (February 1999), pp. 77–92, which includes a rejoinder
from Rubinstein.
45 For the many industrial and estate-centred activities of the 5th Earl Fitzwilliam, see
Beckett, The Aristocracy in England, pp. 221–3, 232–3, 248–51, 291–2, 338–41,
358–60, 398, 431, 442–4; on the Fitzwilliam mines, see Graham Mee, Aristocratic
Enterprise: The Fitzwilliam Industrial Undertakings, 1795–1857 (Glasgow and
London: Blackie, 1975). For some comments on the 5th Earl’s political role as Whig
grandee, pacifist, communitarian reformer, and fierce foe of the Corn Laws, see
Ellis Archer Wasson, ‘The Old Whigs: Bedford, Fitzwilliam, and Spencer in the
House of Lords, 1833–1861’, in R.W.Davis (ed.), Lords of Parliament: Studies,
1714–1914 (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1995), pp. 116–33.
46 PP, Report from the Select Committee appointed to consider the State of those
British Possessions in North America which are under the Administration of the
Hudson’s Bay Company, or over which they possess a Licence to Trade, No.
224.260 (1857), pp. 113–20; Margaret A.Ormsby, British Columbia: A History
(Vancouver: The Macmillans in Canada, 1958), pp. 125, 150–1, 215; Galbraith,
Notes 158
Hudson’s Bay Company, pp. 341, 362.
47 Viscount William Milton, FRGS, FGS, etc., and W.B.Cheadle, MA, MD Cantab.,
FRGS, The Northwest Passage by Land. Being the narrative of an expedition from
the Atlantic the Pacific, undertaken with the view of exploring a route across the
continent to British Columbia through British Territory, by one of the northern
passes in the Rocky Mountains (London: Cassell, Petter & Galpin, 1865); Viscount
Milton, MP, A History of the San Juan Water Boundary Question, as Affecting the
Division of Territory between Great Britain and the United States (London: Cassell,
Petter & Galpin, 1869).
48 For the other man’s humour undiluted by Lord Milton, see Walter Butler Cheadle,
Cheadle’s Journal of Trip (sic) Across Canada, 1862–1863, A.G. Doughty and
Gustave Lanctot (eds), The Canada Series 1 (Ottawa: Graphic Publishing, 1931).
49 Fitzwilliam had reached Vancouver Island by March 1853—PP, Report from the
Select Committee appointed to consider the State of those British Possessions in
North America which are under the Administration of the Hudson’s Bay Company.
Milton saw the worst of the winter weather—Milton, The Northwest Passage.
50 Thomas Moore Harrington is only a name and an address—the National Bank of
Australasia, 47 Cornhill. Since he lived in England and was present at the inaugural
dinner, the bank would seem to have been his employer rather than his post-
b
ox, but
that is all that can be said.
51 Cf. Cain and Hopkins, British Imperialism, which does look at the service sector,
but chiefly in the aggregate.
52 See the ‘Commercial and Agricultural Bank of Natal’ notice on p. 9 and the
‘Durban Bank’ notice on p. 11 of the advertisements at the end of John Robinson,
Natal: A Practical Guide to that British Dependency in Southern Africa (London: G.
Street, Colonial Newspaper Office, 1863); see also the Dictionary of South African
Biography, vol. 3.
53 See the ‘Natal Ban’ notice on p. 7 of the advertisements at the end of Robinson,
Natal.
54 Governor Denison to Mrs Denison, 6 September 1855, given in Denison, Varieties
of Vice-regal Life, vol. I, p. 314.
55 Australian League Conference, Sessional Papers, etc., of the Australian League
Conference, Held in Hobart Town and Launceston, Van Diemen’s Land, in the
Months of April and May, 1852 (Tasmania: Australian League Conference, 1852),
pp. 2–3.
56 Marnie Bassett, The Hentys: An Australian Colonial Tapestry (London: Oxford
University Press, 1954), pp. 33–8, 112, 215–17, 410, 440–1, 496–505; Noel F.
Learmonth, The Portland Bay Settlement: Being a History of Portland, Victoria,
from 1800 to 1851 (Melbourne: Historical Committee of Portland, 1934), pp. 66–9,
102, 178–9, 186–90, 199, 275–80; S.J.Butlin,
A
ustralia and New Zealand Bank: The
Bank of Australasia and the Union Bank of Australia Ltd, 1828–1951 (London:
Longman, 1961), pp. 78–9, 98; Thomas Francis Bride, Letters from Victorian
Pioneers [1898] (Melbourne and London: William Heinemann, 1969), pp. 119–29 at
p. 127, n. 1; W.Henty, On Improvements in Cottage Husbandry (Launceston,
Tasmania: Henry Dowling, Jnr [1850?]); Philip Mennell, The Dictionary of
Notes 159
A
ustralasian Biography from the Inauguration of Responsible Government down to the
Present Time (1855–1892) (London: Hutchinson & Co, 1892).
57 Australia began to be drawn into a tighter relationship with the City of London after
1850, as shown in Cain and Hopkins, British Imperialism, pp. 241–6.
58 Samuel Aaron Joseph is really little more than a name. Another man, James
W.Muttlebury, was a local figure in Victoria, Australia. He rose to a directorship of
the National Bank of Australasia, which sent him to London as its agent in or about
1863. Paul de Serville, Pounds and Pedigrees: The Upper Class in Victoria, 1850–
1880 (South Melbourne, Australia: Oxford, 1991), p. 423.
59 M.J.Daunton, ‘Firm and Family in the City of London in the Nineteenth Century:
The Case of F.G.Dalgety’, Bulletin of the Institute of Historical Research, 62, 148
(June 1989), pp. 154–77.
60 DCB.
61 For his own part, Joseph explored New Zealand in 1830, where he learned to speak
a native language—PP, Report from the Select Committee of the House of Lords
appointed to Inquire into the Present State of the Islands of New Zealand, and the
Expediency of Regulating the Settlement of British Subjects therein, No. 680 (1837–
38), pp. 55–71. Joseph Montefiore moved to New South Wales in 1840, helping to
establish the Jewish community in that colony. From 1846, he played the same role
in the Jewish community in South Australia, and he finally moved back to London
in 1860.
62 Suzanne D.Rutland, Edge of the Diaspora: Two Centuries of Jewish Settlement in
Australia (Sydney: Collins Australia, 1988), pp. 37, 39, 43; Hilary D.Rubinstein,
Chosen: The Jews in Australia (Sydney: Allen & Unwin, 1987), pp. 22–3;
Learmonth, Portland Bay, p. 275; Pike, Paradise of Dissent, pp. 88, 96–8, 115–16,
173; D.E.Fifer, ‘The Sydney Merchants and the Wool Trade, 1821–1851’, Journal
of the Royal Australian Historical Society, 78, 1–2 (1992), pp. 92–112; Peter
Burroughs, Britain and Australia 1831–1855: A Study in Imperial Relations and
Crown Lands Administration (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1967), pp. 174, 176 n.; and
for valuable background material that none the less fails to identify its Montefiores
unimpeachably, Butlin, Australia and New Zealand Bank, pp. 20–3, 28. Jacob
Montefiore should not be confused with a younger relative of his who was also in
Australia, Jacob Levi Montefiore. Jacob Levi was resident in Australia from long
before 1868 until at least the end of 1869, while the Jacob Montefiore who joined
the Colonial Society in early April 1869 was not at that time living in Australia—
Rutland, Edge of the Diaspora, p. 68. J.L.Montefiore wrote a Catechism of the
Rudiments of Political Economy, published in Sydney in 1861—see J.A.La Nauze,
Political Economy in Australia: Historical Studies (Melbourne: Melbourne
University Press, 1949), p. 16.
63 Burroughs, Britain and Australia, p. 350.
64 PP,
F
urther Papers Relative to the Alterations in the Constitutions of the Australian
Colonies, No. 1915 (1854), pp. 1–3.
65 Richard Roberts and David Kynaston (eds), The Bank of England: Money, Power,
and Influence, 1694–1994 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995), Appendix 2, pp.
266–9.
Notes 160
66 Geoffrey Jones, British Multinational Banking, 1830–1990 (Oxford: Oxford
University Press, 1993), p. 44. According to Jones (p. 14), the English (or rather
Irish) model for multi-branch, London-headquartered banking, the Provincial Bank
of Ireland, came only in 1825, although it had certain Scottish antecedents.
67 See the names mentioned or listed in A.S.J.Baster, The Imperial Banks (London:
P.S.King, 1929; New York: Arno Press, 1977), pp. 68, 96,120–1,128.
68 Half the assets but far fewer branches were in Asia. Jones, British Multinational
Banking, p. 23, and Appendices 3 and 4, pp. 414–17.
69 See Alan Barnard, The Australian Wool Market, 1840–1900 (Melbourne:
Melbourne University Press, 1958), pp. 39, n. 90, 74, 195.
70 For the Rennie family’s ‘Aberdeen Direct Line’, see Marischal Murray, Ships and
South Africa: A Maritime Chronicle of the Cape (London: Oxford University Press,
1933), pp. 177–9, 220; for J.Rennie’s continued involvement in the Natal trade in
the late 1860s, see the records for the ship Umgeni in Lloyd’
s
Register of British and
Foreign Shipping for 1864–65, 1865–66, 1866–67, 1868–69, and 1869–70, and for
Umvoti (1869) in Lloyd’s Register for 1870–71. I should like to thank Professor
Andrew Porter of London University for his help in identifying Rennie, who had
some namesakes, and for news of the Umvoti.
71 George Blake, B.I.Centenary, 1856–1956 (London: Collins, 1956), pp. 18–26. See
John S.Galbraith, Mackinnon and East Africa, 1878–1895: A Study in the ‘New
Imperialism’ (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1972), pp. 29–33, 227; and
Marie de Kiewiet, ‘History of the Imperial British East Africa Company, 1876–
1895’ (Ph.D. dissertation, University of London, 1955), pp. 16–20. A different view,
exploring the mail contracts that Mackinnon might have expected to profit from, is
given in J.Forbes Munro, ‘Shipping Subsidies and Railway Guarantees: William
Mackinnon, Eastern Africa, and the Indian Ocean, 1860–1893’, Journal of African
History, 28 (1987), p. 209; ‘Poor Carlotta’s’ Fortune’, Washington Post (17 March
1890), p. 4.
72 William Westgarth, Commercial, Statistical, and General Report on the District of
Port Phillip, New South Wales, for the Half Year ended 31st of July, 1845
([Melbourne?]: S.Goode, Courier Office, n.d. [1845?]), p. 43; ADB; C.P.Billot,
Melbourne: An Annotated Bibliography to 1850 (Geelong, Victoria, Australia:
Rippleside Press, 1970), p. 194; ‘Licences issued from 1 July 1840’, NSW
Government Gazette, 9 September 1840, given in Michael Cannon and Ian
MacFarlane (eds), Historical Records of Victoria: Foundation Series, Vol. 6, The
Crown, the Land, and the Squatter, 1835–1840 (Melbourne: Melbourne University
Press, 1991), p. 157.
73 B.A.McKelvie, ‘Lieutenant-Colonel Israel Wood Powell, MD, CM’, British
Columbia Historical Quarterly, 11 (1947), pp. 33–54 at p. 39.
74 Alfred Waddington, The Fraser Mines Vindicated, or, the History of Four Months
(Victoria, Vancouver Island: P.de Garro, 1858), p. 1.
75 Alfred Waddington, Overland Route through British North America; Or the
Shortest and Speediest Route to the East (London: Longmans, Green, Reader &
Dyer, 1868).
76 Ormsby, British Columbia, pp. 205–8, 230.
Notes 161
77 Again, I consider those who were at the early meetings and who showed continued
interest in the Society (by joining it at some point) to have been early members
within the scope of this study, even if they joined somewhat after the cut-off date of
13 April 1869.
78 Waddington, Overland Route, pp. 5–7, 15–16.
79 For the American taint on Waddington and Franklin, see Helmcken, Reminiscences,
p. 173; and for the nephew, Philip R.Marshall, ‘William Henry Waddington: The
Making of a Diplomat’, Historian, 38, 1 (November 1975), pp. 79–97. For the
details of Franklin’s life, see David Rome, The First Two Years: A Record of Jewish
Settlement on Canada’s Pacific Coast, 1858–1860 (Montreal: H.M.Caiserman,
1942), pp. 52–105; and Sheldon J.Godfrey and Judith C.Godfrey, Search out the
Land: The Jews and the Growth of Equality in British Colonial America, 1740–1867
(Montreal and Kingston: McGillQueen’s University Press, 1995), pp. 219–25.
Franklin first lived in San Francisco from 1849 to 1852. The American character of
western Canada is further illustrated by the case of William Alexander Smith (not a
member of the Colonial Society)—but the second-place vote-getter who would have
taken Franklin’s seat if it had been vacated according to Waddington’s plan. A Nova
Scotian, Smith came to British Columbia politics by way of the Californian gold-
fields, where he was a photographer; while in Northern California he legally
changed his name to ‘Amor de Cosmos’. Under that name he became premier of
British Columbia in the 1870s. He was known for his irascibility.
80 Waddington, Fraser Mines Vindicated, p. 16.
81 Ibid., pp. 9, 20, 36, 39.
82 Ibid., pp. 16–17, 25.
83 Ibid., pp. 26–7.
84 Waddington, Overland Route, p. 24.
85 Ibid., p. 28.
5
Travels and ideas
1 Charles Darwin, Journal of the Researches into the Geology and Natural History of
the Various Countries Visited by H.M.S.Beagle, 1832–36 (London: Henry Coulburn,
1839; reprinted as The Voyage of the Beagle, introduction by Leonard Engel, New
York: Anchor Books/Doubleday, 1962), pp. 443–4, 502.
2 The Travellers’ Club—both the club and the qualification date from 1814. The 500-
mile rule is still in effect, but it hardly remains the basis for the club’s exclusivity;
the potential membership is more than 6,000,000,000. See Timbs, Clubs and Club
Life in London, p. 199; Lejeune, Gentlemen’s Clubs, p. 265.
3 As James Clifford has shown, Edward Said was himself unsure about whether
orientalism was a marked tendency among a large number of individual Westerners,
or was instead part of a Foucauldian episteme running through Western books but
Notes 162
hardly through their authors’ minds. See Clifford, ‘On Orientalism’, in idem., The
Predicament of Culture: Twentieth-Century Ethnography, Literature, and Art
(Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1988), pp. 255–76.
4 As Lynn Zastoupil has argued in a recent study of John Stuart Mill, to explore the
English side of the Channel instead of the French as the locus classicus of
‘orientalism’ would require redefining the term so that it no longer pointed to a well-
worked-out ‘colonial discourse’. Zastoupil, Mill And India, pp. 171–81.
5 Marshman, History of India, vol. III, p. 65.
6 Dennis Potter, in Haunted Journeys: Desire and Transgression in European Travel
Writing (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1991), has chapters on Boswell,
Diderot, Bouganville, Cook, Stendahl, Darwin, Flaubert, Freud, D.H.Lawrence,
T.E.Lawrence, Malinowski, Lévi-Strauss, Barthes, and Naipaul. Darwin has to carry
the can, as it were, for British imperialism all the way from Captain Cook to
D.H.Lawrence. Neither India nor its Mutiny appears at all. Why wouldn’t scholars
of orientalism look to mid-Victorian England, which had the biggest oriental empire
and the biggest oriental wars? In choosing their evidence, they seem to concentrate
on the darker and sexier writers, rather than employing a sampling technique to see
how representative such writers were. The result of concentrating on the dark and
sexy is to more or less omit mid-Victorian England, apart from amusing neurotics
such as Sir Richard Burton and General Charles ‘Chinese’ Gordon. There is more
than a bit of circular reasoning built into the pursuit of the sexy. Literary scholars
seem to assume that a psychic Sturm und Drang was at the basis of European
imperialism, and so they proceed to look for the Sturm und Drang in writers who
suffered from stormy souls.
7 On the latter point, see David Kopf, ‘European Enlightenment, Hindu Renaissance,
and the Enrichment of the Human Spirit: A History of Historical Writings on British
Orientalism’, in Nancy Cassels (ed.), Orientalism, Evangelicalism, and the Military
Cantonment in Early Nineteenth-Century India: A Historiographical Overview
(Lewiston, Maine; Kingston, Ontario; and Lampeter: The Edwin Mellen Press,
1991), pp. 19–53. In ‘Occidentalism: Counterpoint and Counter-polemic’, Journal
of Historical Geography, 19, 3 (1993), pp. 339–44, John M.Mackenzie offers a
balanced view of the controversy over theories of orientalism; see also his
Orientalism: History, Theory, and the Arts (Manchester: Manchester University
Press, 1995), pp. 3–39. The common-sense (even positivistic) approach of historians
to evidence is defended with great humour and equal power by Joyce Appleby in
‘One Good Turn Deserves Another: Moving Beyond the Linguistic; A Response to
David Harlan’, American Historical Review, 94, 5 (December 1989), pp. 1326–32.
8 W.H.Newnham, Melbourne, The Biography of a City (Melbourne: F.W. Cheshire,
1956), p. 27. The Melbourne Club met for at least twenty years in houses and
taverns; its building was planned in the late 1850s, a boom decade in Melbourne—
Granville Wilson, Building a City: 100 Years of Melbourne Architecture
(Melbourne: Oxford University Press, 1981), p. 26; C.P.Billot, The Life and Times
of John Pascoe Fawkner (Melbourne: Hyland House, 1985), pp. 204, 209, 222; Paul
de Serville, Port Phillip Gentlemen and Good Society in Melbourne Before the Gold
Rushes (Melbourne: Oxford University Press, 1980), pp. 57–9, 63–6, 86–7, 160;
Notes 163