Yasur-Lau Assaf. Household Archaeology in Ancient Israel and Beyond
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282 lily singer-avitz
one of the radial streets. It had a relatively large front courtyard
(ca. 40 m2) containing stairs and an oven, and a central long room.
Near the doorway was an additional oven. is building type lacked
the small front room, which was replaced by a courtyard.
Faust (2002: 303–306) has argued that all of the buildings comprising
the circumference belt of the city were of the three-room type (for fur-
ther discussion of this building type, see below), with a corridor sepa-
rating each pair of buildings through which it was possible to reach the
city wall quickly during times of danger. He further presumes that in
all cases neither the casemate nor the corridor belonged to a specic
building. Compare the city plan (Fig. 3a) as published in the excava-
tion report by Beit-Arieh (1973a: Pl. 94) with Faust’s reconstruction
(Fig. 3b) (Faust 2002: Fig. 6) in which Room 28 in Building 25 and
Room 124 in Building 76 are marked in black and dened as corridors.
According to the original excavation report, both of these rooms con-
tained stairs and an oven. e entrance to these rooms from the street
was also narrowed by a wall. It is unlikely that a space with such a nar-
row entrance containing stairs and an oven was used for public pas-
sage. Additionally, one can compare these “corridors” to two clearly
dened passages that connect the peripheral street with the city wall:
one southwest of Building 430 (Locus 596) and the other one abutting
the water system (Locus 521) (Figs. 1, 2). In these two instances, it is
clear that no obstacles block these passages and the entrances to them
is the same width as the passages themselves. erefore, I would argue
that these buildings should be considered of the four-room type as
initially suggested, and not of the three-room type as argued in Faust’s
reconstruction.
Analysis of the Spatial Distribution of the Finds
e spatial distribution of nds in all four-room houses was similar
but not identical; there is a slight dierence between the buildings
built against the casemate wall (Fig. 4a) and the buildings situated
on the opposite side of the peripheral street (Fig. 4b). In most of the
buildings adjoining the casemate wall (except Building 76, which will
be discussed later), there is a distinct similarity in the distribution pat-
tern of the nds (Fig. 5). irty to y percent of the vessels found in
the buildings were concentrated in the central room, mainly near the
household activities at tel beersheba 283
Figure 3. e Western Quarter: (a) aer Beit-Arieh 1973a: Pl. 94; (b) Aer
Faust 2002: Fig. 6.
a
b
284 lily singer-avitz
Figure 4. Distribution of pottery vessels in four-room houses according to
room type: (a) buildings built against the casemate wall; (b) buildings built
on the inner side of the peripheral street.
household activities at tel beersheba 285
pillars. In some cases, small compartments in the spaces between the
pillars may have been used to store vessels. Sometimes vessels were
also found near the walls; perhaps these vessels had originally stood on
shelves or in niches in the wall. Much of the assemblage in this room
was made up of storage vessels, such as storage jars and holemouth
jars (25–35% of the vessels in the central room). Large concentrations
of clay loom weights were also found in the central room, as well as
grindstones. Ovens were located in one of the front rooms or in one of
Figure 5. Spatial distribution of pottery vessels in four-room Building 75.
286 lily singer-avitz
the long rooms.
1
In the side room that was separated from the central
room by a row of pillars, fewer vessels were found, and these were
usually located near the pillars. It is possible that vessels were origi-
nally stored in the above-mentioned compartments between the pillars
and then fell into the side room when the building was destroyed. In
the buildings with rooms separated from the central room by a wall,
these side rooms also contained relatively few vessels. Sometimes loom
weights were also found there.
A large number of vessels were found in the back rooms of the
four-room houses; in contrast, however, there was usually very little
pottery, mainly small vessels, such as bowls and juglets in the build-
ings along the city wall where the casemates formed the back room of
the house.
Functional Analysis of the Various Rooms
Data derived from the spatial distribution suggests that the large cen-
tral room in these four-room houses was used to store supplies and
vessels, including storage jars; it is dicult, therefore, to accept the
suggestion (Shiloh 1973: 278; Fritz 1995: 141) that this area functioned
as an open court. e large concentrations of loom weights in these
rooms indicate that weaving was performed here. A similar phenom-
enon has been observed in ethnographic research on houses in the
Near East. Weaving is usually a domestic cra, and in most cases it is
not carried out on an industrial scale (Koster 1976: 38; Watson 1979:
174–186; Barber 1991: 283–298; Nelson 1997: 109–110). It is typical of
the winter months, since sheep shearing took place in the springtime;
in the summer the wool was spun and sometimes also dyed. Weaving
was performed by women or girls, mostly inside the house. us, it
would seem that the central room of these four-room houses, although
usually considered to have been an open courtyard, may actually have
been a roofed space. Considerations of comfort and protection from
the weather, mainly in the winter, further support this suggestion
(Stager 1985a: 15).
In most buildings, stone mortars and grindstones were found in
the central room. However, as grindstones were also retrieved from
1
For an ethnoarchaeological discussion of types of ovens, their locations, and life
spans, see McQuitty 1993–1994.
household activities at tel beersheba 287
the long side rooms and the front rooms, it appears that grinding was
not relegated to any specic location, but took place in various parts
of the building.
2
e interior of the house in the traditional village was also used
for stabling the sheep and goats. In many Palestinian peasant houses,
which oen comprise only one room, internal division was achieved
by dierent oor levels: the entrance level was at the same level as
the courtyard surface and was used as animal stables, while the back
of the room, which took up three quarters of the area of the house,
was at a higher level and functioned as the living quarters (Jäger 1912:
24–25; Canaan 1933: 35). e number of animals per household was
small, from four to twenty, and the sheep from several households
were taken to pasture together as a single herd (Rot 1984b: 58). Such
a herd contained 150 to 200 heads on average, and was shepherded
either by the dierent owners in turns (Watson 1979: 94) or by per-
manent shepherds (Lutyya 1966: 128).
In a number of examples, one of the side rooms in the Tel Beer-
sheba buildings was found empty or nearly empty of vessels. is may
suggest that this area was used for the stabling of animals. It is possible
that the other side rooms were used for storage, although not necessar-
ily of food. In modern traditional houses the side room is oen used to
store various materials to be consumed by the household, such as fuel
(dried dung cakes prepared by the women, or twigs and branches),
fodder for the animals, and straw for building (Watson 1979: 295;
Hirschfeld 1995: 280). We can perhaps deduce from these examples
that the side room functioned as a type of storeroom, although no
direct evidence supports this idea.
In most of the four-room houses, the front rooms contained ovens
and stairs. Sometimes there were two ovens in the same building, one
in the front room and another in one of the long rooms, usually located
near an opening. Why would two ovens be needed in two dierent
rooms? Spaces with ovens are usually dened as open courtyards
(Shiloh 1973: 278 note 31). is suggestion is based on the assump-
tion that an oven emits smoke and must therefore be located in exte-
rior areas, or at least unroofed space. However, ethnographic evidence
indicates that ovens are usually located in roofed courtyards (Avitzur
et al. 1971: 21; Watson 1979: 122; McQuitty 1984: 265). Sometimes, an
2
For recent grindstone analyses, see Rowan and Ebeling 2008.
288 lily singer-avitz
opening in the ceiling was made to allow the smoke to escape (Stirling
1965: 21; Hirschfeld 1995: 274), but in most cases, there is no particu-
lar ventilation and the ceiling becomes black with soot (Watson 1979:
122). An additional oven might also be built in an open courtyard for
use in the summer (Watson 1979: 159). us, it can be assumed that
at Tel Beersheba if a house contained two ovens, the one in the long,
central room was in a roofed space while the additional oven was in
a courtyard (see subtype 3) or in the front room, which was used as a
substitute for a courtyard (see subtype 1).
3
Another question that arises is if the stairs in these front rooms
led to a second oor or to the roof of the rst oor, which may then
have been used as an open space. It seems since most of the houses
lacked a large courtyard, the roof could have served a similar func-
tion. In comparison with present-day traditional construction, it can
be assumed that the roof was exploited mainly for drying food, wool,
and dung cakes—activities that necessitate large areas that are inacces-
sible to animals. Rooops may also be used for sleeping on summer
nights (Segal 1967: 25). e use of the roof as an open area for cras
(Segal 1967: 25) strengthens the hypothesis that the central room was
also roofed, since an open space in the middle of the house would
decrease the area available for the above-mentioned activities.
In summary, the typical plan of a household building at Tel Beer-
sheba included a small front courtyard or entrance room leading to
a central living space, which housed work areas as well as areas for
stabling animals and storing goods. Since the area within the city walls
of Tel Beersheba Stratum II was limited, most of the buildings did
not have a courtyard, thus, the space needed for living and house-
hold activities was enlarged by use of the roof. Most of the activities
took place in the central, multifunctional, living space, including such
things as food preparation, eating, grain grinding, weaving, and spin-
ning. Based on ethnographic parallels, this room was also used by the
family for sleeping; according to one ethnographic account, mattresses
and wool blankets were typically rolled up and put aside during the
day (Fuller 1961: 95). In the other rooms, specic activity areas were
more clearly dened, but in all four-room houses at Tel Beersheba
3
For the number of ovens in roofed spaces, see also Daviau 1993: 449, 451 and
Chart 6.1 on p. 450; Gadot and Yasur-Landau 2006: 587.
household activities at tel beersheba 289
Stratum II, a wide variety of activities took place throughout the vari-
ous rooms of the dwelling unit.
In Building 76, uncovered in the Western Quarter, the distribution
of nds was unique. Most of the artifact assemblages were recovered
in the casemate rooms as opposed to the central room, which was
where most of the artifacts were uncovered in the four-room houses
discussed above. In the central room of Building 76, the remains of
a stone and mud installation were discerned resting against one of
the pillars, and a pile of unprocessed clay was found between two
other pillars. e excavators suggested that the stone and mud instal-
lation was a pottery kiln (Beit-Arieh 1973a: 35).
4
e fact that some
pebbles, possibly used for burnishing, were found nearby strengthens
the hypothesis that this building functioned as a potter’s dwelling and
workshop. Cross-cultural ethnographic studies have shown that some
artisans, including potters, oen work in their places of residence (Rot
1984a: 18; Kramer 1985: 80). Pottery production is oen a seasonal
occupation, carried out mainly in the spring and summer when the
agricultural work is nished (Kramer 1985: 80; Wood 1990: 38). Also
of note are an iron plowshare and two additional iron agricultural
tools that were also found in this building (Beit-Arieh 1973b: 43–44).
us, although the plan of Building 76 resembles those of the other
buildings, based on the types of nds and their distribution, it appears
that specialized production activity took place here that was unique to
this particular building.
ree-Room Buildings (Fig. 2)
In addition to the four-room houses, a number of three-room build-
ings were also excavated. Most of the three-room buildings were found
in the Northern Quarter adjoining the casemate wall and a few were
identied in the dwelling quarters on the opposite side of the periph-
eral street.
In those buildings that adjoined the city wall (Buildings 529, 522,
526, 673, 1162), the back room was part of the casemate city wall as well
4
Pottery kilns are not usually built near the place of vessel production, but situated
far from inhabited areas (Rice 1987: 156). It should not be surprising, therefore, that
no other pottery kilns were found within the settlement.
290 lily singer-avitz
as an integral part of the dwelling. e central space was formed by two
long rooms that were separated by a row of pillars. ese three-room
buildings lack front rooms, courtyards, and stairs. eir average size is
ca. 40 m2; only one of these buildings covers an area of ca. 50 m2.
e ceramic assemblage in these buildings primarily consisted of
small vessels, including bowls, kraters, cooking pots, jugs, and juglets,
and a relatively small number of storage jars. Interestingly, cooking
and baking installations, as well as those vessels considered character-
istic of a household and reecting the existence of a kitchen, (Chang
1958: 302) were lacking. In addition, no grindstones, loom weights, or
spindle whorls were found. ese buildings also lack stairs to the roof.
It would appear that the range of activities that took place in the three-
room buildings in the Northern Quarter was more limited than in the
four-room houses. Activities that can be attested include short-term
storage of vessels and food and food consumption. Food preparation,
baking, and cooking were apparently not conducted in these buildings,
but rather food was probably brought to them. Weaving and spinning,
activities typically performed by women, (Watson 1979: 174–186, 298;
Barber 1991: 283–298; Nelson 1997: 109–110) also were not conducted
here. ese buildings lack some of the features that are considered typ-
ical of households, and it seems therefore that the occupants of these
buildings had no family members living with them.
5
us, I would
like to suggest that these dwellings were domestic consumption units
(as opposed to dual domestic consumption and production units, see
more below), inhabited by functionaries, or perhaps soldiers, whose
needs were catered to by the authorities.
Two additional three-room buildings, Buildings 620 and 1064, were
excavated in the Central B Quarter. Both buildings are small (33 m2
and 18 m2, respectively), and have a staircase at the front. Building
1064 also had an oven. e distribution of nds in both buildings
exhibits a pattern similar to that of the standard four-room houses:
most of the nds, including loom weights, were recovered from one
of the long rooms. In Building 620, a silo was constructed against the
wall, which may explain why a small number of storage jars was also
found there.
5
Building 430, which is not discussed here, contained three relatively large ovens
and three constructed silos. It is possible that this building functioned as a central
“bakery,” providing goods to the inhabitants of the Northern Quarter.
household activities at tel beersheba 291
Houses with Dierent Plans (Fig. 2)
In the Central A Quarter, some of the building plans are completely
dierent from those discussed so far, i.e., they fall in neither the four-
nor three-room building plan. Building 1226, covering 63 m2, com-
prises four long rooms separated from one another by two rows of
pillars and a wall. It yielded a large assemblage of 123 vessels, of which
90 were concentrated alongside one of the rows of pillars.
Buildings 1077 (24 m2) and 1096 (26 m2) were built against the back
of Building 1226. ey are each made up of parallel long rooms, and
together these two buildings may have originally been one building
similar in plan to Building 1226, which was later divided by a wall
to form two smaller units. In these two buildings, whose total area
is ca. 50 m2, a few nds were recovered, but they do not allow for a
determination of the activities carried out in the buildings or their
signicance.
Additional buildings in this area included Buildings 1228 and 1229.
Building 1228, measuring 28 m2 in area, contained no nds apart from
four arrowheads and a small seal. Building 1229, measuring 35 m2,
comprised two long rooms that both opened onto the city square. In
the earlier Stratum III, the entrances to the two rooms were wide, but
in Stratum II, one of them (Room 1243) was made narrower.
Based on the nds, it is dicult to reach any specic conclusions as
to why the plans of the buildings in this quarter dier from those in
the other quarters. Building 1226, and perhaps also the pair of build-
ings behind it, Buildings 1077 and 1096, contained ovens, grindstones,
and loom weights, all suggesting they were used as dwellings. e
other two buildings in this area, Buildings 1228 and 1229, contained
very few pottery vessels or other nds that attest to household activi-
ties. e location of the latter building near the city gate, the width of
the entrances (at least in Room 1229), and the lack of nds indicative
of household activities lead me to conclude that these buildings were
not used as dwellings, but served a public function, perhaps as a hostel
or guest house for visitors to the city.
Engendering Activities
e historic and ethnographic data (Seger 1981: 102; Jameson 1990:
104; Jackson 1991; Watson and Kennedy 1991: 259) suggest that the