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of the panzer corridor, and now, as the Germans swung south for
the second phase of the campaign. There was heavy fighting on the
Somme, and the French 4th Armoured Division under de Gaulle
launched a vigorous counterattack near Abbeville in late May,
though it lacked the weight to do serious damage. 7th Panzer
Division, under Rommel, marked out by his success during the
campaign as one of the German Army's rising stars, snatched a
crossing over the Somme on June 5, badly denting French
confidence. Nevertheless, French troops fought on, sometimes with
the courage of desperation: the cavalry cadets at Saumur held the
crossings of the Loire for two days against superior forces. And,
despite Dunkirk, there were still British troops engaged. The 51st
Highland Division made a fighting retreat to the coast, and was
eventually forced to surrender at St Valery-en-Caux on June 12, and
other British and Canadian troops were evacuated from Normandy
after a dispiriting campaign. The Germans entered Paris on June
14. Marshal Petain, the aged hero of the First World War battle of
Verdun, took over as premier, and an armistice was signed on the
June 22 - in the same railway carriage in which the 1918 armistice
had been concluded.
France was now out of the war and divided between
Occupied and Unoccupied Zones. Its government, the Etat
Français, which replaced the Third Republic, was established in
the little spa town of Vichy. Not all Frenchmen were prepared to
accept the verdict of 1940. Charles de Gaulle, an acting brigadier
general and, briefly, member of the Reynaud government, flew to
England, denounced the armistice, telling his countrymen that
France had lost the battle but not the war, and set up a provisional
national committee which the British speedily recognized.
However, the creation of Free France left hard questions
unanswered. The British were concerned that the Germans would
lay hands on the powerful French fleet, and were unaware of the
fact that Petain's navy minister, Admiral Darlan, had made it clear
to his captains that this never to occur. On July 3, after unsatisfac-
tory negotiations, a French squadron at anchor at Mers-el-Kebir
was bombarded by a British force under Admiral Somerville. The
episode, rendered all the more painful by the fact that Britain and
France had fought as allies only weeks before, did at least have the
important effect of displaying British determination to the world,
and not least to the neutral United States and its President,
Franklin D. Roosevelt.
In the aftermath of the fall of France Churchill told his
countrymen that: "Hitler knows that he will have to break us in
this island or lose the war." Although Hitler was at first indifferent
to the idea of invading England he soon warmed to the idea, and
on July 16 he issued a directive outlining Operation Sealion. His
navy began to assemble barges for the crossing, while the Luftwaffe
prepared to fight for the air superiority upon which it would hinge.
Some German historians have emphasized that Sealion's chances
were so poor than it cannot be taken seriously, and one has written:
"The navy unquestionably gave Sealion no chance of succeeding."
The essential preconditions for invasion were never achieved.
In mid-August the Germans, their bases now far closer than had
ever been envisaged by prewar British planners. If they had weight
of numbers on their side, they were handicapped by the fact that
radar, some of it installed in the very nick of time, gave warning of
their approach, and that the balance of pilot attrition told against
them because much of the fighting took place over British soil.
While RAF pilots who crash-landed or escaped by parachute were
soon back in the battle (sometimes the same day) Germans who
baled out over Britain were captured. Nor was German strategy
well-directed, and for this Hermann Goring, Commander-in-Chief
of the Luftwaffe, must shoulder much of the blame. Early in
September, at the very moment that the RAF's battered airfields
were creaking under the strain, the weight of the air campaign
was shifted to Britain's cities. Black Saturday, September 7, was
the first day of the air offensive against London, and although the
blitz left an enduring mark on the capital and its population, it did
not break morale. It was a terrible portent for the future. In
December Air Marshal Arthur Harris, later to be commander in
chief of the RAF's Bomber Command, stood on the Air Ministry
roof with Sir Charles Portal, later chief of the air staff, and
watched the city of London in flames. As they turned to go, Harris
said: "Well, they are sowing the wind ..."
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