Tsutsui W.M. A Companion to japanese histоry

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authority of ancient times, formal authority in the medieval shrine organization (za)

was predominantly male.

The body of documents left by commoners contain little

informat ion on women’s daily life and activities. Visual materials, such as pictorial

scrolls, help to sugge st how men and women may have participated in a flourishing

economy with a variety of mercantile and productive enterprises, as well as forms of

entertainment.

A Moment of Peace and Order

The articulation of the ie (the androcentric corporate and continuing ‘‘household’’),

diminution of women’s property rights, and proliferation of moralistic discourses,

combined with an expanding economy, the rising education rate, and greater em-

ployment opportunities, characterized the rapidly changing gender relations in the

early modern times of peace and order. When Hideyoshi definitively ended the period

of the ‘‘country-at-war’’ by implementing the first national land survey in the 1590s,

he swept away the legacy of the medieval estate system with layered landed interests,

including those of women, and ins tituted a new system of land registry that

listed mostly men. Building on Hideyoshi’s measures, which separated the samurai

from the peasants, Tokugawa Ieyasu further enumerated and classified the population

into clearly defined status categories (mibun: samurai, peasants, and artisan-

merchants or townsp eople). The idealized Neo-Confucian vision of hierarchy defined

each group’s own social and economic functions (yaku) and status-appropriate

behavior, environment, housing, and even tools . Differences between statuses

within the imagined organic whole defined and supported the ideal realm, but gender

as a category often superseded the significance invested in the status-based differ-

ences. ‘‘Women’’ (onna) were named as a naturalized category and often received

special attention, separate from men, who usually were the ungendered, universal

‘‘humans’’ (hito).

Practice

Samurai, the ruling group for whi ch the well-being of the ie mattered most, derived

income, representing benefice, from their position in the bureaucracy headed by the

sho

gun or daimyo

. The bakufu bureaucracy was a male preserve, except for the

female-exclusive inner quarter. The income-benefice and associated duties of each

samurai house at all levels descended patrilineally to the male heir. In early Tokugawa

times, sengoku-period exceptionality sometimes guided the samurai’s ways, even

granting women an award. Chizuru received a fief worth 2,000 koku from her older

brother, Shimazu Iehisa, a tozama (or ‘‘outer’’) daimyo

, for serving, with her daugh-

ter, as the voluntary ‘‘hostages’’ to the Tokugawa from 1613 to 1619.

But as the

seventeenth century ended, land grants to women disappeared, save as trousseaux

given to the daughters of sho

gun and daimyo

, who maintained this land independent

of their husbands. The centralized regime prod uced many laws that formally dictated

how property was to be transmitted. The law of primoge niture was set in the Kyo

era (1716–35),

and a house without a biological son adopted a boy following

elaborate requirements, such as the adoption of a relative before a non-relative.

360 HITOMI TONOMURA

Reflecting patrilineal authority, a widow could not officially adopt a son, but a

husband without a wife could.

As an exception to the masculinist bureaucracy, the o

oku (Great Interior), or the

inner quarter of the shogunal household that biologically reproduced the shogunal

heir, maintained women on its official payroll.

Usually numbering around 300, but

900 under Ienari (eleventh sho

gun, r. 1787–1837), these women had their entire

existence rationalized to perpetuate the shogunal ie.

Each o

oku woman’s job

description (shoku) det ermined her pay, which came in gold and/or silver, rice, and

other forms.

Eight junior-level assistants (chu

) had sex with the sho

gun. The most

senior woman slept near the sho

gun and his night’s mate and reported on the night’s

activities to the elder (toshiyori) the next day. These women’s path to promotion and

the possibility of their demise depended on their own or their master’s reproductive

performance and sexual expression. Ejima (1681–17 41) began receiving a 400 koku

stipend five years into her job (1709) when her mistress Okiyo successfully gave birth

to the son of the sixth sho

gun, Ienobu. Ejima’s stipend increased to 600 koku when

the 4-year-old child was appoi nted as the seventh sho

gun, Ietsugu (1709–16).

Ejima occupied the highest post, O

doshiryori, but she was exiled for her reputed

sexual involvement with a kabuki actor. Meanwhile, in the imperial bureaucracy in

Kyoto, nyo

, wome n with a similar function as o

oku, also received incomes ranging

from 100 to 200 koku and exerted tremendous influence as middlewomen between

ministers and the emperor.

Peasant women, too, gradually lost property rights around the end of the seven-

teenth century. The government may have been ahead of the family in invalidating

female property rights. Seizaemon in 1700 wrote a bequest assigning his land and

wealth jointly to his wife and their adopted son. Seizaemon died a yea r later, prompt-

ing the widow to officially document the transfer of the rights. The office disallowed

this transaction; the adopted son was to be the sole holder of the estate who would

provide some income as a ‘‘widow’s portion.’’

Women’s actual rights were also

sometimes hidde n behind the facade of androcentric documentation. In 1637 So

mon, a well-to-do peasant, granted his paddies and fields to one son and allocated the

harvest from these lands in an equal division to him and his three sisters, while

dispensing silver cash in the ratio of four to six between the son and daughters.

Although the daughters thus received income, if not gender parity, the government’s

record shows only the son’s name as the designated taxpayer.

Women in the merchant class, especially in large cities, had the greatest freedom to

possess and manage wealth. The n umerous acknowledgments of debt from Kyoto

residents with female names, which were signed singly or jointly, are evidence of the

pattern of female property rights in both household goods and land. Seventeenth-

and eighteenth-century publications depict a large number of shop and job types that

were oriented toward women, from the making of cloth and fans to the selling of

sake, vinegar, and vegetables, and even the matchmaking of a lactating woman with a

nursing baby.

The Mitsui, the grand merchant house that rose in the seventeenth

century, owed its initial success to the work of the founder’s mother, according to

Mitsui records.

Regulations to restrict ‘‘female names’’ from household headships

were passed in Osaka in 1730 and in Kyoto in 1751, apparently to no avail. According

to Yasukuni, these regulations in fact were intended less to restrict female headships

than to legislate the burgeoning sex-related shops.

WOMEN AND SEXUALITY IN PREMODERN JAPAN 361

Owing to peace, stability, and prosperity, the magnificent and thriving urban

culture, equated with the Buddhist notion of the ‘‘floating world’’ of suspended

time and space, developed around prostitution, which in turn provided material and

fed the imagination for art forms such as kabuki, books, painting, and sumo

. The

erotic pursuits that dominated the literary and visual spaces showed flexibility in love-

object choices. In all combinations depicted in art – an adult male and a younger

male, an adult male and a female, women and women, or women and young men –

however, the primary gaze was that of the adult male. Continuing the patt ern

from pre-Tokugawa times, there was no official censure of sexuality per se, but

adultery was severely punished, differing according to the status of those involved

and the circumstances. It would also be a mistake to imagine that female sexuality in

general went unscathed. Sone Hiromi has depicted the Tokugawa sex industry’s grim

hierarchy and the vulnerability of women engaged in it. Instances of sexual assault and

the harassment of employed servant women in both urban and village settings,

often by a group of young men, appear in official records and journals of village

headmen.

Discourse

As moralists proffered opinions, boosting the philosophical foundation of the new

Tokugawa order, the economy boomed, publication houses multiplied, and dis-

courses abounded. Amidst this abundance, men and women of all status groups

bore the burden of moral education.

Among all texts aimed at exhorting womanly

virtues, none is equal in notoriety to The Greater Learning for Women (Onna

daigaku, published in the early eighteenth century), probably incorrectly attributed

to the Confucian scholar, Kaibara Ekiken (1630–1714).

In standard scholarship,

The Greater Learning stands as an archetypal representation of the oppressive feudal

system; it epitomizes the inferiority of women by ‘‘encapsulat[ing] the discourse that

subordinates women to their husbands (and /or their houses) and entrap[ping] them

within the home, based on a gendered division of labor for housework, reproduction,

and child rearing.’’

The text indeed spells out the classic Neo-Confucian principles

of ‘‘seven reasons’’ for divorcing a wife and the essential moral ‘‘illnesses’’ (yamai)

from which ‘‘at least seven or eight out of ten’’ women suffer, including disobedi-

ence, anger, slander, jealousy, and stupidity. Women have no master but the husband

who is lord and Heaven.

Similar Confucian language had appeared in the Yo

ritsuryo

code of the eighth century and other moralistic texts in the medieval age,

but, unlike the earlier writings with their limited audience and influence, The Greater

Learning was widely circulated and reached all classes of people, down to ordinary

farm women, and thus by logic had an enormous impact on how society and women

themselves viewed the female gende r.

A closer reading of The Greater Learning and a better understanding of its discur-

sive position, writing structure, and the social context in which it came to be written

and disseminated, can offer alternative ways to appreciate its message and significance.

The popularity of the text must attest to its usefulness, rather than oppressive quality,

for it served as a practical parental manual for raising daughters and a girls’ instruc-

tional booklet for acquiring winning manners in situations that occur beyond the

home. The text’s subtext is concer n for a daughter’s life in marriage. Girls require a

362 HITOMI TONOMURA

stricter upbringing than do boys because they will leave one home to go to another to

serve their in-laws, with the possibility of shameful eviction should relations suffer. It

is a mistake for a wife to blame her husband and his family; the blame is on the parents

who failed to raise her properly. The text includes precise instructions, for example,

on how to manage a husband’s debauchery: admonish him in a gentle voice without

being jealous and, if unheeded, repeat the admonition after his heart has calmed. It

recommends that the woman not be lured into divination or pray indiscriminately;

before reaching the age of 40, she should avoid crowded places such as temples and

shrines, and should not see such lewd acts as kabuki and jo

ruri; she should be modest

in drinking tea and sake.

As Martha Tocco has elucidated, the structure of writing in The Greater Learning

also served as a textbook for the ABCs in writing and reading, both in Japanese and in

‘‘male letters,’’ that is, Chinese, in a society that was deeply committed to the reading

and writing of complex written forms.

Yokota Fuyuhiko evaluates The Greater

Learning as a text situated in a multidimensional discourse that emerg ed from the

context of increasing commercialization and opportunities for outside work. He

notes that The Greater Learning was one chapter in Onna daigaku takarabako (A

Treasure Chest of Greater Learning for Women, first published 1716), which con-

tained a variety of moralistic, educational, and practical materials, such as descriptions

of occupations performed by women, poems in The Tale of Genji, biograp hies of filial

children in China, and instructive tips on raising children and administering emer-

gency medical treatment. The Treasure Chest itself was also one of many writings on

female occupations that flooded the market. Yokota contends that the value of The

Greater Learning is its relationship to the realistic Tokugawa context, in which most

women’s work situations involved potentially sexualized service work. The Greater

Learning helped women to understand how to cultivate the exemplary behavior

necessary for ‘‘protect[ing] the mselves from the accusation of being sexually corr upt-

ible’’ in the workplace.

To what extent, then, did the ideals presented in The Greater Learning for Women

correspond to the reality? We probe this question by focusing on divorce which, the

text states, can result from ‘‘seven leaves’’ and represents women’s ‘‘life’s shame.’’

No divorce or mar riage was formal ly registered, but Laurel Cornell used household

registration (shu

mon aratamecho

) and deduced a ratio of one divorce in five to nine

marriages, depending on the rate of marrying in or out of the village.

‘‘Divorce was

a common feature of life in the Edo period,’’ which cut across status and regional

differences, declares Har ald Fuess.

Does this finding mean that many women

apparently were subjected to ‘‘seven leaves’’ and lived ‘‘a life of shame’’? The

prevalence of the ‘‘three-and-a-half line’’ divorce announcement of the husband,

which gave no specific reason, seems to attest to the vulnerable position of women.

Recent studies provide a more complex picture, however. Despite the husband’s

signature on the ‘‘three-and-a-half line,’’ many divorces were initiated by the

woman or her parents, who demanded this statement in order to facilitate the

woman’s remarriage, which was also frequent, contrary to the Confucian dictum

that ‘‘a virtuous woman takes not two husbands.’’

The ideals embodied in The Greater Learning for Women also contradict the

specific provisions set forth in the bakufu’s laws. Upon marriage, The Greater Learn-

ing states, a woman was to serve her parents-in-law ‘‘more dutifully than she does her

WOMEN AND SEXUALITY IN PREMODERN JAPAN 363

own’’ because she ‘‘succeeds not to her own parents but to her father- and mother-

in-law.’’

The bakufu’s mourning rules (bukkiryo

), issued in 1684 and revised five

times by 1734, define one’s proximity to family relations in terms of the number of

avoidance and mourning days after death and other taboos. Accordingly, for her own

parents, a wife is to observe 50 days of avoidance and 13 months of mourning, but for

her parents-in-law, only 30 days and 150 days respectively. A wife had no obligations

toward her husband’s family members, except for her husband and parents-in-law. A

wife’s mourning duties for her natal family members did not change upon marriage.

For a wife’s death, no one other than her husband on his side of family had

obligations.

Therefore, laws did not elevate in-laws above a woman’s own par-

ents.

The gap between the language in The Greater Learning and social customs

and bakufu laws illustrates the danger of the historiographical tendency to mistake a

discursive formulation for actual gender relations.

This is not to say that Confucian virtues were ignored by the authorities or the

people. As the founding ideals of stability confronted growing signs of social and

economic transformation, the political authorities campaigned for Confucian moral

virtues, for example, by establishing a reward system and publishing its news through-

out the count ry in such documents as the Kankoku ko

giroku (Official Records of Filial

Piety, c.179 0s). The eleven types of virtues were mostly awarded to men, loyalty

leading the list for the samurai and filial piety for the peasant men. For women,

unsurprisingly, chastity topp ed all.

The variety of discourses that abounded in Tokugawa society included ‘‘national

learning’’ ( kokugaku) and ‘‘Dutch learning’’ (rangaku). Kamo no Mabuchi (1697–

1769), a national learning scholar, for example, emphasized the maternal origin of

Japan’s antiquity.

In her ‘‘Solitary Thoughts’’ (‘‘Hitori kangae’’), Tadano Makuzu

(1763–1825) criticized Confucianism’s male-centered views which she deemed

poorly suited to the Japanese heart. Makuzu’s writing suggests her exposure to

various intellectual influences and in turn reminds us of the deeply complex and

transformative social dynamic that underlies the more obvious Neo-Confucian dic-

tum. It is unfortunate that Takizawa Bakin, an author and publisher, to whom she

submitted her work, only circulated it privately.

Conclusion

This chapter has sought to present dimensions of the gendered histories of Japan

from ancient through early modern times with a focus on women. Women’s real life

situations varied tremendously, as did men’s, depending on factors such as class,

status, natal region, economic resources, and family composition. A history of

women should show this variety from the perspective of the women themselves, if

possible, to avoid complicit engagement with the views of the authorities that often

took women as one, and even more often, as an essential category. Our task is

difficult, however, for what we can know about each group at any time depends on

the availability of sources. The imbalance in the quantity and quality of sources has

pushed me to focus, u nevenly and inconsistently, on the ancient aristocrats and the

medieval warriors. The Tokugawa period posed a different problem of information

overload, which made any act of generalization dangerously simplistic. This modest

364 HITOMI TONOMURA

chapter hardly is a summary of premoder n Japanese women’s history. Such a sum-

mary would be as impossible to produce as one of men’s history for the same

millennium and a quarter.

NOTES

1 Sekiguchi, ‘‘The Patriarchal Family Paradigm,’’ p. 27.

2 Wakita, Hayashi, and Nagahara, eds., Nihon joseishi, pp. 28–9; Yoshikawa, ‘‘Ritsuryo

kokka,’’ pp. 106–40; Nomura, Ko

kyu

to jokan, pp. 18–27.

3 Embedded in the modern norm of masculine imperial rule, the old views position female

emperors first as wives and mothers and code their abdication as forfeiture – an aspect of

their ‘‘fill-in’’ role, in contrast to the purpose and power assigned to male emperors’

abdications. If women indeed served as intermediaries, why more such ‘‘intermediaries’’

were not installed to avoid the crisis that occurred between 770 and 1630 is a question

that these views do not address. Yoshie, ‘‘Kodai joteiron,’’ p. 23, and Tsurumi, ‘‘The Male

Present,’’ also addresses this historiographical bias.

4 Lu, Japan, pp. 11–14.

5 Naito

Torajiro

and Shiratori Kurakichi presented and established this view in 1910 (Yoshie,

Tsukurareta Himiko, p. 191; see Piggott, ‘‘Chieftain Pairs,’’ for more on co-rule).

6So

Joseishi Kenkyu

kai, ed., Nihon josei no rekishi, pp. 28–9; Wakita, Hayashi, and

Nagahara, eds., Nihon joseishi, pp. 16–17.

7So

Joseishi Kenkyu

kai, ed., Nihon josei no rekishi, p. 25; Makabe, who organized burial

site data according to the size of mound, sex, and region, has found that larger tombs in

Kyu

shu

tended to have more females than males, while in the northeast larger tombs had

more males. As for smaller mounds, she found those in Kyu

shu

contained more males than

females, and those in the northeast about the same number of each (Makabe, ‘‘Kofun to

josei,’’ pp. 12–13).

8 Aston, trans., Nihongi, pp. 224–53.

9 An entry for the twelfth year, ninth month, fifth day, of Emperor Keiko

. Aston romanizes

her name Kamu-nashi-hime. The entry continues: ‘‘When she heard that the Emperor’s

messengers had ar rived, she . . . addressed them, saying: ‘I beseech you, do not have

recourse to arms. None of my people, I assure you, are rebellious. They will presently

submit themselves to virtue. But there are mischievous brigands. The name of one is

Hanatari’ ’’ (Aston, trans., Nihongi, pp. 192–3; So

Joseishi Kenkyu

kai, ed., Shiryo

miru Nihon josei, p. 2).

10 For references to Amaterasu see Philippi, trans., Kojiki, glossary, p. 454; for references to

the Sun Goddess see Aston, trans., Nihongi, index, p. 441.

11 The Meiji Imperial House Law made female succession illegal but recognized the acces-

sion of sons born from a non-primary wife, thereby insuring the availability of sons. After

the Pacific War, the Imperial Household Act of 1947 reconfirmed exclusion of females

from the imperial succession, but without the provision for multiple wives, thus setting

the stage for the current problem of there being no male issue to succeed to the throne

(Yoshie, ‘‘Kodai joteiron,’’ pp. 45–6).

12 Suiko, Kyo

goku, Jito

, and Gemmei had husbands and produced children. Gensho

and

ken/Sho

toku, as well as the two Tokugawa female emperors, had no husbands.

13 Yoshie, ‘‘Kodai joteiron,’’ pp. 38–40; Piggott, ‘‘The Last Classical Female Sovereign.’’

On female emperors as imperial daughters, see Fukuto

, Rekishi no naka no ko

jotachi;

Nishino, ‘‘Kodai.’’

14 Sekiguchi, ‘‘The Patriarchal Family Paradigm,’’ p. 28; Yoshie, ‘‘Gender,’’ pp. 439–48.

15 For translation of some of the codes, see Lu, Japan, pp. 33–6.

WOMEN AND SEXUALITY IN PREMODERN JAPAN 365

16 See Philippi, trans., Kojiki; Aoki, Izumo no kuni fudoki, and Aoki, trans., Records of Wind

and Earth for translation of Fudoki ; Aoki, Ancient Myths, pp. 143–55, for songfest.

17 Yoshie, ‘‘Kodai no kazoku,’’ pp. 220–1.

18 Wakita, Hayashi, and Nagahara, eds., Nihon joseishi, pp. 31–2; Inoue et al., eds., Nihon

shiso

taikei, 3, pp. 225–61, 548–72.

19 Wakita, Hayashi, and Nagahara, eds., Nihon joseishi, p. 26.

20 Inoue et al., eds., Nihon shiso

taikei, 3, pp. 456, 461, 462.

21 Yoshie, ‘‘Kodai no mura,’’ p. 144.

22 Articles 26 and 27 on marriage formalities and adultery.

23 Inoue et al., eds., Nihon shiso

taikei, 3, p. 564; Lu, Japan, pp. 35–6.

24 See Murasaki, The Tale of Genji. One’s mother and father transmitted the lineage-based

prestige. The bloodline resulting from sexual activities was significant, but parenthood

without them, that is adoption, also served the purpose. The highest ranking example of

adoption is the previously mentioned Hachijo

-in, who was a daughter of Emperor Toba

and also a younger sister of Emperor Goshirakawa by a different mother. Though single,

she adopted Goshirakawa’s second son, Prince Mochihito (1151–80), and his daughter.

She supported Mochihito in the Genpei War against the Taira. After his demise, she

continued her protection of Mochihito’s daughter. She created ties with both the defeated

Taira and the victorious Minamoto, and amassed the largest block of estates in the

country. Mochihito’s real mother was a Fujiwara but not of the regency line, a negative

factor against his becoming a crown prince (So

Joseishi Kenkyu

kai, ed., Shiryo

ni miru

Nihon josei, pp. 69–70). On sexuality, see Tonomura, ‘‘Black Hair and Red Trousers.’’

25 To

no, ‘‘Nikki ni miru Fujiwara Yorinaga’’; Gomi, Inseiki shakai, pp. 416–41; Fukuto

Heiancho

no onna , pp. 150–64.

26 Tonomura, ‘‘Women and Inheritance,’’ pp. 595–608.

27 Ibid., pp. 608–33.

28 Azuma kagami addresses Masako as ‘‘Niidono,’’ Madame Junior Second Rank, an

honorable aristocratic rank conferred upon her by the imperial government, and identifies

the six years of her quasi-shogunal rule as ‘‘the time of Niidono.’’ Jealousy was one of the

seven Confucian female obstructions but Masako had a vassal destroy the house where the

mistress was kept; Yoritomo cut off the poor vassal’s topknot (Tabata, Ho

Masako,

pp. 18–19).

29 Nomura, ‘‘Chu

sei josei,’’ p. 179; Wakita, Chu

sei ni ikiru onnatachi; Tabata, Ho

Masako.

30 Fujiki, Zo

hyo

tachi no senjo

, and Fujiki, Sengoku no mura , esp. ch. 3.

31 Azuma kagami, vol. 17, entries for 1201.6.28 and 29, in Kishi, Zenyaku Azuma kagami,

vol. 3, pp. 55–6. In the final analysis, it was her reproductive capacity that was ultimately

valued (by men).

32 McCullough, The Tale of the Heike, pp. 291–3.

33 Ebisawa, ‘‘15 seiki no senso

,’’ pp. 90–5.

34 Wakita, Hayashi, and Nagahara, eds., Nihon joseishi, p. 106.

35 Tonomura, ‘‘Sexual Violence against Women,’’ pp. 138–45.

36 The Date, the Mo

ri, and the Rokkaku had similar provisions for daughters and widows

(Jinkaishu

, no. 104, in Ishii et al., eds., Chu

sei seiji shakai shiso

, p. 228; Rokkakushi

shikimoku, no. 48, in Ishii et al., eds., Chu

sei seiji shakai shiso

, p. 295; Wakita, Hayashi,

and Nagahara, eds., Nihon joseishi, p. 115; Nagano, ‘‘Bakuhanho

to josei,’’ p. 167).

37 Wakita, Hayashi, and Nagahara, eds., Nihon joseishi, p. 102.

38 See, for example, the prescription written by Ho

Gen an, in Ho

, ‘‘Ho

Gen an

oboegaki.’’

39 Tonomura, Community and Commerce, pp. 57–61.

40 See, for example, the late sixth-century version of Rakuchu

rakugai zu, ‘‘scenes from in

and out of the capital city’’ (Okami and Satake, Hyo

chu

rakuchu

rakugai byo

bu).

366 HITOMI TONOMURA

41 Note that the ‘‘hostage’’ practice was an extension of a daimyo

-initiated sengoku practice.

Chizuru was then a widow. Her brother had killed her father-in-law, and the brothers and

mother of her husband had also been executed. In 1619 her daughter married a nephew

of Tokugawa Ieyasu, and Chizuru went home to marry Shimazu Hisamoto for the second

time. Note also that remarriage continued to be practiced uncensured, and was often

encouraged (So

Joseishi Kenkyu

kai, ed., Shiryo

ni miru Nihon josei, pp. 90–2).

42 Wakita, Hayashi, and Nagahara, eds., Nihon joseishi, p. 119.

43 Nagano, ‘‘Bakuhanho

to josei,’’ pp. 166–9.

44 Totman, Politics in the Tokugawa Bakufu , p. 97, describes the women’s quarter in

Chiyoda Castle.

45 Yanagi, ‘‘Josei no seikatsu ku

kan,’’ p. 390. The only primary wife of a Tokugawa sho

gun

who bore a surviving child was the wife of the second sho

gun Hidetada (r. 1605–23).

46 So

Joseishi Kenkyu

kai, ed., Nihon josei no rekishi, p. 149.

47 Yanagi, ‘‘Josei no seikatsu ku

kan,’’ p. 388.

48 So

Joseishi Kenkyu

kai, ed., Nihon josei no rekishi, p. 151.

49 Miyashita, ‘‘Kinsei zenki ni okeru ie,’’ pp. 11–19.

50 Yasukuni, ‘‘Kinsei Kyo

to,’’ p. 88.

51 ‘‘The origin of the Mitsui business is this Juho

(mother),’’ states ‘‘Sho

baiki,’’

written by Takaharu, third son of Takatoshi, the founder (Hayashi, ‘‘Machiya josei,’’

pp. 96–9).

52 So

Joseishi Kenkyu

kai, ed., Nihon josei no rekishi, p. 152; Yasukuni, ‘‘Kinsei Kyo

to,’’

p. 75.

53 See Pflugfelder, Cartographies of Desire, on male–male sex; Sone, Terashima, and Walthall,

trans., ‘‘Prostitution and Public Authority,’’ on prostitution; Nagano, ‘‘No

son in okeru

josei,’’ pp. 60–4, on assault.

54 Sugano, ‘‘State Indoctrination of Filial Piety,’’ pp. 170–1.

55 Sakai, ‘‘Kaibara Ekken,’’ pp. 43–56. One must be careful in reading the introduction to

this translation, which reflects the 1930s essentialized view of Japanese women (Araki and

Inoue, Nihon shiso

taikei, 34, pp. 202–5).

56 Yokota, ‘‘Imagining Working Women,’’ p. 153.

57 Sakai, ‘‘Kaibara Ekken,’’ pp. 51–2; Araki and Inoue, Nihon shiso

taikei, 34, pp. 202–3.

58 Yo

code, for example, no. 28 in ‘‘koryo

,’’ in Inoue et al., eds., Nihon shiso

taikei,3,

p. 234. See Morrell, ‘‘Mirror for Women,’’ for a medieval example.

59 Yokota, ‘‘Imagining Working Women,’’ p. 154.

60 Araki and Inoue, Nihon shiso

taikei, 34, pp. 203–4.

61 Tocco, ‘‘Women’s Education,’’ pp. 195, 200. The Greater Learning included both the

Japanese phonetic kana syllabary and Chinese characters, as well as the kana readings of

the Chinese characters. As with boys, girls’ education involved reading an abundance of

poems and Confucian classics such as The Book of Filial Duty and The Analects. Gender

differentiation developed after the age of 10, when the acquisition of sewing and weaving

skills redirected girls’ efforts (Kuwabara, ‘‘Kinseiteki kyo

bunka,’’ pp. 173–4).

62 Yokota, ‘‘Imagining Working Women,’’ pp. 155–65.

63 Sakai, ‘‘Kaibara Ekken,’’ p. 51.

64 Cornell, ‘‘Peasant Women and Divorce,’’ p. 718.

65 Fuess, Divorce in Japan, pp. 18–46, esp. p. 24.

66 Cornell, ‘‘Peasant Women and Divorce,’’ p. 724; Smith and Wiswell, The Women of Suye

Mura; Takagi, Naite waratte mikudarihan. The existence of ‘‘divorce temples,’’ namely

Mantokuji and To

keiji, has been misunderstood as evidence that women’s recourse to

divorce was to literally run into these temples. See Wright, ‘‘Severing the Karmic Ties that

Bind.’’

WOMEN AND SEXUALITY IN PREMODERN JAPAN 367

67 Sakai, ‘‘Kaibara Ekken,’’ pp. 52, 54. Other moralistic writings also elevated duties to in-

laws above those to the woman’s own parents (Miyashita, ‘‘Kinsei zenki ni okeru ie,’’

pp. 34–5).

68 Hayashi, ‘‘Ho

teki ho

men kara mita Edo jidai no yome,’’ pp. 159–60.

69 Earlier moralistic texts enjoined the wife to give the same degree of mourning to both sets

of parents, but later the language changed to give greater weight to the in-laws, as seen in

The Greater Learning (ibid., p. 179).

70 Sugano, ‘‘State Indoctrination of Filial Piety,’’ pp. 170–1.

71 Kamo no Mabuchi, ‘‘Nihimanabi,’’ quoted in Wakita, Hayashi, and Nagahara, eds., Nihon

joseishi, p. 174.

72 Kuwabara, ‘‘Kinseiteki kyo

bunka,’’ pp. 188–91. In English, see the translation and

commentary in Goodwin et al., trans., ‘‘Solitary Thoughts.’’

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