Yasur-Lau Assaf. Household Archaeology in Ancient Israel and Beyond
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82 assaf yasur-landau
size in the fourteenth century, at a time of a strong royal power, and
decreased in size during the breakdown of the Kassite dynasty in the
twelh century (Schloen 2001: 293–294). However, at least the power-
ful families were compensated for land taken by the king, as indicated
by a Kudurru inscription of King Nazi-Maruttaš (1307–1282), noting
a land grant for the god Marduk followed by the detailed land com-
pensation for the house of Muktarrisaḫ, from whom the land granted
to the god was taken (Schloen 2001: 294–295).
e dialectics of power between rulership and nonroyal foci of
power had a direct impact on city plans in Mesopotamia. In dis-
cussing the role of politics in the creation of the urban landscape in
southern Mesopotamia, Smith (2003: 225–226) goes beyond the sim-
plistic dichotomy of the ville spontaneé, the city that grows according
to the needs of the inhabitants, and the ville créé, a city planned and
developed by the central authority. Rather, the dierence rests in the
political decision of how much and in what manner to intervene with
the development of the city. Politics plays an active role in deciding
which of the competing city plans, or ideas of urban development,
is implemented (ibid.). In early Mesopotamian cities, kings were the
major force behind building monuments; however, real political power
was held in the hands of assemblies of elders (puhru) and mayors
(rabianu). Even neighborhoods (babtu) functioned in the Old Baby-
lonian period as villages within cities, with their own local govern-
ment system of a mayor and elders (Schloen 2001: 287). Within these
neighbourhoods, the sale and transfer of houses and even rooms
between private citizens resulted in a complex urban fabric of own-
ership (Potts 1997: 216–217). Institutions such as the assembly and
the mayor existed in Mesopotamia from the Early Dynastic period to
the Old Babylonian period, and later, solving social conicts between
private citizens. e activity of these and other nonroyal institutions
was sanctioned by the rulership, which, even in the most centralist
regimes, did not monopolize decision making (Yoee 2000: 55–58;
Smith 2003: 228–229).
e negotiations between the royal vision and the needs of the
inhabitants resulted in complex landscapes, which included, on the
one hand, the monumental temenos of Ur with its imposing ziggurat,
and, on the other hand, the winding streets and alleys of the early Old
Babylonian domestic area in area AH of the excavation site (Smith
2003: 212, 222). Such negotiation occurring at a local level resulted in
the variability of urban landscapes in Mesopotamia.
impact of urbanization 83
It is possible that, in a manner similar to Mesopotamia, groups of
elders and heads of kinship groups had an important role in the MB
Canaanite towns in restricting the power of the rulers. However, con-
trary to Old Babylonian Mesopotamia, which already had behind it
a millennium of urban experience, and possessing well-tried mech-
anisms for conict resolution, Canaanites, at least during the MBI,
had no such traditions of either kingship or urban life. e constant
power struggle between public projects and private buildings seen at
MBI Megiddo, before the rst appearance of clear Syrian architectural
forms such as the gate and temple, is a clear indication of the inability
to reach an urban status quo for as long as two centuries. At the same
time, this struggle exposed the fact that private land and house owners,
most likely represented by the heads of their kinship groups, had real
political power at the dawn of MB urbanization.
e appearance of the Syrian gates and temples at the very end of
the MBI and the transition to MBII and their enthusiastic acceptance
by the local Canaanite rulers was not accompanied by the introduc-
tion of suitable mechanisms for resolving conicts stemming from the
implantation of monumental architecture in an otherwise rural settle-
ment landscape. e imposition of an imported Syrian ideal of order
at the site of Tel Dan, with the ramparts and accompanying Syrian
gate burying private dwellings, may have le many disgruntled people
who could not be compensated for the loss of their property without
enlarging the area of the site. e following weakening of the com-
munity may well have been a factor in the collapse of the Dan polity
soon aerward.
At Kabri, as well as at Dan, the ambitious building plans of the rulers
may have been inspired by imported Syrian ideas regarding large-scale
town planning; however, the results of Kabri’s building plan, which
signicantly enlarged the size of the site, perhaps in anticipation of
drawing in population from the countryside, were much more suc-
cessful than at Dan. e new outline of the site created a land reserve
within the site that could have been used by the people whose houses
were aected by the building of the palace and massive ramparts.
e case of Hazor may be an instance in which a city was built
and planned ex-novo in a way that would minimize friction between
the rulers’ needs for monumental architecture and the inhabitants’
expectations for organic growth and maintaining their rights over
their houses. Such a solution was not a local innovation, but was likely
imported from the vast Syro-Mesopotamian urban experience. e
84 assaf yasur-landau
important role of the king at Hazor in land disputes recalls a Syro-
Mesopotamian prototype and may have been an exception in the
political landscape of Canaan. It is possible that, similarly to Meso-
potamia, frictions between the rulership and the citizens of cities may
have been mediated by community organizations such as councils and
groups of elders.
During MBII, when most large tell sites were already fortied with
ramparts, and with two centuries of urban experience behind them,
the Canaanite populations seemed to have reached a status quo with
their rulers about the uses of urban space. e densely built settlements
of MBII Jericho (Herzog 1997: Fig. 4.11), Tel Beit Mirsim Stratum E
(ibid.: Fig. 4.15), and Gezer (ibid.: Fig. 4.20) tell a tale of an organic
development within the fortications. e largest structure built in
Megiddo Stratum X, the Syrian temple, did not aect any private
structure, but replaced an earlier open cultic area (ibid.: Fig. 4.18).
e Late Bronze Age brought with it new challenges to the Canaan-
ite rulership, caused by the Egyptian control and its accompanying
political and economic demands. New fortication programs were no
longer carried out (Herzog 1997: 174), either because of limitations
forced by the Egyptian overlords, or because the rulership was not
strong enough to start a conict with the urban population over space.
Whatever may be the case, the towns of the fourteenth and thirteenth
centuries bce reected the same status quo reached during the Middle
Bronze Age. us, the Canaanite city, throughout its existence, was a
delicate balance between imported ideals of rulership and stubborn
and long-lasting resistance of households to such ambitions.
A TALE OF TWO HOUSES: THE ROLE OF POTTERY IN
RECONSTRUCTING HOUSEHOLD WEALTH
AND COMPOSITION
Nava Panitz-Cohen
e opportunity to examine the complete contents of a building, pre-
served as is on the day of its sudden and violent destruction, is not
particularly common in archaeological excavations, where successive
occupation is generally uneventful and entails the periodic partial
or complete depletion of the contents (La Motta and Schier 1999:
20–21). Such an opportunity arose at Tel Batash (biblical Timnah) in
the Shephelah region of Israel, where excavations revealed a succession
of four superimposed dwellings dated to the Late Bronze Age (hence-
forth LB), all of which met a violent end (Mazar 1997b: 41–69). e
two earlier structures, dated to LBIA and early LBIB, respectively, were
not entirely excavated. e two later houses (Figs. 1 and 2)—Building
475 of late LBIB (Stratum VIII) and Building 315 of LBIIA (Stratum
VII)—were found complete with rich assemblages of restorable pot-
tery and other nds. No subsequent house was built above the ruins
of the later building and, for the most part, the buildings remained
intact. ese two later houses were subjected to a distributional analy-
sis (Panitz-Cohen 2006a), which has provided a productive database
with which various topics can be examined, including how the quan-
tity and quality of the pottery can inform us about household wealth
and composition.
A caveat to our ability to use this rich database to arrive at entirely
accurate conclusions is related to the complex physical and cultural
formation processes of the archaeological record (Schier 1996; David
and Kramer 2001: 100). While the comprehensive ceramic data set
aorded by these two buildings conforms to the description of “pri-
mary deposition” (LaMotta and Schier 1999: 21), for this study we
kept in mind that the amount, distribution, and types of nds do not
necessarily reect a direct, one-to-one correlation with actual house-
hold activities or other characteristics, such as gender roles or eco-
nomic status. What is represented is only a snapshot of the location of
the contents of the houses at the time of their violent destruction.
86 nava panitz-cohen
Figure 1. Building 475.
Figure 2. Building 315.
a tale of two houses 87
e Ceramic Contents and Distribution in Buildings 475 and 315
A fair number of vessels in each building were discovered in situ,
1
while the scattering of sherds from a number of restorable vessels
2
seemed to be an indication of the violent nature of the destruction
and/or of the various post-depositional processes.
e distribution of vessel classes in each house is presented in
Table 1; the data are based on a count of complete or almost complete
vessels and on some sherds published in Plates 21–46 in Panitz-Cohen
and Mazar 2006.
3
Table 2 shows the number of types per vessel class
per building, reecting the extent of typological variety in each house-
hold assemblage.
Building 475
e following is a summary of the distribution of the 170 vessels found
in the destruction debris in the earlier house, Building 475 (Fig. 1).
A concentration of 42 vessels was found in the large eastern room,
which was divided by a north–south row of pillars; most of the vessels
were found in situ on the western side of this room, while the eastern
side contained a more dispersed scattering of restorable sherds. is
assemblage included ve storage jars, eight cooking pots, eight bowls,
seven jugs, one chalice, one krater, two juglets, and nine Cypriot
imports, as well as a funnel. Despite the large number of cooking
pots, no facilities for cooking or baking were detected here. In fact, no
installations of any sort were identied in this large space, suggesting
that it served mainly for storage, food preparation, and cra activity,
and/or possibly animal pens.
4
1
e term “in situ” can be ambiguous and has alternative meanings (Hodder and
Orton 1976: 32). Here the term means “the nd-spot of an artifact—its original posi-
tion of discovery” (Schiffer 1996: 17).
2
e assumption was that the larger and denser the concentration of restorable
sherds in one area is, the more likely it is that this area is where the vessel was broken
(Daviau 1993: 29); it is less certain whether it follows that this is also where the vessel
was regularly used.
3
A detailed discussion of the methodology of this study and complete details of the
contents of both houses and the distribution of nds are presented in Panitz-Cohen
2006a.
4
In her analysis of this house, Daviau (1993: 318) contended that this area func-
tioned as a “primary food preparation area,” also noting that it probably served as
the main living room. Her conclusions, however, were based on limited preliminary
publication of the nds in Building 475, as she aptly notes.
88 nava panitz-cohen
Table 1. Comparative distribution of pottery vessels in Buildings 475 and
315 (percentages rounded off)
Building 475 Building 315
Outer dimensions 179.5 sq m 149.8 sq m
Net oor space 77 sq m 95.6 sq m
Class N % N %
Bowls 39 26
23 27
Chalices 2 2
1 2
Goblets – 1
– 1
Kraters 3 6
26
Cooking pots 28 12
16 12
Storage jars 40 15
23 15
Biconical vessels 4 3
23
Jugs 25 13
14 13
Juglets 4 3
23
Lamps 3 1
21
Stands – 1
– 1
Funnels 4 2
22
Imports 18 12
12 12
Total in building 170 97
a tale of two houses 89
Fourteen vessels were found in situ in the entrance space, including
ve storage jars, two bowls, one krater, two jugs, and two lamps, as
well as two imported Base Ring juglets. In addition, this area con-
tained four non-pottery objects, including the only scarab found in
this building, a spindle whorl, and a bronze arrowhead.
By far the largest concentration of vessels was found in the south-
ernmost of the two small rooms in the northwest of the building, with
63 vessels in an area of only 6.6 m
2
. e corner containing most of the
vessels had a thick layer of black organic burnt material, suggesting
that there might have been shelves and/or mats here. is large assem-
blage contained nineteen storage jars, thirteen cooking pots, twelve
bowls, and eight jugs, as well as a few lamps, funnels, juglets, biconical
vessels, and Cypriot imports. Several of the storage jars were painted,
including a small jar with a unique processional scene (Panitz-Cohen
and Mazar 2006: 395, Pl. 31: 1). e small objects found here included
several pestles, hammerstones, and a weight. e contents of the room
do not shed light on any particular function; perhaps it served as a
kind of pantry.
e northernmost of the two small rooms contained 35 vessels
in a somewhat larger space (8.9 m
2
), including twelve storage jars,
ten bowls, seven jugs, four cooking pots, a chalice, and a biconical
amphora. e nds from this room do not suggest a specic function,
although the relatively large number of storage jars might imply that
it was used for storage.
While ethnographic studies show that closed-o rooms such as
these two found in the west of the building oen serve as dwellings
Table 2. Typological variability per building: number of types per class
Class Building 475 Building 315
No. of types No. of types
Bowls 5 7
Chalices/Goblets 1 2
Kraters 2 1
Cooking pots 1 1
Storage jars 1 1
Biconical vessels 3 3
Jugs 3 3
Juglets 2 2
Lamps 2 2
90 nava panitz-cohen
for nuclear families within the wider extended clan (Kramer 1979),
5
the very large number of vessels found in these rooms seems to pre-
clude such a use, at least at the time of the house’s destruction. A
couple with two or three small children inhabiting a room of some
6.6 m
2
that contains 63 vessels including storage jars would seem to
be too crowded for comfort. However, the possibility does exist that
the presence of so many vessels in this room was the result of some
contingency, emergency, or temporary situation and that in routine
times, this room did serve as a dwelling unit for a nuclear family.
e western part of Building 475 had a narrow row of small cham-
bers that had no entrances and were possibly accessed from an upper
oor. Fourteen vessels were recovered from the northernmost cham-
ber, which measured only 3.4 m
2
, including six bowls and two of each
of the following: cooking pots, storage jars, Cypriot imports, and
funnels. e nds from the middle chamber included one bowl, one
cooking pot, three storage jars, and four Cypriot imports; however, as
opposed to the northern room where complete restorable vessels were
recovered, the latter contained mainly sherds. e two southernmost
cells were found empty. us, the assumption that these were storage
cells (Mazar 1997b: 57) is not supported by the recovered contents.
However, it may be that these small spaces contained seasonal deposits
of grain, but were not in use at the time of destruction; we might then
be able to infer the season in which the house was destroyed.
Although the building had a stairway, the depth of accumulation
and dispersion of the nds did not clearly indicate the existence of
two stories. Perhaps the staircase accessed the roof, which might have
been used for various purposes, such as storage, seasonal entertaining
or sleeping (Daviau 1993: 39). It is possible that the second story was
only partial or the construction of another house on top of this one
removed any remains. It seems that the entire house was roofed based
on the small adjoining rooms in the west and the column bases run-
ning through the larger hall to the east.
e assemblage recovered from this house reects a functional
household repertory, with bowls (23%) and storage jars (23%) being
the most plentiful, followed by cooking pots (16%) and jugs (14%). All
5
Alongside the purely functional aspect of such subdivisions, the social signicance
of how the house plan shaped interaction and the distribution of power is discussed
in various studies (i.e., Nielsen 1995; Faust 1999, 2003).
a tale of two houses 91
the vessels from this building were locally made (Panitz-Cohen 2006b:
12–26), aside from the Cypriot imports. e latter could have fullled
the role of ne tableware or might have been containers for some pre-
cious commodity. No luxury items such as jewelry were found in this
building; it is possible that the inhabitants were able to ee with their
portable possessions before the destruction. Indeed, no skeletons were
found in this house as in the subsequent dwelling. Alternatively, small
luxury items could have been looted in antiquity aer the destruction.
e small number of kraters (3) suggests that food preparation was
carried out in dierent vessels, possibly in large bowls or in the cook-
ing pots themselves, in jugs, or in other vessels of various materials
(Meadows 1997: 24). Cooking was not conducted indoors, although
the cooking pots were kept inside.
Building 315
Building 315 was apparently constructed very soon aer the destruc-
tion of the previous house, as three of the outer walls were rebuilt and
several elements continued to be used (Mazar 1997b: 58–65). is new
house was smaller, as the western wing of the earlier house was demol-
ished and a street was built on top of it. It should be noted, however,
that Building 315 had more oor space than the earlier Building 475
due to the lack of any interior division of rooms (Fig. 2).
Of the 97 vessels found in the destruction debris of this building,
more than half were discovered in situ. e over one meter of debris
contained two distinct layers of nds: an upper layer, which had most
likely fallen from an upper story, and a lower layer, which was found
on or near the oor. Although the distinction between the two was
not always entirely clear, the division can still inform of the build-
ing’s use, as well as its destruction. A relatively large number of small
objects and luxury items (see below), such as a Base Ring bull rhyton,
a unique Cypriot White Shaved spindle bottle, cylinder seals, scarabs,
beads, and a pair of bronze cymbals (all published in Panitz-Cohen
and Mazar 2006) were found in the upper layer and had perhaps been
in use in the private quarters that might have occupied the top story.
Small artifacts, especially those of some value, are oen considered
good indicators of the main living rooms of a house (Daviau 1993: 53).
e building was divided into three long spaces by two rows of
north–south pillars. Finds in the eastern space came mainly from its